Oyo: Bandits, kidnappers or terrorists?

When, last December, the federal government officially classified kidnappers and violent armed groups as terrorists, the aim was in part, to make for proper identification of these groups and firm up the war against terrorism.

By consigning the era of ambiguous nomenclature ascribed to all manner of non-state actors to the dust bin of history, these criminals will no longer be treated as ordinary suspects as they face the full weight of counterterrorism. That was the level of positive sentiments evoked when the Minister of Information, Mohammed Idris declared, ‘Now the era of ambiguous nomenclature is over. If you terrorise our people, whether you are a group or you are an individual, you are a terrorist and will be classified as such. There is no name hiding under this again’.

Though the classifications neither named nor proscribe any of the known groups hiding under confusing garbs to commit heinous crimes, it struck as a positive step in scaling up counterterrorism operations in the country. Before then, many of these groups had been treated as ordinary criminals even as there is no visible dividing line between their criminal escapades and acts of terrorism.

This has tended to fuel suspicions of preferential treatment and reluctance on the part of the government to serious commitment to the prosecution of the war. Curiously, six months after the classification, the pronouncement is yet to go beyond the confines of the very office it was made.

Not only have such nomenclatures continued to dominate and define discussions, there appears official reluctance to identify and treat many of the infractions that have occurred since then as serious acts of terrorism. Not surprisingly, this mind frame has begun to impact very negatively on the handling of emerging acts of terrorism.

Abductors of more than 43 pupils and teachers from three schools in the Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State have been variously described as bandits, gunmen and kidnappers. Most of the references to the attackers have continued to identify them along these criminal tendencies even when they decapitated an innocent teacher for reasons that satisfy their bestial instincts.

There are hardly any references to them as terrorists. Neither does the classification define the responses of security agencies to the challenge.

Even then, the abductors’ posturing give further fillip to their classification as terrorists. These are manifest in their demands and conditions for the release of the captives. But they also expose the weaknesses between policy pronouncement and their implementation.

Though the abductors later compelled one of the kidnapped teachers to recant some of their demands, the reason for that damage control is not hard to fathom.

Originally, they had allegedly demanded the release of two detained terrorist commanders, payment of ransom, two Hilux vehicles and the implementation of Sharia law in Oyo State.

The names of the two commanders they seek their release were given as, Mahmud Usman, also known as Abu Bara’a or Abass Mukhtar and his deputy, Abubakar Abba, alias Isah Adam or Mahmud AL-Nigeri. They are said to be leaders of Jama’atu Ansarui Muslimeena Fii Bilaadis Sudan also known as Ansaru. It is a breakaway faction of Boko Haram.

The commanders who are said to be linked to many terrorism acts across the country were arrested between May and July last year. They are currently standing trial on terrorism charges.

Major General Abubakar Rabe (Rtd) and his wife were abducted while travelling to Katsina by those described as bandits. In a video circulated in the social media, the couple relayed the demands of their captures to include the release of three detained fighters and return of livestock allegedly seized during security operations. Rabe’s wife who appealed for help in Hausa language said the release of the fighters arrested in Jikamshi and Kano would facilitate their freedom.

There are common strands in the two incidents. The first is the general reference to the perpetrators of the abductions as bandits, gunmen and kidnappers. The second common denominator lies in the nature of demands for the release of their victim. They are asking for the release of detained terrorism commanders, fighters as well as the establishment of Sharia law in Oyo State in particular.

Of no less significance is the demand by Rabe’s abductors for the return of unidentified livestock said to have been seized by the security agencies during operations. These demands give out the ideological and occupational leanings of those involved in the two kidnapping incidents. They also reinforce the justification by the federal government in classifying all such groups as terrorists.

Beyond this, the demands expose the degenerate level the country has descended on account of metastasizing insecurity. The impression one gets from the demand for the release of arrested terrorism commanders, is that of intense competition for power between the terrorists and the government. The terrorists speak from positions of strength and are prepared to harm their victims if the authorities fail to heed their demands. That is how bad the situation has become.

It is a show of power-competition for influence and authority. It is a statement of strength. If the government has the powers to smoke them out from their hiding places and rescue the victims, the abductors will be scared stiff to dare their authorities. But they are so safe and secure in their comfort zones. That is what you get, when non-state actors compete intensely with the government for spheres of influence and control.

The purpose of the new video denying their earlier demands is not lost on anyone. It was a logical outcome of the opprobrium and avalanche of condemnations that trailed the demand for institutionalizing Sharia law in Oyo State and release of detained Boko Haram commanders. Their enablers saw belatedly that those demands gave out who they are and had to issue a rebuttal. Nobody is deceived!

But implicit in the two demands are the political, ideological and religious promptings of the abductors. Not only are those they are rooting for their release Boko Haram commanders, weird religious ideology is the propelling imperative of Boko Haram insurgency.

Does that leave anyone in doubt about those responsible for the Oyo school abductions? Yet, the authorities have had to address them as gunmen, bandits and kidnappers. So what happened to the classification of these groups as terrorists that should have the full force of counter terrorism mounted against them?

Is it surprising that the old approach to tackling the malfeasance- negotiations and ransom payment have continued to dominate discussions in the last three weeks of the victims’ captivity? That is the challenge that follows pronouncements that fail to translate into concrete actions.

The occupational leaning of the abductors of Rabe and his wife could also be decoded from their demand for the release of livestock seized from them during security operations. They are herdsmen. But they are also demanding for the release of three arrested fighters. Does that say something also?

It is time the authorities came to terms with the realities of the cascading insecurity. The threat of ‘A Bandits’ Republic’ which this column cautioned against in March 2021 is becoming a foreboding reality from the turn of events in Oyo State. It is a national security emergency requiring new approaches to fully re-establish the authority of the state over its constituents.

CPPE cautions FG against prolonged monetary tightening

Nigeria’s pursuit of macroeconomic stability could come at a significant cost to investment, job creation and long-term economic growth if policymakers sustain tight monetary policies and continue to rely heavily on foreign portfolio inflows, the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE) has warned.

The warning was contained in a statement issued on Sunday by the Chief Executive Officer of CPPE, Dr. Muda Yusuf, in response to the International Monetary Fund’s latest Article IV Consultation Report on Nigeria.

While acknowledging recent gains in restoring macroeconomic stability and investor confidence, the private sector advocacy group cautioned that the focus of economic management must now shift from stabilisation to inclusive growth and improved living standards.

‘Capital in the form of Foreign Portfolio Investments (FPI also known as hot money) is gravitating towards financial assets rather than productive assets,’ the organisation stated.

It added, ‘Hot money can stabilize an economy temporarily; productive investment is what transforms it permanently.’

According to CPPE, Nigeria’s current high-interest-rate environment is becoming increasingly restrictive for businesses, discouraging expansion, investment in productive capacity and job creation.

The organisation argued that although monetary tightening has helped moderate inflation and stabilise the foreign exchange market, there is growing concern that the economic costs of the policy may soon outweigh its benefits.

‘The challenge before policymakers is no longer merely one of economic stabilisation; it is increasingly one of inclusive prosperity,’ CPPE said.

The group further warned that prolonged high interest rates are raising the cost of domestic borrowing while worsening debt-service obligations for government.

It noted that a growing portion of public revenue is being spent on servicing debt, leaving less fiscal space for critical investments in infrastructure, healthcare, education and other sectors essential for economic growth.

CPPE, however, welcomed indications by the Federal Government that it intends to refinance parts of its debt portfolio in order to reduce borrowing costs and strengthen fiscal sustainability.

The organisation also defended the continued use of development finance interventions, insisting that sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, housing and infrastructure cannot depend solely on commercial lending due to structural financing constraints.

According to CPPE, commercial credit remains expensive, short-term and risk-averse, limiting access to the long-term capital required for economic transformation.

While recognising improvements in foreign reserves, capital inflows, corporate earnings and policy credibility, the group stressed that economic reforms should ultimately be judged by their impact on citizens’ welfare.

It agreed with the IMF’s concerns over persistent poverty and food insecurity, warning that exchange-rate stability, reserve accumulation and fiscal consolidation would have limited value if they fail to translate into lower food prices, higher incomes, better jobs and improved living standards for Nigerians.

CPPE said the economy is gradually emerging from a period of distortions and instability, but urged policymakers to ensure that the gains from reform are converted into broad-based prosperity.

The end of political copying

A fortnight ago, in this column, I explored the curious phenomenon of how Uganda appears to have made a Revolutionary out of a General.

The argument was not really about one individual. It was about a deeper shift in how citizens increasingly perceive power, legitimacy, and change. But perhaps Uganda is not the anomaly. Perhaps the world itself is changing.

For much of the 20th Century, politics revolved around familiar categories: capitalism versus socialism, Left versus Right, military versus civilian rule, democracy versus authoritarianism. Following the end of the Cold War, many believed history had settled on a winning formula. Nations were expected to follow a broadly similar path towards governance, economics, and development

Today, that confidence appears to be fading.

In the United States, ”America First” reflects a growing desire to place national priorities above global commitments. China openly argues that modernity does not require Westernisation. India increasingly presents itself as a civilisation with its own historical identity and destiny. In the Sahel, countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger speak the language of sovereignty and self-determination.

Across parts of South America, indigenous traditions and local philosophies are re-entering national conversations once dominated by imported ideologies.

Different countries. Different histories. Yet remarkably similar questions.

Who are we? And how should we govern ourselves?

What if the defining political divide of the 21st Century is no longer between Left and Right but between imitation and adaptation?

Uganda’s journey makes this question particularly interesting.

Unlike many nations, Uganda has never belonged comfortably to a single political tradition. Within little more than a century, it has experienced powerful kingdoms, colonial administration, Westminster democracy, military governments, the Movement system, multiparty politics, and the coexistence of traditional and modern institutions.

Few countries have experimented with so many models in such a short period.

The result is a population that is often less ideological and more pragmatic than outsiders realise. Ugandans have watched various systems arrive with promises of salvation. Each produced achievements. Each produced disappointments.

Perhaps that is why several citizens increasingly ask a simpler question: Does it work?

This may explain why a serving General can attract anti-establishment enthusiasm, why a ruling movement can still present itself as revolutionary after four decades in power, and why traditional institutions continue to command respect alongside modern political structures.

To outsiders, these contradictions appear confusing. To some Ugandans, they may simply reflect experience.

The same trend is becoming visible elsewhere. Countries increasingly seem less interested in whether a system resembles someone else’s model and is more interested in whether it reflects local realities, protects national interests, and delivers results.

This does not mean democracy is disappearing, nor that sovereignty automatically produces good governance. History is full of leaders who wrapped poor performance in the language of national pride.

But it does suggest that the age of political standardisation may be giving way to an age of political experimentation.

Ironically, Uganda may have arrived at this conversation earlier than most.

For decades, critics argued that Uganda did not fit neatly into established political categories. Today, neither does America. Neither does China. Neither does India. Neither does much of the developing world.

For generations, developing countries were told to study the world. Today, the world itself appears to be studying new ways of governing. From Washington to Beijing, from New Delhi to Ouagadougou, old certainties are fading, and new experiments are emerging.

The real question is no longer whether nations conform to a universal model.

It is whether they can build systems that reflect who they are, where they came from, and where they hope to go.

Medical interns: The cost of becoming a doctor

Uganda plans to phase out allowances for medical interns by July 2026, a move that has sparked concern among young doctors and hospital staff who say the change could deepen financial strain during one of the most demanding stages of medical training.

At Mulago National Referral Hospital, the morning rush begins long before sunrise. For medical intern Simon Kilama, it starts not with patients or prescriptions, but a quiet calculation: transport, rent, and what will be left for food after the day ends.

He adjusts his white coat, checks his notes, and steps into a system that depends heavily on people like him: young doctors in transition, carrying responsibilities that often feel fully formed, even when their pay does not match the weight of the work.

For Kilama and many interns across Uganda’s public hospitals, the final year of medical training is not just about learning. It is about surviving.

Now, that survival is being questioned.

A government proposal to phase out allowances for medical interns by July 2026 has placed the most vulnerable group in Uganda’s medical pipeline at the centre of a national debate, one that blends health policy, public spending, and the lived reality of becoming a doctor.

Living on the edge

Intern doctors occupy a difficult space in Uganda’s health system. They are graduates of medical school, still under supervision, yet already embedded in the daily work of hospitals. They diagnose, assist in surgeries, manage wards, and respond to emergencies, often in understaffed facilities and under sustained pressure.

Yet for many, the financial reality remains fragile.

‘People think because you are a doctor you are fine,’ Kilama says during a brief break between rounds. ‘But internship is when you are actually struggling the most.’

Most interns rely on a monthly government allowance of about Shs1m to cover rent near hospitals, transport, meals during long shifts, and basic living costs. Without it, some say the transition from university to full professional practice becomes even more difficult.

It is this support that now hangs in the balance.

A policy shift redefining training

The proposed changes fall under broader reforms in health professional training guided by the National Education and Training for Health Policy introduced this year.

Under the new framework, the internship year is being repositioned as part of academic training rather than a paid government placement. Officials argue that interns remain trainees and that the system must reflect that distinction more clearly.

The Ministry of Health says the reforms are intended to streamline training, strengthen supervision, and create a more structured transition from classroom learning to clinical practice.

But on the ground, the shift is felt less as restructuring and more as withdrawal.

‘We are already working in hospitals that are overwhelmed,’ says another intern at a regional referral hospital, who asked not to be named. ‘If you remove the allowance, you are asking people to serve patients while worrying about how to eat.’

Question of sustainability

Government officials say the decision is driven by fiscal pressure and the rising number of medical graduates entering internship programmes each year.

Minister of Health Dr Chris Baryomunsi has argued that while interns play a critical role in the health system, the cost of sustaining allowances has become increasingly difficult to manage.

He says the reforms are part of a broader effort to align health training with available resources as government balances competing national priorities, including infrastructure, security, and service delivery.

Dr Jane Ruth Aceng has similarly stated that the internship year will now be fully integrated into university training structures, reframing it as an academic phase rather than paid employment.

Anxiety in hospital corridors

In hospitals, policy language translates into uncertainty. Interns describe growing anxiety about what comes next; whether they will afford accommodation near facilities, take on debt, or reconsider their career paths altogether.

The clinical workload remains unchanged. Patients continue to arrive in large numbers. Emergencies come without warning. Supervising doctors still expect interns to perform.

What shifts is what happens after the shift ends, when exhaustion meets financial reality.

A debate years in the making

The question of intern allowances is not new.

In 2024, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni raised concerns about the sustainability of the system while addressing medical interns at the Kyankwanzi National Leadership Institute. He noted that the growing number of interns, now in the thousands, was placing increasing pressure on public finances.

While acknowledging the importance of supporting young medical professionals, he pointed to competing national priorities, suggesting that government would struggle to maintain the arrangement indefinitely.

Those remarks are now widely viewed as an early signal of the direction policy would take.

What is at stake

Critics argue that removing allowances risks weakening morale in an already strained health system. They say interns are not only trainees but essential contributors to public healthcare delivery, often filling critical staffing gaps. Some have also questioned government spending priorities, pointing to administrative allocations and arguing that a rebalancing of resources could better support frontline health workers.

Government, however, maintains that comparisons between budget lines do not capture the complexity of national financing decisions, which must account for long-term sustainability.

Back to Kilama

As the afternoon wears on, Kilama returns to the ward. There is little time to dwell on policy debates. A patient needs attention. A procedure must be supervised. Another file is opened.

The rhythm of the hospital continues, regardless of uncertainty beyond its walls.

For his colleague, Lydia Birungi, the concern is more immediate. She travels about four kilometres daily to reach her training hospital and says transport costs already stretch her budget. The allowance, she says, has been essential in keeping her training manageable.

Hospital administrator Dr Joseph Obicci, based in Pader District, says interns remain central to service delivery in public facilities. He describes them as a critical layer of support in overcrowded hospitals, often stepping in during emergencies and easing pressure on senior staff.

For Uganda’s future doctors, the question is no longer theoretical. It is immediate and practical: how to train for a profession built on care while navigating the cost of sustaining oneself within it.

As the system moves toward reform, what remains unresolved is not whether interns learn medicine, but at what personal price they will continue to do so, and what that means for the future of the country’s health workforce.

Key facts

Who becomes an intern: Final-year medical graduates after completing university training

Purpose: One-year supervised clinical practice before full registration as a medical doctor

Placement sites: Public referral hospitals and accredited health facilities across Uganda

Core departments rotated: Medicine, surgery, paediatrics, and obstetrics and gynaecology

Supervision: Conducted under senior medical officers and consultants

Current monthly allowance: Approximately Shs1 million (under existing system)

Status under reform: Allowances set to be phased out under new policy framework by July 2026

Policy goal: Integration of internship into academic training and restructuring of health professional education

Key concern raised: Financial sustainability versus welfare of young medical professionals

Debate status: Ongoing between government, medical associations, and trainees.

Cyprus Department of Meteorology – Forecast for the Sea Area of Cyprus (A)

FOR THE PERIOD FROM 0600 15/06/2026 UNTIL 0600 16/06/2026

Atmospheric pressure at the time of issue: 1010hPa (hectopascal)

Weak low pressure is affecting the area. Low clouds are expected at times. Risk of local mist and/or isolated fog patches over night and dawn.

Visibility: Good, but moderate to poor in mist and very poor in fog

Sea surface temperature: 24°C

Warnings: NIL

Middle East crises and report on Turkey on EP Plenary agenda

The EU tariff commitments, the ongoing crises in the Middle East, the EP annual report on Turkey, the 18-19 June European Council, EU-China economic relations, and the protection of children from risks attached to social media use are the main issues to be discussed in Strasbourg during the EP Plenary Session, from 15 to 18 June.

Following a debate on Monday, MEPs are set to give their final green light to two pieces of legislation implementing EU tariff commitments under the August 2025 EU-US Joint Statement (‘Turnberry agreement’) on Tuesday.

On Tuesday, MEPs and EU diplomacy chief Kaja Kallas will discuss recent developments in the ongoing crises in the Middle East and the EU’s role in de-escalation.

Later on that day, Jakov Milatovic, President of Montenegro, will address the Plenary. On the same day, MEPs will vote on strengthening the position of farmers in the food supply chain.

In addition, the Parliament will discuss its annual reports on the progress made by Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Turkey towards EU membership, in order to vote on them on Wednesday.

On the same day, the EP will discuss the European Commission’s statement on Russia’s actions and drone incursions into Romania, the Baltic states and Finland.

In a joint debate on Wednesday, MEPs will outline their expectations for the 18-19 June European Council and discuss the future of EU-China economic relations with European Commission and Council Presidency representatives.

On the same day, MEPs will hold a vote on the reform of EU returns policy, to ensure people without a right to stay in the EU leave once they are ordered to. They will also discuss solutions to improve the protection of children and their mental health from risks attached to social media use.

On Thursday, the last day of the June Plenary Session, the EP will hold a debate on the European Commission’s statement and the Joint Declaration on ‘Culture for Europe – Europe for Culture.’

Ever Organics, PHL homegrown korean skincare brand, celebrates by giving back to SOS Children’s Village

EVER Organics, the best Korean skincare brand in the Philippines, marked its birthday not with a party but with a purpose. The beloved K-beauty brand brought its team, its community and its heart to SOS Children’s Village Pilipinas, where the brand spent the day with over 30 children aged 6 to 19 in an afternoon of games, connection, and dreaming out loud.

The giveback day drew a warm crowd of volunteers, including some of the country’s most recognized skincare voices: JB Correa, Bella Gonzalez, and Jayson Lee, Korean artist and Ever Organics brand ambassador, and member of P-Pop group 1st One. Together, the volunteers served as ‘ates and kuyas’ to the SOS kids. They lead team games, cheered on friendly competition, and ultimately gathered around the event’s most meaningful moment: each child sharing their dream.

The dreams ran the full range of childhood wonder. Some children spoke of becoming pilots, doctors, and seamen. Others wished simply for new shoes and new socks. Each dream, no matter how grand or how modest, was met with the same warmth and applause.

Jayson Lee took to the stage to share his own story. He shared that he once dreamed of becoming a flight attendant, and how his dreams have since grown to include acting, directing and producing films as he steps deeper into show business.

JB Correa moved the room with a message that became the afternoon’s quiet theme: that his dream for that day was for every child’s dream to come true. He urged the kids to dream specifically, to dream relentlessly, dream big, because one day, one of those dreams just might come true.

‘As Ever Organics celebrates another year, we wanted to celebrate not just through beauty, but through care, kindness, and meaningful moments shared with others,’ said Ever Organics brand representative Denice Sy. ‘Today is about creating happy memories, building connections, and contributing to SOS’s mission of making every child here feel loved, confident and special.’

Each child went home with a care package that felt very Ever Organics: an Eow plushie doll (the brand’s beloved mascot), Ever Organics Aloe Vera Soothing Gel, and Ever Organics Aloe Vera Sunscreen-two of the brand’s most sought-after Korean skincare products in the Philippines. A collection of toys was also included, making the afternoon feel like a full celebration.

The delicate practice of crisis communication

More often than not, it is not the crisis itself that erodes an organization’s reputation or, in extreme cases, causes its demise. It is usually the way the crisis is handled, especially in the first 48 hours, that dictates which way things will go.

One week ago, Rene Baterbonia and Divine Adili, members of the Ateneo Blue Eagles men’s basketball team, died during a team building activity in Dipaculao, Aurora. The two young cagers- Baterbonia only 18 years old and Adili only 21-had a promising future ahead of them. All of their dreams came to an end that Monday afternoon.

After the news broke, the administration of the Ateneo de Manila University issued a statement, confirming the death of Baterbonia and Adili, expressing their condolences to the families, and asking for ‘privacy and space for all those grieving as they come to terms with this profound loss.’

Nobody from the school or the team-including the members of the coaching staff who were with the players during the team building activity – gave a face to those words. The statement was posted on the university’s official Facebook page.

The university issued statements again on June 9 and 11- still faceless. While more details were already included in those releases, the narratives had already gotten away from the school.

Spinning out of control

Baterbonia’s mother Rovelyn came out in numerous interviews expressing frustration with the way Ateneo was handling the situation, including their failure to inform the parents about the kind of training their children will be subjected to. She demanded answers, as the lack of information had given rise to speculations: that the players were asked to wear weights in the water (this was later disproven) and that the activity could be more hazing rites than team building.

The owner of the resort where the team stayed, together with his staff and legal counsel, voluntarily went to the National Bureau of Investigation last Thursday to dispel speculations that they did not give the team adequate warning about the treacherous waters in the area. They also provided evidence of warning signs and infographics all over the area regarding riptides and rip currents.

So many other questions had been raised by the public, including members of the Ateneo community, that had yet to be answered directly by the school-the biggest among them being where was Coach Tab Baldwin in all of these, and why has he not come out to speak?

Coach Tab finally broke his silence on June 12, in an almost 9-minute video posted on the school’s official Facebook page. The day before that, Ateneo issued a statement defending Coach Tab’s silence as ‘not a personal decision made independently of the University. The University requested that Coach Baldwin refrain from making public statements to allow the official processes to proceed and the facts to be established before any public discussion of the matter.’

Faceless words

But that silence and the absence of a human face seemed to have backfired, judging from how the public has reacted and continues to react as of this writing. Professors, students, alumni, and employees have even released an open letter to ADMU President Fr. Roberto Yap SJ, calling for greater accountability, transparency, and empathy on the part of the school admin.

‘We appeal for sincere and humane expressions of apology, empathy, and compassion from the University leaders and coaching staff. The nameless, faceless, and sterile official social media posts have downplayed the gravity of the situation and the accountability of the University,’ the educators’ open letter stated. ‘We appeal for the University administration to come forward-in person-with humility and acknowledgment of wrongdoing and lapses in judgment, risk mitigation, communication, and most especially, care for our students.

Carlo Figueroa, Senior Lecturer of Communication at the University of the Philippines Diliman and De La Salle University, agreed with his fellow educators.

‘Why only statements, ADMU? In my PR and Issue Management classes, I always reiterate: a statement is so impersonal. While it could suffice in the first two hours of a crisis, it cannot replace the effect of having a face or voice to communicate and expound the organization’s messages and actions,’ he said.

‘That talking head-either the leader of the org or a designated spokesperson-humanizes the words behind the social media card or the video graphic, and allows the grieving public and stakeholders to see a glimpse of emotion-be it sorrow, guilt, or empathy, and action, from those who bear responsibility and are expected to demonstrate accountability,’ he added.

Deathly silence

Ivy Lisa Mendoza, former journalist and now president of public relations firm MediaSense Inc., also weighed in on the issue of silence.

‘In crisis communication, which I have done for my clients, I always point out that one of the biggest mistakes organizations make is believing there are only two options: Say everything or say nothing. There is a third option, a sweet spot actually: Say what you know, say what you don’t know (yet), and explain what you’re doing to find out,’ she explained.

‘The problem with silence is that it creates a vacuum that is quickly filled by speculation, anger, rumor, and distrust. If you do not control the narrative early, someone else will snatch it from you. In the age of social media, that ‘someone else’ may be an anonymous source, a self-appointed expert, a rumor mongerer, a sawsawero [meddler], or an engagement-chasing content creator. If you do not provide information, people will look elsewhere for it-however unverified or unreliable the source may be-because people naturally seek answers when something tragic happens. Same with a ‘no comment’ reply to a query, which all the more triggers media to look for answers elsewhere,’ she further said.

She noted that you do not need to provide all the answers at once, especially when these require investigation and validation. Silence, especially when lives were lost, is not the correct route.

‘You may not have all the answers immediately. Most people can accept uncertainty and are willing to wait for clarity. It is a running story, after all. But what people struggle to accept is the perception of indifference. We can forgive a lack of answers, but we rarely forgive the appearance of not caring enough to acknowledge questions and show empathy,’ she said.

A delicate balance

Richard Arboleda, President of the International Association of Business Communicators (IABC) Philippines, noted the importance of balancing empathy and accountability-which is particularly important when there are deaths involved. ‘We treat empathy and accountability as two stages. Sympathy first, then the search for answers. People don’t experience a tragedy that way. When something like this happens, sympathy isn’t enough. People want to see that the institution understands the weight of what happened. What is being done to establish the facts. Those get read as demands for accountability, and they are. But they are also how people gauge whether the empathy is real,’ he said.

‘A public statement expresses grief. It is also supposed to build confidence that the truth is being pursued seriously. You can put out something genuinely compassionate and still leave people wanting. Compassion was never the only thing they were asking for. I have never seen empathy and accountability as competing ideas. Words carry the grief, but it is the pursuit of facts that proves the grief isn’t just a public statement,’ he added.

We continue to mourn the loss of Rene Baterbonia and Divine Adili. While we may not have known them personally, as human beings, we grieve the fact that these young men will never fulfill their basketball dreams and their aspirations for their families. We pray for comfort and peace for their loved ones.

PR Matters is a roundtable column by members of the local chapter of the United Kingdom-based International Public Relations Association (Ipra), the world’s premier organization for PR professionals around the world. Abigail L. Ho-Torres is the Chief Marketing Officer of Ikigai Philippines and an independent consultant and trainer, with more than two decades of experience in media, public relations, marketing, and customer experience.

We are devoting a special column each month to answer our readers’ questions about public relations. Please send your questions or comments to askipraphil@gmail.com.

INRAIL: Trkiye’s answer to Bosphorus bottleneck that could redefine Eurasian trade

It turns out there’s a bottleneck right through the heart of one of the world’s most active cities, and until recently, it was hard to see any solutions besides patience. All freight trains moving across the European/Asian border of Trkiye are presently forced through the Bosphorus’s Marmaray tunnel, a facility designed predominantly for metro transit service by commuters and only able to handle about three million tonnes of cargo annually. For a nation whose Twelfth Development Plan has as its explicit goal the role of Trkiye as connector between Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, sitting as it does on the Western end of the Middle Corridor’s rising trade route, three million tonnes is just an estimate. On Tuesday, the Asian Development Bank sanctioned a loan of pound 645.83 million as the next piece in an arrangement expected to be one of the largest multilateral infrastructure investments worldwide this decade.

Istanbul North Rail Crossing (also known as the INRAIL project) is a 127-km-long greenfield railway that will run without passing through the Istanbul metro area. Specifically, INRAIL will connect Gebze on one side of the Bosphorus to Halkali on another side of the water passage via a newly constructed railroad bridge, namely the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge. It is planned that roughly half of the distance (61 km, in 44 tunnels) will be underground, constructed by using a twin-tube tunneling machine, NATM and cut and cover techniques. The total cost of the project amounts to $8.27 billion, funded by $6.75 billion loaned from six international financial institutions: the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Islamic Development Bank, and the OPEC Fund for International Development.

Financing coalition

World Bank has disbursed anchor financing of $2 billion on March 31, 2026, which has been the largest individual tranche, while other funding agencies have made up for the rest of $6.75 billion funding for the project. Asian Development Bank has also disbursed pound 645.83 million (about $750 million) on June 9, 2026, as part of the ADB-World Bank Full Mutual Reliance Framework (FMRF); this is the first of two tranches from ADB, the second tranche of which would be released in 2028. Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank is contributing to the $6.75 billion funding as well, representing China-led financial institution supporting a project designed to reinforce a corridor in order to provide an alternative to the Russian corridor. European Bank for Reconstruction and Development has contributed $6.75 billion as it is in line with EBRD’s mandate supporting countries under transition within the context of the Middle Corridor. Furthermore, Islamic Development Bank and OPEC Fund for International Development have both contributed their shares to this funding effort; this can be attributed to Trkiye’s position as part of OIC and hydrocarbon-based finance of non-hydrocarbon projects.

The World Bank and the EBRD stand for the Western-led multilateralism. The AIIB is the leading alternative organization created by China with the explicit intention of serving as the counterpoint to the former multilateral system. The Islamic Development Bank and the OPEC Fund stand for the capital of the Gulf and the OIC countries. The unusual convergence of those six different organizations to finance one single railway project in Trkiye, under the “Full Mutual Reliance Framework” specifically designed in order to ensure more effective cooperation between the ADB and the World Bank in the preparation stage, occurs only due to the fact that the underlying rationale behind such financing is beyond discussion. Each of those institutions has its own reasons to be interested in the development of the Middle Corridor, which vary from the EBRD’s task of assisting the transition economies to the role of the AIIB as the organization involved in ensuring connectivity in the non-Russian Eurasia.

Perhaps the capacity transformation in this equation is the most important part. Current capacity is 3mt post INRAIL Project is expected to rise around 50mt. That is more than 15-teen fold potential increase. Turkish Transport Minister Abdulkadir Uraloglu stated that the line, upon its completion, is supposed to cater to 33 million passengers as well as 30 million tons of cargo per year. The explanation of the World Bank highlights exactly those corridors that are going to benefit from the project: the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor known as the Middle Corridor, the Iraq Development Road, and the Turkish-EU corridor; all these corridors are constrained by their capacities precisely when it comes to the point of INRAIL relief. A bottleneck that is constraining each of these corridors when crossing the Bosphorus will no longer limit them once INRAIL starts functioning.

Possible implications on the Middle Corridor

Speaking of non-Russian, Eurasion corridor, this year, there have been abundant records on the trajectory of growth in the Middle Corridor: an increase in the volume of cargo five times in seven years to reach 4.5 million tonnes; transit time reduced from 28 to 32 days to 13 to 17 days; and forecasts by the World Bank that the figure would be around 11 million tonnes by 2030. Virtually every analysis of the trajectory of growth in the Middle Corridor has highlighted one common threat: the possibility that the investment in infrastructure in Central Asia and over the Caspian – such as improvements in the ports of Kazakhstan, the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, and the expansion projects in BTK and Alat Port in Azerbaijan – would overtake the capacities of the corridor’s western end.

The INRAIL solution eliminates that limitation in an overall time frame that is not an urgent one, but which corresponds to the growth plans for the corridor itself, and which, in any case, will take realistically a decade in view of the required tunnelling. The capacity of the BTK rail line was increased only last week to five million tonnes per year. The Alat Port expansion aims for 25 million tonnes per year. If the throughput of the Bosphorus crossing is limited to 3 million tonnes per year and everything else is moving towards 10 or 25 million, growth bottlenecks for the corridor arise right in Istanbul.

One aspect of INRAIL which should not go unnoticed due to the lack of coverage from the freight numbers deserves attention – this is the first time ever that a rail connection will be established between Istanbul Airport in Europe and Sabiha Gökçen Airport on the other side of the Bosphorus. Istanbul Airport transported more than 80 million passengers in 2025 and is currently one of the busiest airports by international traffic in the world; Sabiha Gökçen is its counterpart located on the Asian side. Establishing a connection through rail to the national rail network, as well as between both airports, will create a multimodal transport capacity that few megacities around the globe can offer: two international airports, a heavy rail freight route, and passage over the Bosphorus in one corridor. This will be especially beneficial for air cargo transported to further rail transportation over the Middle Corridor route and for passengers who would need to transfer between both airports without enduring Istanbul’s notorious road traffic.

The bidding process for the construction of INRAIL should be completed before 2026, with construction beginning immediately thereafter, implying that any freight benefits will come slowly over the period between 2027 and 2035 and not immediately. This timeline is important to keep in mind while assessing the project. What is relevant here is that INRAIL is not a response to the current demand for Middle Corridor transit; it is an attempt to secure capacity in advance of anticipated demand in the 2030s, at a time when growth in the corridor is accelerating further, and six different development banks with different strategic considerations agree that making this bet is worthwhile. As ADB puts it, the project will enhance Trkiye’s position as “a vital transport and logistics hub connecting Europe and Asia,” not as one that it might become but as one that has already been firmly established.

Ekiti moves to tighten tobacco law, targets vapes, nicotine pouches

The Ekiti State Government has pledged to update its tobacco control law to address the growing availability and use of new and emerging tobacco and nicotine products, warning that these products pose a significant threat to public health, especially among young people.

The commitment was made on Thursday during a stakeholder engagement in Ado-Ekiti to commemorate World No Tobacco Day (WNTD) 2026. The event, themed “Unmasking the Appeal: Countering Nicotine and Tobacco Addiction,” was organised by the Ekiti State Ministry of Health and Human Services in partnership with Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA).

The ministry also commended CAPPA for its sustained support for tobacco control efforts in the state and reaffirmed its commitment to preserving Ado-Ekiti’s smoke-free status while building on existing gains in tobacco control.

Speaking at the event, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Health and Human Services, Mrs. Sola Gbenga-Igotun, described World No Tobacco Day as “a day that gives hope to our people” and urged stakeholders to intensify efforts to combat tobacco and nicotine use.

She expressed concern over the increasing exposure of children to nicotine products.

“Some children as young as seven, eight and nine years old are already victims,” she said.

Highlighting the dangers posed by emerging nicotine products, Gbenga-Igotun urged parents and guardians to be more vigilant.

“Some of them are smoking, and these products are odourless, so you may not even notice,” she said. “Let us leave this place as advocates. We are speaking to our conscience that this is happening and destroying our young people. Let us take action.”

Also speaking, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources, Dr. Sunday Omoya, who represented the Commissioner, Mrs. Tosin Aluko-Ajisafe, stressed the need for collective action against tobacco and nicotine use.

“I am glad we are discussing this menace,” Omoya said. “We need to unmask whatever makes these products appealing. Why do people embrace smoking when it is clearly harmful to health? I pledge the support of our officers towards tackling this challenge.”

In a presentation titled “The Current State of Tobacco Control in Ekiti State and the Way Forward,” the Director of Public Health, Dr. Abayomi Ibrahim, disclosed that the state plans to review its tobacco control framework to include emerging tobacco and nicotine products.

He highlighted major milestones recorded by the state, including the 2012 Smoke-Free Law prohibiting smoking in public places, the Ado-Ekiti Declaration on World No Tobacco Day 2025 which designated the city as smoke-free, and increased public awareness among women and young people.

Ibrahim, however, noted that significant challenges remain. These include weak enforcement arising from limited monitoring capacity, inadequate funding, growing youth attraction to shisha and e-cigarettes, tobacco industry interference, and limited data for effective decision-making.

According to him, the way forward includes strengthening enforcement through the training of health officials and law enforcement officers, creating a dedicated budget line for tobacco control, and expanding youth-focused interventions such as school-based programmes and peer education initiatives.

He also recommended deeper community engagement involving traditional and religious leaders, a review of the state’s tobacco control law to reflect emerging realities and global best practices, and the establishment of stronger monitoring and evaluation systems.

Speaking on this year’s World No Tobacco Day theme, CAPPA’s Assistant Executive Director, Mrs. Zikora Ibeh, commended Ekiti State for its leadership in tobacco control and praised the state’s efforts to maintain Ado-Ekiti’s smoke-free status.

According to her, the achievement demonstrates that tobacco control is not solely the responsibility of federal and state governments but requires the active participation of communities and citizens.

While noting that cigarettes remain the most visible tobacco products, Ibeh said the tobacco industry has shifted its focus to a new generation of nicotine products.

“Today, the industry is selling nicotine in different forms and devices,” she said. “Products such as vapes and nicotine pouches are being aggressively marketed both offline and online. They are packaged in colourful, attractive designs and often come in flavours such as apple, bubble gum and other sweet varieties that appeal to young people.

“These are deliberate tactics to recruit new users and sustain addiction. To mask the harshness of nicotine, the industry hides behind attractive flavours and misleading claims that these products are safer alternatives.

“We ask: safer alternatives to what? Smoking causes disease and death. Are these products safer alternatives to disease? Or to death?”

Ibeh also criticised the tobacco industry’s “Quit Like Sweden” campaign, describing it as misleading.

“The claim is that these products helped Sweden reduce smoking and that Nigeria should follow the same path. That is simply not true,” she said.

“Sweden’s progress was driven by comprehensive tobacco control policies, including strong regulations, public education, taxation, and restrictions on tobacco marketing not by the tobacco industry’s products. Yet they continue to promote this false narrative.”

Warning that vaping and other emerging nicotine products pose serious health risks, she called for stronger regulation and tighter controls to protect young people from addiction.

Representatives of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), Ekiti State chapter, also expressed support for a smoke-free Ekiti, noting that both faith traditions discourage smoking because of its harmful effects on health and society.