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When JOO and his estranged wife, MBO, parted ways in 2008, their property dispute highlighted a question now central in Kenyan courts: Does marriage automatically entitle a spouse to half of everything?

The Supreme Court and earlier the Court of Appeal delivered a clear answer-No. According to the courts, matrimonial property is not shared by default but through contribution. Both financial and non-financial input, including domestic work and emotional support, count, but a spouse must prove such contributions. Judges emphasised that equality does not mean duplication.

A spouse who invested money, acquired land, or developed assets cannot be stripped of half simply because of marriage. Similarly, a homemaker who sacrificed career opportunities to raise children or manage the household should not walk away empty-handed-but they must demonstrate effort, not entitlement.

Before the JOO vs MBO case, courts relied on the 2007 Echaria vs Echaria ruling, a property dispute between former diplomat Peter Mburu Echaria and his estranged wife, Priscila Mburu Echaria. The High Court initially granted Ms Echaria an equal share of their 118-acre Tigoni Farm based on Section 17 of the Married Women’s Property Act, 1882, which presumed co-ownership of property acquired during marriage.

Mr Mburu appealed, and in February 2007, a five-judge Court of Appeal bench, including Philip Tunoi, Emmanuel O’kubasu, Erastus Githinji, Philip Waki, and William Deverell, changed the landscape of matrimonial property law. The court ruled that a spouse must prove contribution to acquire a share of property registered in the other spouse’s name. Distribution should reflect the contribution of each party.

Court of Appeal judge Patrick Kiage echoed the principle in 2017. ‘The reality remains that when the ship of marriage hits the rocks, flounders and sinks, the sad, awful business of division and distribution of matrimonial property must be proceeded with on the basis of fairness and conscience, not a romantic clutching on to the 50:50 mantra,’ he said.

He added that justice ‘does not get to be served by simply cutting up a contested object. into two equal parts.’ Section 7 of the Matrimonial Property Act reinforces this: ‘Ownership of matrimonial property vests in the spouses according to contribution. and shall be divided between the spouses if they divorce or their marriage is otherwise dissolved.’

FIDA challenged the section in 2018, arguing for automatic equal rights under the Constitution, but the High Court dismissed it, noting that allowing such a claim could create a ‘loophole for fortune seekers.’ The Supreme Court, presided over by Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu, stressed that Article 45(3) of the Constitution ensures equality only at the point of dissolution and does not automatically grant co-ownership. ‘Nowhere in the Constitution. do we find any suggestion that a marriage between parties automatically results in common ownership,’ the judges said. Equity, the court added, considers indirect contributions.

Even if a spouse lacks direct financial input, their support may have enabled the other to acquire property. ‘Equity advocates for such a party who may seem disadvantaged for failing to have the means to prove direct financial contribution not to be stopped from getting a share,’ the judges said.

The court warned that interpreting Article 45(3) to allow automatic 50:50 division would encourage marriages where one party contributes nothing but expects half the property upon divorce. Such an outcome, the Supreme Court concluded, could not have been the law’s intention.

Lawyers representing two Kenyan activists allegedly abducted in Uganda last week have petitioned the Civil Division of the High Court in Kampala, seeking orders to secure their release from incommunicado detention. The activists, Nicholas Oyoo and Bob Njagi, were reportedly arrested shortly after attending a campaign rally for presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, known as Bobi Wine, who is the leader of Uganda’s opposition National Unity Platform (NUP).

Kiiza and Mugisha Co Advocates filed the petition, naming Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces, the Chief of Defence Intelligence and Security, the Inspector General of Police, and the Attorney General as respondents. The petition includes an affidavit by Mr Koffi Atinda, a colleague of Njagi, who claims to have witnessed the arrest after Bobi’s rally in Kaliro District in eastern Uganda.

‘The respondent’s military arrest and detention of the applicants at the 2nd respondent’s detention facility since Wednesday, 1st October, 2025, in Mbuya is incommunicado detention, illegal and unlawful,’ Mr Koffi states. Mbuya is the headquarters of the Ministry of Defence and Veterans Affairs.

‘The applicants have since been in an illegal and incommunicado detention for more than 48 hours, without trial or charges,’ he adds. Mr Koffi said his colleagues, members of the African Movement, had come to Uganda to show support for Bobi Wine, whom they also consider personal friends. He recounts: ‘It’s during their stay that they were brutally arrested by men wielding guns in military and civilian clothes, around Kaliro District at Starbex Petrol Station, where they had parked their vehicle. I witnessed the arrest and survived by a whisker.

They were taken in a Toyota Hiace van, commonly known as Drone, at a terrible speed to a place one of them said was Mbuya.’ He expressed concern for the activists’ safety, citing past instances of military harassment and torture of critics of President Museveni. ‘It’s important that this honourable court brings to an end the illegal military detention of the applicants and orders their unconditional liberty,’ he pleaded.

By press time, it was unclear when the court would hear the habeas corpus application, though the Constitution mandates fast-tracking of human rights cases. The Kenya High Commission in Kampala reportedly inquired about the activists’ whereabouts following petitions from Vocal Africa and the families of Oyoo and Njagi, though no response had been confirmed. Police, however, deny involvement.

Assistant Commissioner Kituuma Rusoke told the media: ‘I am not briefed by the police that we have them in our custody. At the moment, I do not have any information that they are in police custody.’

He suggested the publication seek clarification from other security agencies. Maj Gen Felix Kulayigye, the director of public information in the Defence Ministry, said Bobi Wine had not provided proof of the alleged abduction and challenged him to provide evidence, including vehicle registration, for verification. ‘In law, the onus of proof lies in the hands of the accuser,’ Maj Gen Kulayigye said. Bobi Wine maintains that the Kenyans were targeted for supporting him and demanded their release. Conflicting accounts exist over the arrest location, with Bobi posting on X that the duo was ‘picked up mafia-style . from a petrol station in Kireka [Waliso District] and driven off to an unknown destination.’

Videos show Njagi on stage beside Bobi at a campaign rally. The activists reportedly arrived in Uganda on Monday with some Ugandans before joining Bobi’s campaign. Rights groups have circulated posters demanding their immediate release. Security agents in plain clothes have previously been accused of abducting, detaining, and torturing Opposition members, some of whom later face treason charges in court. On Sunday, Dr Hannington Mutebi, the former Assistant Bishop of the Anglican Diocese of Kampala, condemned the abductions during a confirmation ceremony at St John’s Church, Makerere.

‘The government should champion the rule of law and not abduct citizens and dissenters into safe houses and prisons. Everyone’s rights must be respected, and alleged offenders should be brought to court,’ he added.

The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) on Monday switched off Point FM, a radio station owned by ruling party legislator, Theodore Ssekikubo, shortly before it was scheduled to host opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, better known as Bobi Wine.

It is alleged that the move was aimed at blocking the National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate from addressing his supporters in Mubende District, where he had been lined up for a live talk show that evening.

According to employees at the station, UCC officials stormed the premises and confiscated the transmitter, bringing broadcasts to an abrupt halt.

‘Whenever UCC plans to switch off a radio station, it usually sends a letter or notice in advance informing the management. But in this case, they didn’t send any notice. They just came, removed the transmitter, and left without saying anything,’ one of the employees, who asked not to be named for fear of reprisal, told Monitor.

However, a letter from UCC dated October 5, 2025, and addressed to Point FM’s Managing Director, directed the station to ‘cease and desist from broadcasting operations’ over its alleged failure to complete the licensing process.

The letter, referencing earlier correspondence dated September 24, 2024, December 12, 2024, March 28, 2025, and April 16, 2025, stated that the station had continued to operate without a valid broadcasting licence.

‘The Commission notes that despite all previous correspondence, Spear Point has to date either failed or refused to complete the licensing process and is, as such, operating without a licence, contrary to Section 21 of the Uganda Communications Act,’ the letter reads in part.

The Commission also cited a response from Spear Point Limited, Point FM’s parent company, dated April 10, 2025, in which the management requested a four-week extension to complete the licensing process.

But Point FM’s manager, Sam Balaba Magala, dismissed the Commission’s explanation as politically motivated.

‘Point FM was scheduled to host the NUP president yesterday evening. But when UCC learned that Robert Kyagulanyi was going to appear on our station, they immediately switched us off to stop him from speaking to the people of Mubende,’ Magala told Monitor on Tuesday.

He added that NUP had already paid for the talk show and that the station would now be forced to refund the money.

When contacted, UCC Executive Director Nyombi Thembo said the Commission acted within the law.

‘Point FM has not had a valid licence for a long time. We have written to them several times since last year about this matter,’ he said.

The shutdown has reignited fears among opposition groups and media watchers about shrinking space for dissenting voices in Uganda ahead of the January 2026 elections.

Bobi Wine is one of seven approved presidential contenders challenging long-time incumbent President Museveni next year, joined by figures such as Mugisha Muntu, Nathan Nandala Mafabi, Mubarak Munyagwa, Frank Bulira and Joseph Mabirizi.

Opposition Justice Forum (JEEMA) party has pushed back against National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, after he urged voters in Bugiri Municipality to replace incumbent Member of Parliament and JEEMA president Asuman Basalirwa.

Speaking during a campaign visit to Bugiri last week, Kyagulanyi accused some opposition lawmakers of prioritizing personal gain over the People Power movement.

‘Some people we trusted have gone quiet or sided with the regime. It is time for you, the people, to choose leaders who will not sell you out,’ he said.

JEEMA responded on Tuesday through its spokesperson, Dr Swaib Kaggwa Nsereko, who described the remarks as ‘inconsistent and divisive,’ warning that they could weaken the broader opposition ahead of the 2026 elections.

‘We find it contradictory for Kyagulanyi to praise and endorse regime members like Rebecca Kadaga while calling for the replacement of a fellow opposition leader,’ Nsereko said.

He added that similar internal divisions in Koboko County in 2021 had allowed the ruling regime to dominate the region.

‘Undermining Basalirwa will not strengthen the opposition,’ he emphasized.

JEEMA said it would focus on scrutinizing candidate manifestos rather than engaging in personal attacks.

‘Ugandans know Basalirwa’s record of service and commitment to justice,’ Nsereko noted, urging opposition parties to ‘stay united and avoid external distractions,’ and warning that internal rifts only benefit the ruling regime.

JEEMA also thanked Bugiri voters for their continued support for Basalirwa, stressing the importance of focusing on the bigger goal of ‘liberating Uganda.’

Background

Bobi Wine previously backed Basalirwa in the 2018 Bugiri by-election, contributing to his victory following a rerun triggered by challenges to his 2016 general election win.

However, the NUP leader now argues that candidate Mangeni is better suited to address current challenges in the municipality.

JEEMA’s stance highlights ongoing tensions within Uganda’s opposition, as parties prepare for the next general elections, with unity increasingly framed as essential to challenging the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party.

Dear Tingasiga:

Africa’s Abdullah Ibrahim, one of the finest musicians of our time, turns 91 on Thursday October 9, the very day that Uganda celebrates its birth as an independent country. I will spend the day reflecting on my beloved homeland and overdosing on Abdullah Ibrahim’s exceptionally beautiful musical offerings that have accompanied me throughout most of my adulthood.

I will allow my mind to imagine what the 32-year-old Dollar Brand, for that was Abdullah Ibrahim’s name at the time, felt on that day.

Newly arrived in Europe, an exile from Apartheid South Africa, the news of another African country gaining independence must have been sweeter than the music that he had so effortlessly written and performed to great public acclaim.

Surely the great speech that British Prime Minister Sir Harold MacMillan had delivered in the South African Parliament in Cape Town on February 3, 1960, must have come alive in Dollar Brand’s mind.

It was in that speech that MacMillan had told an incredulous European minority in South Africa: ‘The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.’

MacMillan added: ‘As a fellow member of the Commonwealth it is our earnest desire to give South Africa our support and encouragement, but I hope you won’t mind my saying frankly that there are some aspects of your policies which make it impossible for us to do this without being false to our own deep convictions about the political destinies of free men to which in our own territories we are trying to give effect.’

Notwithstanding the worsening of Apartheid, Dollar Brand probably believed that the wind, now coursing through East Africa, was targeting his homeland. Uganda’s independence brought our elders cheer and probably gave South Africans some hope.

Our country’s anthem must have been a delicious treat for his Dollar Brand’s musical ear. The words of the Uganda National Anthem may have energised him as it did our parents and others who understood such things.

We sang the great words that spoke of laying our future in Uganda’s hands and pledged to always stand united in our collective embrace of freedom.

We pledged to live in peace and friendship with all our neighbours, even as we left no doubt that we would always stand for our own dear land, the Pearl of Africa’s Crown. It has been 62 years of a bumpy ride up the mountains of hope and renewal, and down the valleys of darkness and despair.

Uganda has been envied and admired by neighbours and distant nations in the 1960s, despised and abandoned in the 1970s, declared dead before our miraculous revival in the 1980s, and praised as a beacon of hope during our celebrated recovery in the 1990s.

Things have since veered off course, and our political headlights cannot see through the fog that deters one from peering into the future.

However, like Abdullah Ibrahim, we hold on to hope for better days ahead. That is what sustained him through the darkness that had engulfed his homeland.

He had spent his years in exile fighting through music and song, through speech and representation, with a singular focus on Ekaya, home, and frequent mention of Ekapa, the name that his people called Cape Town, his city of birth.

Together with Sathima Bea Benjamin, his late wife who was also a gifted musician, Abdullah Ibrahim had employed his international fame to bring South Africa’s story to the world and had used music to mobilise and encourage his people back home towards their shared goal of freedom.

But not even he could have predicted what was about to happen when he visited Cape Town to record music in 1974.

He started improvising a tune on the piano, with no score and no prior rehearsal with the band. This band consisted of Abdullah Ibrahim (piano), Paul Michaels (bass), Monty Weber (drums), Basil Coetzee (tenor saxophone and flute), and Robbie Jansen (alto saxophone). The tape was rolling when Ibrahim started playing.

The bassist joined in, then the drummer, then the alto saxophonist, followed by the tenor saxophonist whose long solo brought the theme together and spoke a wordless protest declaring a resolute resistance to the injustice.

They were reading from an invisible score, informed by their outstanding musicianship, and their long experience of the dehumanising conditions in which they had been held on account of their skin colour. They produced one of the most beautiful songs in Abdullah Ibrahim’s vast canon, and laid claim to being among the leaders of the peaceful resistance.

The song without words was named ‘Mannenberg,’ after a suburban area of Cape Town into which the Apartheid regime had forced people of mixed racial heritage to relocate under the infamous Group Areas Act.

The improvised song became so popular that it became the anthem of the resistance against racial injustice. It was released on the album Mannenberg – Is Where It’s Happening in 1974.

In the years since Mannenberg, Abdullah Ibrahim’s has become one of the most important composers and performers of Jazz music in the world, blending African and American elements to create something that is uniquely his.

He has received high international honours. A British music critic referred to him as the ‘African Duke Ellington and Thelonious Monk.’ Nelson Mandela called him South Africa’s answer to Mozart.

And one need only listen to just a few of Ibrahim’s more than 70 albums to appreciate Mandela’s verdict. I call him ‘The Unique Abdullah Ibrahim,’ a genius and grand sage that communicates through music.

He started playing the piano at age seven. Eighty-four years later, he remains a master of the instrument, living mostly in Munich Germany, but a citizen of a free and democratic South Africa. I invite you to join me in celebrating this great and unique African.

I will listen to his music, with titles like Banyana, The Mountain, The Wedding,Water From an Ancient Well, Mandela, and, of course, Mannenberg getting replays throughout the day. I will let the emotions take me where they may.

The world knows Abdullah Ibrahim as a giant of the piano, a great composer, the man who brought South African music and African American jazz into a happy marriage.

I know him as poet of freedom, an unabashed protector of our culture and identity, an author of music so beautiful that it invariably triggers in me a great longing for a time and friendships that are irretrievably sealed off by a huge mist that my feeble brain and eyes cannot penetrate.

A very happy birthday Brother Abdullah Ibrahim. Thank you for the joy that you have brought us over the decades.

The economy faces a delicate balance between survival and growth. Despite low inflation, high prices continue to strain businesses and consumers, which calls for fiscal discipline, prudent oil revenue use, and targeted support for small businesses.

Economist Fred Muhumuza calls for diversification, productivity, and moderate monetary policies as vital to ensure stability and sustainable recovery amid looming elections and global pressures.

What types of businesses should Ugandans prioritize for sustainability and growth?

Many entrepreneurs need to first focus on survival before thinking about sustainability and growth.

Depending on available capital, it’s wiser to invest in fast-moving ventures with quick turnover, such as salons, restaurants, foodstuffs, garages and spare parts, transport services, and other consumables.

Avoid tying up money in slow-moving items that sell once in a while unless you have the financial muscle to hold stock for long periods.

Inflation seems low on paper, but ordinary Ugandans still feel economic pressure. Why the mismatch?

Inflation measures the rate of price increase, not the price level itself. People are affected by high price levels, which erode purchasing power even when inflation is low.

When demand falls because people can’t afford goods, inflation may remain subdued, yet people still feel poorer.

The real solution is to raise incomes moderately while curbing unnecessary public spending, rather than freezing wages out of fear of inflation.

With elections approaching, what economic risks or opportunities do you foresee afterward?

We could see a wave of inflation if government spending remains high, particularly around election-related activities.

Counter-cyclical policies, reducing certain expenditures while others rise, are essential. Without this balance, key sectors such as health, education, and infrastructure may suffer. The greater risk is poor service delivery, though inflation cannot be ruled out.

What lessons from the 2011 economic crisis can help Uganda avoid instability?

The main lesson is restraint. Limit public spending to essential services and maintain fiscal discipline.

Overspending during political cycles leads to the same inflationary and service-delivery challenges we saw in 2011.

How can Uganda ensure that oil production benefits its citizens?

Oil is merely a source of revenue; the true test lies in how we use it. The so-called ‘oil curse’ isn’t caused by oil itself but by weak institutions and poor governance.

Uganda must strengthen its systems, ensure transparency, and invest oil revenues wisely. If not, we risk following the path of Nigeria or Angola instead of success stories like Qatar, the UAE, or Malaysia.

How important is diversification, and where should Uganda focus?

Diversification is crucial, though Uganda is already diversified in low-yield sectors. Agriculture, trade, and services bring limited returns for most players.

To move forward, we must focus on boosting productivity through modern technology, ICT, and efficient farming, reducing costs related to borrowing, infrastructure, and corruption, and investing in high-yield sectors such as digital services and mineral extraction.

Government must also seek to reform taxation, targeting high-income earners and ensuring fair redistribution through better public services.

How can Uganda cushion itself from global economic shocks?

Shielding completely is impossible; adaptation is key. Maintaining strong foreign reserves and a manageable fiscal deficit are traditional buffers.

Currently, Uganda’s reserves cover 3.9 months of imports, below the preferred 4.5 months, while the fiscal deficit is projected to rise from 4.7 percent in the 2023/24 financial year to 6.4 percent this financial year.

Export growth offers some relief, but dependence on transit gold is risky. Trade disruptions, wars, and protectionist policies also remain serious threats.

What support do Ugandan businesses need from government right now?

Local enterprises need reliable, affordable business support services and a stronger domestic market. Reducing costs, such as rent, taxes, and interest rates, will help businesses survive.

Because many small businesses fund their owners’ livelihoods, addressing household costs like healthcare and transport indirectly strengthens business resilience.

Is the current policy effective in maintaining price stability?

Prices are generally stable due to a strong shilling, high interest rates, and restrained wage growth.

However, this tight policy stance limits investment and job creation.

Government needs a moderate adjustment, loosening slightly to encourage productive borrowing, support exports, and create jobs without jeopardizing stability.

A lightning strike killed a 23-year-old mother and injured her mother-in-law in Buraza Village, Buhumbu Parish, Busanza Sub-County, Kisoro District on Tuesday evening, authorities said.

The deceased, Pronia Nyiramahoro, was home at around 5PM during light rain when the lightning struck.

Her grandmother, Topista Nyirakayonde, sustained injuries in the incident, said local LC1 chairperson Abel Ntezibyayo.

‘Nyiramahoro leaves behind a breastfeeding child and a three-year-old,’ Ntezibyayo said, highlighting the tragedy for the young family.

This marks the fifth lightning-related death in Kisoro District in less than a month, underlining the region’s vulnerability under rains.

On October 2, 2025, 20-year-old Evaline Nyiramugisha from Bucuzi Village, also in Buhumbu Parish, was fatally struck while uprooting sweet potatoes.

Nyiramugisha, a Senior Four graduate from St John’s Mutanda Secondary School, died instantly.

Earlier the same day, 14 students from St Paul’s Rugarambiro Secondary School in Nyundo Sub-County were hospitalized after a lightning incident.

The head teacher, Emmanuel Obiyare, said the students were critically injured but have since recovered.

Lightning claimed three more lives in Kisoro District on September 15, 2025, when Ashavin Mwubahishe (Primary 3), Jersey Nyiramucyo (Top Class), and their grandmother, Evasta Nyiramugisha, died in Rukundo Town Council.

Local authorities have warned residents to take precautions during the rainy season, which has seen a rise in fatal lightning incidents.

President Museveni has appointed High Court Judge Aisha Naluzze Batala as Uganda’s new Inspector General of Government (IGG), replacing Beti Olive Namisango Kamya, whose term expired last month.

Justice Naluzze, who currently serves in the Land Division of the High Court, becomes the country’s new anti-corruption chief pending parliamentary approval.

The appointment of the woman, who was appointed a High Court judge in 2023, restores leadership to the watchdog office, which had been vacant since Betty Kamya’s four-year tenure-and that of her deputies-expired on September 22.

Born in 1977, Justice Batala has been appointed to the top graft-fighting role after President Museveni exercised his constitutional powers, presidential assistant for press and mobilisation Faruk Kirunda confirmed Tuesday evening.

Kirunda also said the president retained Kamya’s two former deputies, Dr Patricia Achan Okiria and Anne Twinomugisha Muhairwe, to continue serving in their positions.

‘The names of the appointees have been forwarded to Parliament for vetting,’ he said in a statement posted on X (formerly Twitter).

The Office of the Inspector General of Government (IGG) is a constitutionally established body mandated to promote good governance and fight corruption in public office.

It had been operating without substantive leadership since Kamya’s contract ended, raising concerns about its effectiveness in tackling graft.

Kamya, a former Kampala minister and presidential candidate, was appointed in 2021 and had pledged to ‘name and shame’ corrupt officials.

Her tenure drew both praise for her public advocacy and criticism over limited prosecutions in high-profile corruption cases.

Justice Batala’s appointment comes at a time when Uganda faces persistent public pressure to rein in misuse of public funds and enforce accountability across government agencies.

Since September22, the office of the IG was virtually toothless and was being administratively run by a Permanent Secretary.

Parliament is expected to vet the nominees in the coming days before Justice Batala formally assumes office.

The government is set to issue ‘new and stricter’ guidelines on lead cars and bodyguards, a senior official at the Ministry of Works and Transport (MoWT) has announced. Mr Winstone Katushabe, the commissioner of transport regulation and safety, said the guidelines are meant to address the prevailing challenges of lead cars on roads.

‘Everybody, even those driving private vehicles, is putting sirens on; but, over the next few weeks, communication will come to that effect on the guidelines for how sirens are going to be dealt with and who actually qualifies for a lead car and escort vehicle,’ he said.

‘The government has deemed it important that this should come to an end. A paper has been presented by the minister for the Presidency (Ms Milly Babalanda), and it is supported by the MoWT,’ he added.

Mr Katushabe, who was officiating at a familiarisation tour and sensitisation meeting on the introduction of mandatory motor vehicle inspection in Namanve, Mukono District last Friday, said guidance has been given by Cabinet and the President.

‘I don’t want to pre-empt, but I know that guidelines are going to be issued, and once they are ready, the public will be informed,’ he added.

During a parliamentary sitting in February 2019, then Speaker of Parliament, Ms Rebecca Kadaga, tasked then Internal Affairs minister, Gen Jeje Odongo, to explain why many cars had a ‘right of way’, and who was entitled to lead cars. However, Gen Odongo asked for more time to scrutinise the law before providing a ministerial statement.

During the Friday event, the MoWT announced the start of the new, reduced motor vehicle inspection fees that were revised last year. The announcement comes ahead of mandatory vehicle inspections scheduled to begin before the end of this year, starting with government vehicles. Mr Kharim Kibuuka, the head of motor vehicle inspection at the MoWT, said fees will be significantly lower than those previously charged by Société Générale de Surveillance (SGS).

‘The reason why we drastically reduced the vehicle inspection fees, which were exorbitant, is to ensure that the public is compliant with inspection without raising any complaint or concern that the government intends to fleece the general public,’ he said.

‘The inspection will cover automated checks, visual assessments and advisory notes, while an automated inspection will focus on the front and rear wheels, as well as the suspension system, to ensure vehicle stability,’ he added.

In January, the government officially took over motor vehicle inspection services from SGS, ending years of controversy surrounding the company’s 10-year operations, with an aim of making the process more affordable, and accessible.

With just two weeks to the parliamentary nominations, Democratic Front (DF) president Mathias Mpuuga has declared his intention to contest for a fourth term as Nyendo-Mukungwe Member of Parliament in the 2026 general elections, while setting his sights on a future presidential bid.

Addressing DF supporters in Masaka on Monday, October 6, Mr Mpuuga, who also serves as the opposition commissioner in Parliament and a former National Unity Platform (NUP) MP, said he will contest under his new party, the DF, to allow himself more time to prepare for a presidential run.

He explained that the DF had directed him to seek another five-year term in Parliament, adding to his 15 years of legislative experience since first joining Parliament in 2011.

‘The party directed me to seek five more years as Nyendo-Mukungwe MP as we prepare for what’s next. Contesting for Uganda’s presidency is not a ritual; I will contest when ready,’ Mr Mpuuga said.

‘Politics is on purpose. When the time comes and I am ready for president, even the dust will stir up because I will be more than ready,’ he added.

Mr Mpuuga accused the NUP leadership of failing to handle internal party matters effectively, saying the intolerance and branding of dissenting members as disloyal forced him and several allies to defect.

He joined NUP during the 2021 elections from the Democratic Party Bloc (DP Bloc), along with other senior politicians who went on to win parliamentary seats on the NUP ticket. However, many of them have since defected to DF.

Mpuuga’s declaration comes after DF opted not to front a presidential candidate for the 2026 elections, sparking public speculation about his political ambitions.

His close associates in Masaka, including Mr Abed Bwanika, who will contest for Kimanya-Kabonera Division MP, and Ms Juliet Nakakande, who is vying for Masaka City Woman MP, have also announced their bids under the DF ticket.

From NUP to DF

Mr Mpuuga, a former key figure in the National Unity Platform (NUP), broke away from the party last year following controversy over a Shs1.7 billion ‘service award’ that he received as former Leader of the Opposition in Parliament.

The award, shared among four parliamentary commissioners, Mr Mpuuga, Ms Prossy Mbabazi Akampurira (Rubanda Woman MP), Ms Esther Afoyochan (Zombo Woman MP), and Mr Solomon Silwanyi (Bukooli Central MP), sparked public outrage after each reportedly pocketed between Shs400 million and Shs500 million.

The NUP leadership summoned Mr Mpuuga to explain his involvement, demanding that he apologize and return the money, citing a breach of the party’s anti-corruption values.

However, he refused, accusing the party of unfair treatment and internal witch-hunts.

Amidst the fallout, Leader of the Opposition Mr Joel Ssenyonyi initiated a move to collect signatures to impeach Mr Mpuuga as opposition commissioner. NUP later attempted to replace him with Mr Francis Zaake, but Parliament rejected the replacement, leaving Mpuuga in the position.

He will now face off with Mr Gyavira Ssebina Lubowa of NUP, Ms Rachael Nakitende of NRM, and other aspirants when nominations for MPs take place on October 23 and 24.