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When Fufa rolled out its bold new reforms for the 2025/26 Uganda Premier League season, the expectation was that Ugandan football would enter a new, exciting chapter.

But weeks into the campaign, the narrative has shifted dramatically. The reforms have not elevated the game – they have fractured it.

The face-off between Fufa and Vipers, one of Uganda’s most dominant clubs, has escalated into a full-blown crisis.

Caught in the middle of this administrative warfare are the most important elements of the game: the fans who fill the stands and the players who give everything on the pitch. Today, they are the silent victims, watching a sport they love spiral into chaos.

Bitter feud

The controversial new league structure splits the season into three phases, resetting points after the first round and grouping teams into mini-leagues for the title and relegation battles.

While similar models exist elsewhere – Belgium and Scotland, for example – Uganda’s version resets accumulated points, something critics, including Vipers, argue destroys the meritocracy of the sport.

Vipers president Lawrence Mulindwa, once an architect of Fufa’s rise, has openly opposed the reforms. He calls them ‘a mockery’ and ‘gambling with football,’ warning that they threaten fairness, financial planning, and competitive balance.

His club’s refusal to show up for their fixture against Kitara last Saturday was more than symbolic – it was a line drawn in the sand.

Fufa, on the other hand, maintains that these reforms are part of a Technical Master Plan aimed at aligning Ugandan football with global standards and expanding the league to 18 teams by 2026.

But their tone has been combative, pointing to procedural compliance and league continuity instead of addressing the substance of dissent.

Players shine in darkness

In the midst of the political drama, football might still be played – but to what end? During KCCA’s recent 2-1 win over SC Villa at Namboole, two brilliant moments stood out.

Ivan Ahimbisibwe’s touch-and-go goal was a masterclass in movement and precision. Later, Umar Lutalo’s curling free-kick was the kind of strike that deserves a stadium in full voice. Instead, it met cold air and rows of empty seats.

Matches that once brought Uganda to a standstill now pass without celebration. Players are delivering their best, but their efforts are being lost in a void created by administrative division.

In any normal season, these would be highlights replayed and remembered. Now, they are forgotten moments in a league struggling to stay relevant.

Fans uncertain

Supporters, too, feel betrayed. Confused by the reforms, disillusioned by the infighting, and frustrated by the lack of transparency, many have started withdrawing their support.

Some fan groups have declared boycotts, while others express disdain on social media. The emotional contract between club and supporter is fraying, and without urgent repair, it may soon break entirely.

Fufa’s emergency meeting

Fufa’s reported emergency meeting on Monday evening was a chance to pause the conflict and prioritise the football community’s real stakeholders – the players and the fans. Instead, the federation was expected to double down, reiterate authority rather than rebuilding trust.

Ugandan football has been here before. From the dual-league fiasco of 2012/13 to Proline’s resistance and subsequent punishment, Fufa has a long history of responding to dissent with discipline rather than dialogue.

But Vipers’ defiance, and Mulindwa’s stature, present a different kind of challenge – one that could redefine the power dynamics in Ugandan sport.

The reforms may have been made with the future in mind. But if the present is lost – if fans walk away and players lose faith – then what future is left to reform?

Football is not just played on grass – it’s played in hearts. If those hearts stop beating for the game, no reform, however well-designed, can save it.

The question is no longer whether the league will continue. It is whether it will still matter.

I hereby write with great concern regarding the large number of attendees at various campaign rallies of the candidates participating in the 2026 presidential race of Uganda. This presidential race of 2026 is the seventh of its kind that I am personally witnessing.

Whereas the first two happened in 1996 and 2001 when I was still young and a bit naïve in regards to issues of civic space and elections, I was at least sharp enough to follow the proceedings. I thereafter followed subsequent proceedings leading to elections of 2006, 2011, 2016 and 2021 as an adult.

During those elections, there have been many dynamics that have kept changing, with the only constant being the appearance of Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni on the ballot paper during each of those election cycles.

Moreover, one of the key elements that have changed during these elections has been an issue of technology. Much as the 1996 and 2001 election campaigns called for more of physical rallies with radios and television being the main sources of updates, the times have changed and brought on board more print and electronic media, including digital platforms like Facebook, X platform (formerly twitter) Instagram, among others. Through such platforms, one is able to receive real time updates on the performance of their candidates in the field. This is done by way of sharing photos and excerpts from their speeches during the candidates’ trail.

However, even with these strides in technological development, there has been sight of very large numbers of voters and well-wishers thronging trading centres, streets, football pitches and any other places to catch a glimpse of their candidates.

Whereas this would not be bad since this is what the mobilisation offices are there for, I am concerned that these large numbers gather during weekdays.

Most of them gather during working hours, and, for every candidate that visits, there is a substantial number.

So, in all this, the only question that lingers through my head is; when do these people work? Are we giving a blind eye to the unproductive side of our population in the name of love for their candidates? Let us pay attention please.

Three women seeking to remove the Speaker of Parliament, Ms Anita Among, from the Bukedea District Woman Member of Parliament seat have accused the Electoral Commission (EC) of bias after it upheld an earlier decision to delete their names from the voters’ register.

In an affidavit filed before the High Court in Kampala yesterday, the EC, through Acting Secretary Richard Kamugisha Baabo, stated that it had reviewed the complaints and confirmed that parish tribunals acted within the law when recommending the deletion of the names of Norma Susan Otai (Forum for Democratic Change), Marion Alupo Mercy (National Unity Platform), and Hellen Akol Odeke (Independent).

‘.the Commission, upon review of the tribunal decisions established that no evidence was lodged with the tribunals to challenge its decisions recommending deletion of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Respondents during the 10 days of natural justice,’ Mr Kamugisha’s response read in part.

It adds: ‘.the 4th Respondent (EC) did not receive contrary evidence challenging the decisions of the parish tribunals recommending the deletion of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Respondents. The Commission, during review proceedings, upheld the decision of the Parish tribunals of Kopeta Parish, Kolir Sub-County, Kotolut Parish, Kidongole Sub-County, recommending deletion of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Respondents based on the evidence adduced by the parties.’

The case was filed by Ms Zipporah Akol, a resident of Bukedea, seeking to block the nomination of the three women who intend to challenge Speaker Among, the incumbent Bukedea District Woman MP. Presiding Judge Simon Peter Kinobe has set October 27 for the final ruling. Reacting to the EC’s response, Ms Otai accused the Commission of incompetence and partiality, claiming it was being used to play political games for specific individuals.

‘It is the Speaker behind this, because Zipporah Akol is the personal assistant to her, but also a cousin to the person of the Speaker,’ Ms Otai told this publication.

She added: ‘To fool or expose themselves, they deleted the names, then called us at the EC office in Kampala, then constituted the committee whose mandate had expired to probe us.’ We did not independently corroborate claims of relationship between the Speaker and the petitioner. Ms Alupo also criticised the EC, saying it had been compromised. ‘The EC is not for us; it is for the wrong few individuals. They have exposed themselves as an entity that has been compromised.’ She questioned how she could be denied her right to vote and contest, noting that her national ID was issued in 2017 and she participated in the 2021 elections in the same village and parish in Bukedea District.

‘I wonder why it is she who is interested in knowing those who are not voters in Bukedea. This is not the first time; she did the same also in 2021, and in the most recent, against Hellen Odeke Akol in the NRM primaries,’ Ms Alupo said. Ms Odeke, who was blocked from participating in the NRM primaries, said those undermining political careers in Bukedea would be judged harshly by history.

‘I am not going to follow up on anything, because the actions of the other powerful persons are undisputable in the courts, because I will be wasting my time and money,’ she told this publication.

The Electoral Commission spokesperson, Mr Julius Mucunguzi, promised to get back to us with a comment on the fresh allegations but had not done so by press time. Retired Col Joseph Onange, a former NRM aspirant for the LC5 chairperson flag who recently lost to Mr Simon Ongura, described the situation in Bukedea politics as unfortunate.

He said the Speaker, who should be a custodian of democracy, was instead blocking competition by fabricating cases. Mr Onange said Akol had faced two cases, one in the previous elections and the current one, and criticised the EC for rushing decisions without allowing the court to rule, suggesting bias.

Efforts to reach Speaker Among’s media handler, Mr Joseph Sabiiti, via phone and SMS were unsuccessful. Mr Chris Obore, the Director of Communication and Public Affairs at Parliament, was also unavailable for comment at press time. The machinations to fend off those who dare to take on the Speaker in elections in the district are not new. In June, Ms Odeke was denied a chance to contest in the NRM primaries for the Bukedea Woman MP seat flagbearer after the ruling party said she was not a resident of the village she claimed to have registered from.

The NRM Secretary General, Mr Richard Todwong, told this publication then that for one to register as a member of NRM, he/she must be a resident of a particular village. He promised to share the legal provisions to that effect when he was in office but has not done so until today. However, Section 23 of the NRM Election Regulations 2025, stipulates that a person shall qualify for nomination if; (a) He or she is a registered member of NRM and is duly registered upon the NRM register, (b)He or she is a registered voter with the National Electoral Commission, and (C) He or she has all the national requirements (qualifications) in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda and the National Electoral Laws.

The party laws are silent on the requirement of residency. In 2021, Ms Odeke faced a similar court challenge, which led the EC to block her nomination along with other aspirants intending to contest against Speaker Among.

Electoral Commission’s response to the court in full

”I, Kamugisha Baabo Richard of the Electoral Commission, Plot 1-3 and 5, 7th Street Industrial Area, Kampala, Uganda, P.O. Box 22678, Kampala, do hereby swear to this affidavit and state as hereunder;

l) That I am a male adult Ugandan of sound mind, an Acting Secretary of the Commission, well versed with the facts pertaining to the above matter, and I depone this affidavit in that capacity on behalf of the 4th Respondent (EC).

2) That I have carefully read and understood the contents of the applicant’s application and equally had the benefit of reading the annexures thereto together with other relevant documents available to the Respondent, all touching the same matter, and l respond to the Application as hereunder.

3) That the 4th Respondent (EC) rolled out its election roadmap to the country, detailing all segments of the 2025 /26 general elections processes through electronic and print media to all stakeholders and political actors in the country.

4) That the 4th Respondent, (EC) through a Notice in the gazette published a period between 20th January to 17th February as the update period where all interested persons who are registered voters and wished to vote in a parish or ward other than the one in which they were registered to apply to transfer their registration to a parish or ward where they wished to vote.

5) That the 4th Respondent published guidelines to all stakeholders requiring all those registered voters who wished to transfer or change their particulars to fill the prescribed forms to be provided by the update officers.

6) That the 4th Respondent further published a Notice in the gazette appointing a period of 21 days in which a copy of the voters roll for each parish or ward was displayed for public scrutiny by all stakeholders to afford an opportunity to all those who wished to raise objections on the registration status of any voter on the roll.

7) That the 4th Respondent further allowed a period of 10 days during which any objections or complaints in relation to the names recommended to the tribunal to be included or deleted from the voters’ roll or in relation to any necessary corrections, could be raised or filed.

8) That the 4th Respondent, upon receiving returns from the Returning officer of Bukedea Electoral Area, established that the Parish Tribunal recommended the deletion of the 1st (Akol Hellen), 2nd (Norma Susan Otai), and 3rd (Alupo Mercy Marion) Respondents on account of origin and residence.

9) That the 4th Respondent, in exercise of its mandate under the law, invited the 1st ,2nd, and 3rd Respondents to a meeting at its boardroom on 2nd October, 2025, to attend review proceedings arising out of the decisions of the parish tribunals recommending their deletion

10) That the 4th Respondent heard all the parties during the review proceedings, and all the parties were given an opportunity to challenge the recommendations of the parish tribunal. 11) That the 1st Respondent (Akol Hellen) formally withdrew from review proceedings and informed the 4th respondent (EC) that she was not interested in challenging the decision of the parish tribunal.

12) That the Commission under MIN Comp/O12/2O25 noted that the 1st,2nd and 3rd Respondents were given 10 days of Natural Justice under the law to challenge the recommendations to the tribunal, and therefore a right to a fair hearing was available and not utilized.

13) That the Commission, upon review of the tribunal decisions, established that no evidence was lodged with the tribunals to challenge its decisions recommending deletion of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Respondents during the 10 days of Natural Justice.

14) That the 4th Respondent did not receive contrary evidence challenging the decisions of the parish tribunals recommending the deletion of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Respondents.

15) That the Commission, during review proceedings, upheld the decision of the parish tribunals of Kopeta Parish, Kolir Sub-County, Kotolut Parish, Kidongole Sub-County, recommending deletion of the 1st ,2nd, and 3rd Respondents based on the evidence adduced by the parties.

16) That I further certify that the contents herein are true to the best of my knowledge and belief, save for any paragraphs based on information and advice.” Sworn at Kampala by Kamugisha Baabo Richard on October 3, 2025.

Karamoja Sub-region, located in the north-eastern part of Uganda and currently comprising nine districts, has long been a stronghold of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government.

Despite this unwavering support, many residents feel that key issues affecting the region remain unaddressed. According to the 2024 census, the sub-region has a population of approximately 1,496,117 people, with a total land area of about 27,900 square kilometres. However, literacy remains a significant concern.

As per the 2019/2020 data, literacy levels stood at just 30.4 percent, far below the national average of 76.1 percent. Male literacy was estimated at 40.3 percent, while female literacy lagged at 22.6 percent. This means only about three in 10 residents can read and write.

Karamoja is solely dependent on agro-pastoralism and has endured the effects of cattle raids, insecurity as a result of the porous borders where illegal ammunition is secretly traded, unpredictable weather patterns, which have often exposed the sub-region to shocks of famine, resultant effects of malnutrition, and child trafficking perpetuated by the high levels of illiteracy.

Mr Paul Ongorok, a resident of Abim District, said there are several factors that, under the ideal political party dispensation, would influence the 2026 elections in Karamoja but being a sub-region that almost 100 percent supports the ruling party, the issues raised by some of the locals will be ignored.

‘The issue of Abim District hospital remains a big challenge, the hospital has no standby generator, the theatre is completely dilapidated and so are the wards, often the entire hospital gets bushy with little attention paid,’ he explained.

Mr Ongorok added that the roads in the northern part of Karamoja are a testament that the area politically is stale because there are no serious Opposition leaders on ground to hold the ruling NRM accountable. He said in situations of referrals, it is a nightmare for both the ambulance driver and the sick patients themselves.

‘We are now 15 years from the time the government promised to elevate the greater northern Karamoja road from Teso to Karenga to tarmac, but nothing has come forth,’ Mr Ongorok said.

Mr William Longole, from Nabilatuk District, said the electioneering period allows people to hold those in power accountable, but unfortunately, in some places in the country, it comes with intimidation. He added that Karamoja has significant untapped agricultural potential, but the greenbelts around Karamoja are ending in the hands of a few individuals leaving the majority with rocky lands where farming can’t thrive.

Mr Longole said it is his prayer that the educated elites will use this opportunity to ask the government to ensure that there is equitable distribution of the greenbelts for purposes of food production. ‘This is not happening, we are seeing instead a few people own the green spaces, get bumper harvests, which are not used to serve people,’ Mr Longole argued.

He said it is equally his hope that the issue of human rights protection is brought to the fore by all stakeholders in this election. ‘We had the court make a pronouncement on the issue of civilians being tried in military courts. We thought by now the thousands of youth being held in the various prisons across the country would have been released, but this has not happened,’ he said.

Mr Peter Adei, the titular head of the Karamoja Cultural Association of Elders, said the absence of serious Opposition leaders and parties in Karamoja Sub-region is already an assured gift for the ruling NRM party that it will once again have a lion’s share of the vote in the sub-region. He said this also plays a big role in service delivery, because there is no opposing arm to hold those in power accountable.

According to Mr Adei, what Karamoja needs in the next term of 2026 to 3031 is to ensure that every parish has a primary school, every sub-county gets a secondary school, and each village gets clean sources of water for both human use and for the agro-pastoralists.

Mr Adei said since NRM remains the majority party in Karamoja, other parties find it difficult to access the people. ‘Those who come to contests under the Opposition tickets are never taken seriously, they are ignored and have rarely succeeded in the business of election in Karamoja,’ the elder said.

Mr Ernest Ayen, a youth chairperson for Karamoja, who is also a National Unity Platform party mobiliser, said the element of money will determine the vote in Karamoja. He added that politics have been commercialised, and the ruling party will ride on that at all levels, from the presidency to the local council 1 chairperson. ‘Secondly, they will use intimidation in areas where they will find resistance using the security apparatus, those two factors will stand out in Karamoja,’ he said.

Mr Felix Mark Lochale, LC5 chairperson for Karenga District, stated that due to irregularities in the NRM primaries, several independents are likely to win in 2026. However, at the presidential level, he believes the incumbent will retain dominance, largely due to improved security, successful disarmament campaigns, and a reduction in cattle raids. He acknowledged the government’s failure to deliver on critical road infrastructure promises, including the Moroto-Kotido, Soroti-Kotido-Karenga, and Karenga-Kitgum roads.

Mr Jimmy Ochero raised concerns over mineral exploitation in Karamoja, particularly the lack of clarity regarding the share of mining revenue allocated to local districts. He also condemned the government’s silence on surface rights, which he said continue to be violated. ‘Surface rights for agro-pastoralists are being disregarded, and our leaders remain silent,’ Ochero said.

Jinja North Member of Parliament, Mr David Isabirye Agha, has officially conceded defeat in the National Unity Platform (NUP) party primaries and pledged full support for the winner, Mr Hussein Muyonjo, popularly known as Swengere.

Mr Agha, who has served one term in Parliament, becomes the first incumbent legislator in the Busoga sub-region to publicly accept the outcome of the NUP primaries and throw his weight behind the party’s official flag bearer.

His decision comes shortly after Jinja City Woman MP, Ms Manjeri Kyebakutika, announced that she would contest as an independent candidate in the forthcoming general elections, having lost the NUP ticket to Ms Sarah Lwansasula.

Other incumbents opting to run as independents include State Minister for Cooperatives, Mr Fredrick Ngobi Gume, Iganga District Woman MP, Ms Sauda Alibawo, and Bunya South MP, Mr Iddi Isabirye.

Speaking to the press, Mr Agha explained that his decision to step down was based on an understanding reached among NUP primary contestants.

‘During the party vetting process, we agreed that whoever loses would support the winner. That’s exactly what I am doing,’ Mr Agha said.

He also dismissed circulating social media claims that he had defected to the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), where he was allegedly vying for a parliamentary seat.

‘There are fake photos on social media suggesting I’m running under a different party symbol. That’s not true. I am supporting Swengere, as I said earlier,’ he clarified.

Meanwhile, Mr Daniel Musinguzi, the NRM Vice Chairperson for Jinja City, urged party supporters not to underestimate the ongoing developments in opposition politics, warning that continued divisions within the NRM ranks could lead to a loss of the seat.

‘Among our members, three who lost in the primaries are standing as independents. If this disunity continues, we risk losing the constituency,’ Mr Musinguzi cautioned.

He appealed to NRM supporters to prioritize the party’s official candidate, Mr Edwin Lufafa, rather than splitting votes among independents.

The three independent NRM aspirants include Mr David Livingstone Zijani, the incumbent Butembe MP who has chosen to contest in Jinja North, Mr Ronnie Kakooza, and Mr Ronald Isiko.

Mr Samuel Gubi, a senior resident of Jinja North, however, downplayed the potential impact of Mr Agha’s decision to back Mr Muyonjo (Swengere) in the upcoming parliamentary race.

According to Mr Gubi, both politicians initially gained popularity not through long-term grassroots mobilization or community development efforts, but rather through their prominence as media personalities on local radio stations.

He argued that such excitement has since waned, with voters becoming more critical and discerning in their choices.

Mr Gubi added that Mr Agha’s term as MP was characterized by a growing disconnect with the electorate, leading to disappointment among constituents.

He cautioned that Mr Swengere could face a similar challenge if he fails to present a clear plan for community engagement and development, noting that media fame alone is no longer enough to secure victory in Jinja North.

Let me rub it in one more time. The 2026 election is going to setback Uganda by Shs838 billion. It shall buy us all the theatrics at nomination, the huge rallies, the promises and pronouncements, demonstrating ‘a dispensation that sticks to the tenets of democracy.’ We might also have abductions, imprisonment, and death.

After all that, Uganda’s current president, Gen Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power for 40 years, is going to be announced the winner.

Barring ‘an act of God,’ he will go on for as long as he wishes. In parliament, you will have a trend similar to the one we have witnessed for the last 30 or so years.

About 70 percent of the incumbent MPs will find themselves out of job. Uganda shall swear in a fresh lot with pomp and magisterial ceremony.

The majority of those promising to abide by the Constitution will, by a country mile, come from the dominant ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party or be independents affiliated to it. That alone will make the Opposition MPs hapless and helpless bridesmaids for the ruling NRM party.

For most parts, they will stage walkouts to demonstrate their disagreement with laws and motions passed by the ruling NRM. Many of these will be the outcome of meetings from the NRM caucus at State House with the President in charge.

At times, they will receive funds (It can go up to Shs100 million per MP) to help them consult their constituents. Once in a while, there might be physical fights with flying chairs and street demonstrations by Opposition MPs to ‘prove’ that they are fighting for democracy. But first, they will begin by electing a Speaker, of course, from the NRM.

After this, they will proceed to the most important function: determining their remuneration. It will kick off with the mandatory facilitation of Shs200 million for a vehicle befitting their status. Here we are talking about Shs100 billion in total. One or two will walk out, but then keep the money credited to their accounts.

Many will proceed to buy a second-hand Japanese ambulance and brand it with their portraits and the words donated by your loving MP 2026-2031, thus turning it into a moving billboard. They will then proceed to share out the lucrative positions of Parliamentary Commissioners and heads of committees.

For the next five years, we shall hear endless arguments about the need to curb Uganda’s bloated, rubberstamp parliament that is a burden to the taxpayer. On the lower level, the cities, municipalities, and local councils will also carry out similar rituals after ‘solomonly’ swearing in.

They will then proceed to fight over sitting allowances with threats not to sit in council if they are not paid. As of 2021, Uganda had about 2,775,492 elected officers, meaning that for every 16 Ugandans, there was an elected leader to feed off the taxpayer.

In most local governments, the lion’s share of the budgets goes towards salaries and wages, plus other attendant expenses to maintain the human resources. Meanwhile, the state of the roads and bridges will go into further disrepair with natural disasters exacerbating the predicament.

Ironically, the hospitals to which MPs ferry patients in branded ambulances will have inadequate medicine, staff, and equipment. The schools too will suffer a similar fate, Characterised by dilapidated or under the tree shade classrooms, absent or no teachers, inadequate learning materials, and high drop-out and failure rates.

The number of pupils who are functionally illiterate, the ones who complete P7 but can’t read, write and can’t solve P3 mathematical problems will remain high. At the higher level, students will strike under the weight of tuition fees that their parents find difficult to afford.

The news will be dominated by unchecked corruption and impunity. By struggles in the business sector with high taxes and low sales. An agricultural sector affected by climate change and all manner of challenges. Yes, democracy is expensive no doubt, but is it an act of folly to do the same thing over and over again expecting different of better results.

The next five years will be full of grumbling about poor service delivery. The powers that be will respond with more administrative units ‘to bring services nearer to the people’ and other selective programmes that hand out cash to an insignificant number of individuals.

Uganda, with its mounting debt, will continue borrowing and paying interest to bilateral and multilateral agencies to run the country, including for recurrent expenditure like salaries and wages. This means that there will be little money and effort towards meaningful investment into production. That we shall leave to the ‘foreign investors’ as ours is mostly about consumption.

Interestingly, some of the countries that are funding Uganda do not have the same level of obsession or compliance with ‘western democracy’ like we do. Take China, for instance. Most of the effort is geared towards massive production, creation of gainful employment, welfare, and economic growth.

The goal is eventual global domination which has been achieved. In the last 30 years (1995 – 2025), China has shot up to becoming the world’s second largest economy, past democratic Britain, France, Germany, Japan etc. It has pushed more people out of extreme poverty than the entire African population.

Yet African countries have periodic elections (funded by mostly the West) in line with the dictates of democracy. ‘Undemocratic China’ (by Western definition) is now one of the major funders of development projects in extremely poor and highly indebted African democracies. Unlike Africa and Uganda in particular, in China, the focus is the welfare of its people.

It is about bringing bread to the table of people and ensuring that they are in well-housed, employed, their children go to school, and all are in good health. Here we are keeping up appearances as a ‘democratic state,’ which in effect is empowering a cabal to run the affairs of state in perpetuity- and steal from it. This great investment affects production, infrastructural growth and social development.

The irony is that this creates armies of dissatisfied young people who have become a threat to the state and the NRM government. So, the latter has to invest huge sums in coercive instruments and use undemocratic measures like abduction, torture, and killing to secure itself in power. All this turns the whole project of democracy into a mockery.

A group of disgruntled National Resistance Movement (NRM) youths who lost in the recently concluded National Youth Council (NYC) elections have accused some party Secretariat officials of interfering in the polls and influencing the outcomes.

The group, led by Isaac Suubi, the Jinja City Youth Chairperson who contested for the NYC chairperson seat, told reporters in Kampala on October 6 that some officials have made it a habit to front their preferred candidates and inject large sums of money to ensure their victory.

‘In the end, we get lousy leaders who cannot even lead mobilisation, which is very unfortunate. We who don’t have money end up helpless, and that is why we are here to voice our concerns,’ Suubi said.

He added: ‘We want to send a strong message to the party that if our concerns are not addressed, we shall announce the next course of action, which may include shunning the party’s candidates and instead rallying behind independents.’

Daniel Moro, the Chairperson of Youth Publicity in Lira District who contested for the NYC Secretary position and lost, said they have petitioned the party several times but their complaints have not been prioritised.

‘We are seeking a meeting with the National Party Chairman so that we are listened to because we were treated unfairly, including some of our colleagues being removed from the nomination list at the last minute under unclear circumstances,’ he said.

Moro further claimed that the NYC elections were marred by irregularities, repeated delays, and financial influence, which he said undermined the democratic principles the NRM claims to uphold.

‘During the primary election, we realised that some candidates were predetermined. People from well-connected families and those linked to the Secretariat were favoured at the expense of others from humble backgrounds,’ he added.

When contacted, NRM spokesperson Mr Emmanuel Dombo said he was not aware of the youths’ complaints but advised them to formally lodge their concerns with the Secretary General.

‘I am not familiar with their complaints, but I implore them to lodge them formally with the Secretary General, who will handle them. However, if they say they petitioned and nothing was done, they may need to escalate the matter to the National Party Chairman, who is still on the campaign trail, but they will be addressed,’ he said.

The NRM conducted its NYC elections last week at the party’s Electoral Commission headquarters in Kampala, with over 400 delegates from across the country participating.

Daniel Ongom was elected Chairperson of the National Youth Council, while Jonathan Tayebwa won the position of Secretary for Student Affairs. The Secretary for Finance slot went to Godfrey Kamukama, and the Secretary for Sports and Culture was secured by Albert Loret. Other successful candidates included Sheilla Ainembabazi, Sarah Acemo, Edith Ayebare, and Priscilla Mbabazi.

At the press conference, Grace Nuwahereza, one of the disgruntled contestants and a representative of the Uganda National Students Association who had sought the position of Secretary for Students’ Affairs, said she was unfairly disqualified.

‘I picked the nomination forms very well, filled them, and returned them, but I was bounced without any explanation. The NRM party allowed us to participate in the process, but at the end of the day, they disqualified us unfairly. We deserve an explanation,’ Nuwahereza said.

Odongo Aaron Otuke, the District Youth Chairperson who contested for Secretary External Relations, said: ‘After the primaries, we tabled our concerns and were told that the National Party Chairman who must listen to our issues was on a rally, so we should wait. That is why we want them to fix for us a time so that we meet him.’

Gloria Namakula, the Secretary for Female Affairs in Hoima City who contested for Publicity Secretary, urged the party leadership to engage with the youth before they lose trust.

‘We call upon the National Chairman to give us a listening ear. Many young people are getting demoralised. When it is time for mobilisation, the party calls on the youth, but when the youth seek opportunities to lead, they are sidelined,’ she said.

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, has said President Museveni will be protected if he peacefully hands over power. While addressing NUP supporters at Busubizi playground in Mityana District yesterday, Mr Kyagulanyi said Ugandans will continue to suffer as long as Museveni remains in power. ‘If Museveni peacefully hands over power, we shall protect him,’ he said.

Kyagulanyi rallied supporters to turn out in big numbers to vote the NRM government out of power come January 2026. ‘You can see the poor and impassable roads among other failed service delivery systems in Buganda, but for now, I will not talk much about this because they will say I am being tribal, yet this is the area that brought Museveni into power.

Let us just vote them out of power,’ he said. ‘The teachers’ salaries will be a priority as soon as we get into power. This time you should learn to get angry as Buganda as we force out the NRM government from power. Even the salaries of the security people will have to be enhanced because this possibly explains why many of them become brutal while handling civilians. We shall also create 10 million jobs,’ he added.

Mr Kyagulanyi urged NUP supporters in Mityana to vote strictly for party flag bearers, saying they represent the true values and identity of the party. He also asked voters not to re-elect Mityana District Woman MP Joyce Bagala and Mityana South MP Richard Lumu.

Mr Kyagulanyi began his Mityana campaign in Busunju (Mityana North). He rode on a boda boda as he approached Busunju playground, drawing cheers from supporters. He later moved to Busubizi playground, where he held his main rally. His campaign trail was partly disrupted by heavy rains that made roads slippery and by security personnel refusal to allow his convoy through the town centre, where he had planned to open a party office.

Earlier in the afternoon, there was a standoff between NUP leaders and district security officials over the venue of the main rally. NUP had initially planned to hold the rally at Mityana-Ssaza Grounds in the town centre, but the district security committee directed that it be moved to Busubizi playground, about five kilometres outside town.

He arrived at Busubizi playground around 5:30pm. NUP leaders had also planned to use the event to launch Mr Kyagulanyi’s campaign in Buganda Region, the party’s stronghold. Deputy Resident District Commissioner Prossy Mwanjuzi said the original venue was too busy and would have posed serious challenges for public safety and crowd management. ‘Our responsibility is to maintain order and ensure safety for everyone. The change of venue was purely a security precaution,’ she said.

However, NUP leaders accused the district authorities of political interference and deliberate obstruction of Opposition activities. ‘Our president has every right to meet his supporters. Mityana has always been peaceful. What we are witnessing is not security management.

It is political intimidation,’ Busujju County MP David Lukyamuzi Kalwanga said. Mr Kyagulanyi is currently on a week-long campaign tour across Buganda region. Tomorrow, he is expected to hold campaign rallies in Kassanda and Mubende districts. Abdul Ssali, a resident of Katakala Ward, said: ‘The new president should prioritise good education and health care. Our people are condemned to death whenever they visit public health facilities where they find no doctors and medicine’ he said. Akram Kakande, a resident of Mityana Town, said the next president should trim the Cabinet to 22 ministers and reduce what he called exorbitant taxes levied on businesses in this country.

Daudi Mutumba, the chairperson of Kayunga Central Village, decried the rate of corruption cases. ‘There is high corruption and impunity among government officials and politicians. If the next president addresses that, a lot of resources will be saved to deliver the desired services to ordinary citizens,’ he said. Sulait Ssengendo Mambo, the councillor for Central Division, Mityana Municipality, said: ‘Corruption among government officials is destroying our economy. The new president must crack the whip because they are misusing resources that could be used for national development.’

Kyambogo University lecturer, Associate Prof Grace Lubaale, has been elected as the new Bishop of Busoga Diocese by the Anglican church.

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Dr Lubaale was elected as the fourth bishop of the diocese on Tuesday by the House of Bishops of the Church of Uganda, sitting at Lweza Training and Conference Centre.

ýHe will be consecrated and enthroned on December 4, 2025, at Christ Cathedral Bugembe in Jinja, according to a statement from the Anglican church.

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ýBorn on October 9, 1978, in Bugombya Zone, Butansi Parish, Butansi Sun County, Bugabula County in Kamuli District, Dr Lubaale got saved in December 1994, the Church said.

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ýHe was ordained a Deacon in the Diocese of Kampala in 2008, a priest in 2009, and installed as a Canon of Education and Training at All Saints Cathedral, Kampala, on November 1, 2024.

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“He is married to Clare Louise Atuheirwe, and God has blessed them with four Children. ýHe holds a Doctorate of Philosophy in Development Studies, Master of Arts in Theology, Master of Arts in Development Studies and a Bachelor of Arts with Education,” added a Tuesday afternoon statement issued by ýMr Balaam Muheebwa, the acting Provincial Secretary, ýChurch of Uganda.

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ýMeanwhile, the Archbishop of the Church of Uganda, Dr Stephen Samuel Kaziimba Mugalu on Tuesday commissioned the Provincial Tribunal to handle disputes within the Church.

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ýBefore being commissioned, the tribunal underwent orientation with Justice Mike Chibita of the Supreme Court as the lead facilitator, according to Mr Muheebwa.

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ýMembers of the Tribunal include; Canon Naboth Muhairwe the Provincial Chancellor as the Chairman of the Tribunal, Bishop Prof Fred Sheldon Mwesigwa of Ankole Diocese, Bishop Onesimus Asiimwe of North Kigezi Diocese, Bishop Pons Awinjo Ozelle of Nebbi Diocese, Bishop James Bukomeko of Mityana Diocese, Bishop George Turyasingura of East Ruwenzori and Bishop John Wilson Nandaah of Mbale Diocese.

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ýOthers are Justice Hellen Obura representing the Laity and The Very Rev. Canon. Dr Rebecca Nyegenye, representing the Clergy.

In the sweltering heat of Mbarara’s national delegates’ conference in June, the Democratic Party (DP) of Uganda laid bare its soul, or whatever that remained of it. Months later, party president Norbert Mao stunned many by openly declaring support for President Yoweri Museveni’s 2026 re-election bid.

His statement tore through the ranks of DP loyalists, deepening an already visible fracture. For many supporters, this was the final betrayal in a long story of decline and compromise. Yet, amid the noise, a small band of diehards has refused to walk away.

They find their comfort in lyrics from Kadongo Kamu legend Paul Kafeero: ‘Gwe ate bwoba olezze kabebbi ko, bwekakwononeera otuga katuge? Mbadde oyonja nozza n’okalere?’ loosely translated as ‘If you are carrying your baby and it soils you, do just strangle it?

I thought you just clean it and continue holding it?’ Kafeero’s words in a song titled Abako Mugyebale Emirimu (Endulu) , stripped of melody, have become a moral compass for these DP loyalists. They believe the party, despite its filth and fatigue, still deserves a chance to be cleaned.

The baby, however dirty, is theirs. To throw it away would be to abandon not only the party but also the ideals and memories it carries. This reflection captures what it means to belong to a party that once stood as Uganda’s conscience.

Founded in 1954, DP predates independence. It symbolised a vision of politics grounded in rule of law, social justice, and faith-based ethics.

It was the political home of Benedicto Kiwanuka, Uganda’s first prime minister and one of the earliest martyrs of conscience. Through the turbulence of coups, detentions, and ideological shifts, DP remained a moral voice, even when power eluded it. But that was then.

Today’s DP looks different. Mao’s 2022 ‘cooperation agreement’ with President Museveni blurred lines that once defined Uganda’s Opposition politics. To critics, it confirmed what they had long suspected-that the NRM had infiltrated, weakened, and domesticated the once-proud party.

They now call DP a ‘shell,’ its organs hollowed out and its purpose diluted. Still, some supporters remain. When pressed, they sound weary but not hopeless.

‘Yes, DP is broken,’ one longtime member in Masaka said. ‘But if all of us run away, who will stay to rebuild it?’ For them, political migration is no solution.

They view other Opposition parties as unstable, opportunistic, or similarly captured. To them, defecting to the National Unity Platform or Forum for Democratic Change or People Front for Freedom would be to join another house already on fire. Journalist Baker Batte, always asked why anyone would remain in DP ‘when Museveni already ate it for dinner.’

The question stings, but it misunderstands the emotional bond between party and members. Many of those who stay do so out of memory and conviction. They remember the party that stood for truth and justice not in word but in action. Their loyalty is not naïve; it is rooted in history.

To them, leaving DP feels like erasing the footprints of Uganda’s democratic journey. The struggle of Kiwanuka, Ssemogerere, and others cannot be discarded like a worn-out slogan.

History, they say, must not be buried under the weight of temporary setbacks. ‘DP was the first to speak truth to power,’ one elder said. ‘Even if it has stumbled, we cannot spit on our own grave.’

Of course, critics counter that sentimentality feeds paralysis. They argue that clinging to the past prevents political renewal. They remind the faithful that ideals mean little when leadership has sold out. They accuse the loyalists of emotional blindness, saying DP has lost its ideological spine and organisational relevance.

But the ‘Paate’ members and supporter persist. To them, DP is Kafeero’s soiled baby. You do not throw away your child because of dirt. You clean it, even if the cleaning takes time.

First, they know their party has fallen, but they also believe decline is not death. Their patience may look foolish to outsiders. But in their quiet defiance lies a belief that time still matters in politics.

Regeneration, they argue, begins with presence, not absence. They wait, not because they expect a miracle, but because they see no dignity in abandonment. And so they stay as they wait for the season when the baby is clean again.