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The funeral programme of Mama Lydia Yilwatda Goshwe, mother of the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Nentawe Yilwatda, has turned political jamboree in Jos, the Plateau State capital, where the Church service is taking place at COCIN Headquarters.

This is in anticipation of President Bola Tinubu’s expected attendance at the Church service.

The situation has led to traffic restrictions due to political procession on the streets.

Earlier, the Plateau State Government had announced traffic diversions in Jos and Bukuru ahead of the President’s visit for the burial.

Commissioner for Information and Communication, Joyce Lohya Ramnap, in a statement on Friday, said the diversion was to allow smooth movement of the presidential convoy.

Party differences have also collapsed as supporters of both APC and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are having fanfare side by side, carrying banners with different inscriptions.

Women groups, youth groups and other party faithful are seen wearing party T-shirts, face caps, among others, and the Boys’ Brigade is also on hand with a street march backed by the band section.

At the church, the security is tight, with attendees required to show special passes earlier distributed to gain entry.

Some pastors were turned back at the door, with a few seen scuffling with security personnel.

Meanwhile, a throng of guests has already gathered at the Jos International Airport in Heipang to welcome President Tinubu, who is expected to touch down from Lagos.

President Bola Tinubu has said what God has ordained cannot be changed by any man.

The president said this at the funeral service of Lydia Yilwatda, mother of the National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Prof Nentawe Yilwatda,

The event, which held on Saturday, was attended by Governor Caleb Mutfwang of Plateau State, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, alongside other governors, legislators, government functionaries and other dignitaries.

In his remarks, the President said the turnout of dignitaries showed the high regard people had for mama.

‘This gathering should remind us of the values that matter-unity, contentment, satisfaction, and productive leadership for our nation.’

‘To the clergy, I say thank you for your solemn message, for promoting peace, stability, and friendship. Hate is not an option for us. Love is what we must continue to preach-love for one another.

‘No one can change what God has ordained. His will and His promises are what truly matter. I was raised in a Muslim family, and my wife is a pastor who prays for me always. I believe deeply in the freedom of religion. We may differ in faith, but we pray to the same Almighty God, to whom we are all answerable.’

On his part, Mutfwang said the presence of the president meant so much not only to the Yilwatda family, but to the people of Plateau in general.

‘We are truly touched by this fatherly gesture. I must place on record that we, as a people, have enjoyed the love of the First Family. The Mother of the Nation, Her Excellency, Senator Remi Tinubu, has spread her motherly wings of love over us twice both to commiserate with us and to encourage us as leaders to continue doing our best to restore peace to Plateau State, in keeping with our name as the Home of Peace and Tourism.’

‘Your Excellency, the visits that our dear mother of the Nation has paid to Plateau State have deeply touched the hearts of our people. At the appropriate time, we shall express our gratitude in a special way.

‘While we are grateful for the honour of your presence at this solemn occasion, we also look forward to welcoming you again soon, Mr. President. We would be delighted if you could visit Plateau State again in the near future to see for yourself the extent to which we have keyed into your Renewed Hope Agenda with the resources available to us,’ he said.

The Development Bank of Nigeria (DBN), in partnership with Sterling One Foundation and with support from Agence Française de Développement (AFD), has launched the Women Investment Readiness Accelerator (WIRA) programme to strengthen women-led enterprises across the country.

The initiative, unveiled in Lagos, is aimed at helping women entrepreneurs overcome barriers, such as difficulty accessing finance, limited mentorship and inadequate business support services. It will provide training, guidance on accessing institutional funding, and market linkages to enable women-owned businesses to scale and compete effectively.

The managing director/chief executive officer of DBN, Dr Tony Okpanachi, said the bank remained committed to fostering inclusive economic growth through support for women entrepreneurs.

‘At DBN, we believe that empowering women entrepreneurs is not just the right thing to do, it is smart economics. With the support of Agence Française de Développement, programmes like WIRA can provide the guidance, mentorship and access to capital that women-led businesses need to thrive, scale and create lasting impact across Nigeria’s economy,’ he said.

The chief executive officer of Sterling One Foundation, Olapeju Ibekwe, stressed ‘Women are a powerful force in Nigeria’s economy, yet across the continent they face a $42 billion annual financing gap, receive less than 10 per cent of total investment despite owning nearly 60 per cent of small and medium enterprises and secure only around 5 per cent of venture capital when led by female chief executive officers. With WIRA, we are going beyond just helping them stay afloat, we are giving them the tools, connections and confidence they need to grow, compete and succeed on a bigger stage.’

The programme, which combines training, mentorship and market linkages, is expected to equip more women-led businesses with the capacity to expand and contribute more significantly to Nigeria’s economic development.

Leading smartphone brand Infinix Nigeria has once again proven its commitment to Nigerians, as over 15 winners emerge from the summer sales promo across Nigeria.

The summer sales promo, which ran from August to September 6, 2025, offered customers lots of benefits, including massive discounts, instant gifts, a chance to win household appliances like washing machines, refrigerators, gas cookers, and the ultimate grand prize of a fully loaded solar system worth ?2.9 million in a nationwide raffle draw. In addition, Infinix hosted live sales events across its social media platforms, where exclusive discount codes were made available to participants, providing them with added savings on flagship devices such as the HOT 60 Pro and HOT 60 Pro+.

Beyond the discounts, Infinix ensured that customers went home with instant gifts like the Infinix Smart Watch, Infinix Xe33 Earbud and Infinix-branded gift items on purchases of the NOTE 50 series, HOT 60 Pro, HOT 60 Pro+, SMART 10, HOT 60i, and other models. In the end, the promo recorded winners from multiple regions in Nigeria, ensuring that customers nationwide felt the impact. From Lagos to Abuja, Ibadan to Kano, Kaduna to Onitsha, and Port Harcourt.

Reflecting on the success of the promo, Oluwayemisi Ode, Integrated Marketing Communications and PR Manager at Infinix Nigeria, said: ”The Summer Sales Promo was designed to show appreciation for our customers nationwide, and the response was overwhelming. We are excited to keep delivering value in innovative ways, creating shared experiences, rewarding loyalty, and building stronger connections with our customers’.

The promo encouraged Nigerians to shop smart, save big, and enjoy exclusive gifts across both physical stores and online platforms. It was more than just a sales promo, but a nationwide experience that blended entertainment, shopping, and community.

For more information and exciting news, follow @infinixnigeria on Instagram, Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and TikTok.

President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, was among top government officials who attended the burial of Mama Lydia Yilwatda Goshwe, mother of the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Nentawe Yilwatda, in Jos, the Plateau State capital.

Mama Lydia died in August at the age of 83.

In his remarks at the burial service on Saturday, Akpabio extended his condolences to the grieving family, urging the APC National Chairman to take solace in the knowledge that his mother had chosen the right time to depart.

He said, ‘To our dear Mama, goodbye from all of us. Goodbye from Nigeria. To our National Chairman, be consoled in the knowledge that your mother chose the right time to depart – a time when her legacy continues to speak through you and through all the lives she touched.’

The Senate President also used the occasion to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for unifying and bringing together people fom different faiths, regions and political divides.

‘All former Governors of Plateau State are here today, irrespective of political party. The Governor of Plateau State, working closely with our National Chairman, has received you warmly, and the people of Plateau have shown tremendous affection and excitement at your visit.

‘As a politician, I observed the turnout from the airport to this venue – thousands of Plateau citizens lined the streets, waving and cheering. That alone speaks louder than any words: Mr. President, you have touched the hearts of the people of the Plateau.

‘This service today is a powerful reflection of unity, faith, and leadership – and it shows that God has truly registered your presence.’ Akpabio added.

Adisa Bolanta, a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police from Kwara State served as Commissioner of Police in Oyo, Sokoto, Kebbi, and Imo States, and also commanded the Police Academy in Kano. Renowned for his grasp of security management and firm stance on professionalism in policing, Bolanta speaks about the rising wave of insecurity in Kwara and its root causes.

The insecurity situation has reached a worrying point lately in Kwara State. Can you put the situation in perspective?

This issue of insecurity is both a national and international phenomenon. In Nigeria, we sleep with fire on the roof and do not care until it engulfs the whole house. Crime is like a virus, and once it affects a community, if not checked, it spreads. It began in Zamfara State as a local problem but was not properly handled. As Commissioner of Police in Sokoto between 2011 and 2012, that stretch of road from Sokoto to the Zamfara border was heavily policed, and there were few incidents. But once you entered Zamfara, the story was different. Because the federal government and the states did not act decisively then, the problem spread to neighbouring states.

Our security system is weak and subject to political interference. The police, who are central to internal security, are not adequately equipped. Kwara used to be a state of harmony, but because it borders Niger, Kogi, and Kebbi states, all of which face security challenges, complacency has made us vulnerable. We kept saying nothing was happening here while ignoring the signs.

Another factor is greed among our people. Foreign elements could not have settled here without locals giving them land and accommodation. Suspicious activities like sudden wealth, motorcycles, and movements were ignored. The vigilante system has also been monetised, making it less effective. What we need is genuine community partnership with the police, not roadblocks by poorly trained individuals.

Recently, there was an attack in Babanla and Oke Ode where 12 people were killed. The government deployed more security to the area.

Deployment of troops is necessary, but it will achieve little without community cooperation. Even if you send one million men, without timely information from the locals, they will be walking in circles. Security agencies are not magicians. The government must provide the enabling environment, but the people must provide information. If your neighbour’s son returns late with stolen goods, why not inform the police? That is how communities protect themselves.

Some residents are calling for the establishment of military formations or barracks in troubled areas. Do you think this will help?

No internal security is not primarily a military responsibility. Unfortunately, we have overused the military, turning them into policemen, which is wrong. Their role in internal security is temporary, to assist during crises and return to barracks once normalcy is restored. What we need is a properly equipped police force and supporting agencies like the Civil Defence. Building barracks will not solve anything if there are no logistics and mobility for the units.

There are also suggestions that states in the North Central should adopt a regional security network like Amotekun in the Southwest. Do you support this idea?

We have to be very careful with the idea of arming local or regional security outfits. On the surface, it may look like a solution, but in reality, it can be dangerous for a country like Nigeria that is deeply divided along tribal and ethnic lines. Let us learn from Sudan. That country once had its regular military establishment but later created another armed group called the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) to help deal with the Darfur rebellion. At first, the RSF succeeded in quelling the insurgency in Darfur. But instead of being dismantled after the war, the RSF continued to exist side by side with the army. Over time, rivalry set in. The RSF began to see itself as an alternative power bloc to the regular military. That rivalry eventually exploded into a full-blown civil war. Today, Sudan is in its third year of conflict between its national army and the RSF. The country is practically destroyed. More than half of its 16 million people have been displaced internally and externally, all because of that parallel security structure. This is why I do not support the creation of parallel security agencies in Nigeria. If our police are properly funded, properly equipped, and properly motivated, they are more than capable of handling internal security challenges. What we need is to strengthen the existing structure, not duplicate it with another armed group that may later become a rival force

Locals have claimed that helicopters supply arms to bandits in forests. From your experience, is this possible?

No, it is not possible. Those are social media stories. Military aircraft are sent to destroy bandits, not to aid them.

Do you think external forces are involved?

I do not believe so. The main issue is our porous borders. Climate change has worsened conditions in countries like Niger, Chad, Mali, and Burkina Faso, forcing herders south into Nigeria. Some of them are criminal elements. But the real tragedy is that our own sons and communities collaborate with them. Our problem is local, and we must look inward to solve it.

Some have called on the government to convert their hideout in the forest to productive use. What is your opinion?

All the state government needs to do is mobilise the people of the area, because they are the ones who know the in-out of the forest and can collate the necessary information that will lead to pinpointing the bandits’ location. Then the military and other security agencies can cordon off the area and storm it. What is important is to ensure the information is genuine, and the authorities should co-opt the locals to assist the security agencies. On whether the forest should be converted, the place has been there for years with no history of kidnapping. What we are seeing is a new phenomenon and the government need not convert it into anything. Even if the agencies have all the electronic surveillance systems, local input is still very important. In the north east, the Civilian JTF assists the military tremendously by providing useful and timely information.

The government has been accused of being slow to act on this issue. Where do you think we went wrong?

I do not want to blame anybody. Nigerians know how to shift blame. Those who say the government was informed earlier should ask who among them reported it to the authorities and what action they took. The government is often slow to act if they are not sure of the facts. If something is happening in a place and nobody reports it to the appropriate agency, it means nothing happened there. But when the problem becomes endemic, we accuse the government of failing to act. That is why it is important to report any incident promptly to the appropriate authority so the place can receive special attention. Everybody must be involved. If the military clears the forest and withdraws, other security agencies such as the police and vigilantes must remain.

I pen this article with a humble sense of responsibility hoping to contribute to this critical national discourse of proffering actionable insights to nation building. This article is informed by insights gleaned from my engagements with more than 1,000 leaders globally in the past year and close to a gross of this number fifteen years after I founded These Executive Minds (TEXEM) in the UK.

Sixty-five years after independence, Nigeria stands at a crossroads that is both sobering and promising. The sobering part is familiar. Too many citizens experience public services that arrive late or not up to par. Firms face a cocktail of inflation, logistics friction, and regulatory uncertainty. Civil society carries heavy loads where formal systems falter. The promising part is quieter but powerful. In the past year I have sat with more than a thousand leaders in ministries, agencies, boardrooms, factories, start-ups, cooperatives, and classrooms from Kano to Lagos to Abuja and cities in other emerging and developed countries. The appetite I have encountered is not for new slogans. It is for practices that produce compounding improvements citizens can feel. My contention is that the leaders who will move Nigeria forward in the next decade will practise three disciplines with rigour: reflection that rebuilds trust and sharpens judgement, reinvention that converts constraints into design choices, and winning that scales what works and protects it from erosion.

Reflection must come first because progress without trust rarely survives the news cycle and more importantly does not lead to sustainable inclusive impact. In many of our institutions, there is an inherited deficit of confidence. People discount statements before they hear them. Officials are assumed to be evasive until proven otherwise. In this context, the most strategic act a leader can take is to make the logic of decisions visible and testable. I have watched permanent secretaries and chief executives shift the temperature in a room by explaining the trade-offs behind a policy or a pivot in two pages of plain English, then inviting challenge before the implementation plan is final. That small ritual does more than inform. It signals that citizens and staff are not audiences but partners in judgement. Rwanda’s experience with public performance contracts for officials is instructive because it illustrates how visible targets and steady follow-through can change the relationship between leaders and citizens. Nigeria does not need to copy the mechanism to embrace the principle. We can begin with published choice notes that state priorities, the reasons for those priorities, and the measures by which success will be judged.

Reflection also requires safety for truth. In utilities, hospitals, and agencies I often meet talented professionals who knew trouble was coming but said nothing because it did not feel safe to do so. The cost of that silence is measured in failed projects, service outages, and avoidable controversy. A modest institutional habit can reverse this dynamic. Start formal meetings by asking for the pieces of bad news that no one has voiced. Reward the messenger rather than the fixer. In a northern water board I watched how this practice reduced the number of last-minute crises and improved relationships with suppliers who were finally hearing about risks early enough to help. Psychological safety is not a fashionable idea. It is a governance advantage.

Strategy is the next frontier of reflection. Plans that attempt to please everyone end up straining everyone. Strategy is not an inventory of hopes but the courage to choose. What distinguishes Ethiopia’s early industrial zones, despite all the imperfections, is not simply the infrastructure but the choice to concentrate on a small number of sectors where jobs could be created quickly and learning could compound. Nigeria has too often pursued breadth without depth. A commissioner who commits to a two-page statement of where the state will compete in transport or health, how it will win there, and what will be left aside this year, has already advanced execution. The power of this clarity lies in how it enables other actors to align. Suppliers, investors, and civil society can only complement a public agenda they can see.

Foresight completes reflective leadership. Oil shocks, currency swings, (though the latter two have been quite stable in the past six months) import disruptions, and climate stress are not surprises. They are conditions of the game. The organisations that navigate them well do not predict the future. They rehearse it. In Vietnam, which has climbed the manufacturing ladder over the past two decades, routine scenario exercises allowed managers and officials to pre-commit to responses when supply chains wobbled. In our context the same discipline means agreeing on three or four numbers that, if breached, trigger specific actions within a week. It means deciding in advance which contracts can be slowed without losing capability, which social programmes must be protected under any scenario, and which suppliers or ports will be used if a route closes. When senior teams practise these drills quarterly, they do not eliminate volatility. They convert volatility from a reason to panic into a reason to act calmly and quickly.

Once reflection has cleared the fog, reinvention can proceed with precision. Reinvention in Nigeria must start with an unflinching acceptance of constraints. Capital is tight. Power is unreliable in too many places. The skills we most need are scarce and globally mobile. Rules sometimes move mid-stream. These constraints do not forbid innovation. They shape it. The leaders who make headway begin by asking what job the citizen or customer is hiring the service to do. In one health programme I observed, teams stopped designing features and started listening to mothers who simply wanted certainty about vaccination days. A low-cost text system that reminded families and local clinics of fixed days in each ward lifted attendance without expensive infrastructure. India’s Aadhaar system, whatever one thinks of it in the round, succeeded because it focused on a minimal identity layer that others could build upon. Kenya’s M-Pesa was born because the banking system ignored the unbanked. Both cases show the pay-off from designing to the job, not to the institution.

Reinvention demands learning before scale. In too many Nigerian settings pilots are a performance rather than a process. They lack a falsifiable question, a clear owner, and a path to either stop or scale. The fix is not complicated. Any initiative expected to touch a large population should be tested in two locations, with one sharp question set in advance and a date by which a scale or stop decision will be made. The results should be published in language citizens understand. Failure then becomes an investment rather than a secret. I saw a state education agency kill three shiny ideas quickly and redirect funds into a teacher coaching model that improved learning outcomes because it treated the pilot as an experiment rather than an announcement.

Reinvention gains momentum when public institutions become conveners of ecosystems rather than providers of every function. Big problems yield when government, private firms, and civic actors share accountability for outcomes that citizens feel. Bangladesh offered a vivid lesson. Partnerships between government, a major telecom, microfinance institutions, and social enterprises created rural digital kiosks run by women that offered identity, market information, and payments. The result was a commercial model that advanced connectivity and income at the same time. There was no philanthropic afterthought. Incentives were aligned at the design stage. Nigeria’s agriculture and health sectors can embrace the same logic. Shared cold chain investment for vaccines, joint platforms for farmer data, and managed marketplaces for produce are all areas where no single actor can win alone, yet every actor can win if the rules of cooperation are clear.

The final discipline is winning. By winning I do not mean a one-off success that makes good copy. I mean the craft of scaling what works, protecting it from erosion, and compounding advantage. The first move is to pick a narrow transformation where citizens will feel the difference within months, ‘a low hanging fruit’. A permit workflow, a claims process, a land registry, or targeted procurement systems are good candidates. The rule is simple. The process must be completed end to end in a single digital flow. A named leader must own service levels. The model that drives decisions must be monitored so that it does not drift. Small wins matter because they change expectations. Once a citizen experiences a permit that takes days rather than months, tolerance for delay declines across the board. Indonesia’s progress on e-procurement and tax administration, while uneven, shows how patient systems work can raise revenue and trust at the same time. We should be stubborn about this kind of boring progress because it pays compound interest.

Winning also requires decision-making that treats a downturn as a time to prune and plant rather than to freeze. The instinct in a crisis is to cut across the board. The better move is to cut visible waste, protect muscle, and pre-fund two moves that will pay off when others are distracted. When India’s Tata Group bought Jaguar Land Rover in the depths of the 2008 crisis, it was not a gamble on prestige. It was a calculated bet on future capability. In Nigeria the equivalent in the public sphere could be a state securing a long-term power arrangement for critical social infrastructure when prices soften. In the private sphere it may look like acquiring a distressed logistics asset that reduces cost to serve for essential goods. These are not headline moments. They are compounding moves.

The strongest fosses in emerging economies are often social and institutional as much as technological. A company that ties its profit engine to a farmer’s gain by reducing post-harvest losses creates an affinity that is difficult to copy. A ministry that becomes the trusted orchestrator of identity or payments in a sector makes duplication wasteful for others and partnership sensible. Vietnam’s rise in manufacturing is instructive here. Once clusters matured and supplier development programmes took root, firms preferred to deepen rather than exit. In Nigeria we can replicate the principle if not the exact model by choosing the lever we will own, whether identity rails for SMEs, last-mile logistics in a large state, or a vocational pipeline that gives investors’ confidence.

Every serious proposal invites counterarguments. The first is that our constraints are too severe. It is true that power, security challenges, still high inflation and undervalued Naira shape the feasible frontier. Yet they rarely block the first disciplined step. Narrowing focus, publishing choices, and testing cheaply are possible even in tough conditions. The second counterargument is that pilots never scale here. That is not a law of nature. Pilots fail to scale when ownership is vague and money is episodic. Tie each pilot to a named leader with a budget gate and an adoption target. If the target is met by a stated date, the next release triggers automatically. If not, the idea is retired without controversy because the condition was agreed up front. The third objection is that openness hands advantage to rivals or invites misuse. Opacity is more expensive. Clear interfaces, shared dashboards, and pre-agreed escalation channels protect the public interest while letting private actors bring energy and ingenuity. The fourth objection is that our context is unique and therefore resistant to lessons from elsewhere. Culture and politics matter. So does execution. The underlying disciplines of reflection, reinvention, and winning have travelled across Asia, Africa, and Latin America because they are grounded in human behaviour and institutional incentives rather than in fashion.

Actionable suggestions matter most when they become routine. A practical rhythm helps leaders avoid performative announcements. Each quarter, senior teams should meet for a candid review of trust, choices, and scenarios. The output should be three objectives with dates and owners that are shared with staff and, where appropriate, with citizens. Each month, the organisation should pilot two new practices and retire one legacy habit that no longer serves. A one-page learning note in plain English should capture what moved, what did not, and what will be changed as a result. Each week, leaders should review a single measure that protects their moat, whether adoption, cost to serve, or ecosystem leverage, and then remove one blocker that slows progress. This cadence is not a ritual for its own sake. It is the mechanism through which reflection feeds reinvention and reinvention feeds winning.

The independence anniversary invites a final reflection. Nations and subnational do not become trustworthy because they declare it. Companies do not become competitive because they wish it. NGOs do not become impactful because they are earnest. Trust grows when leaders expose their logic to scrutiny and follow through. Competitiveness grows when organisations choose a place to compete and then refine how they win there through fast learning. Impact grows when coalitions form around measurable outcomes that citizens experience in hours saved, income gained, and safety improved. I have seen these habits in pockets across Nigeria. A cooperative that became a disciplined buyer and seller on behalf of its members and cut their losses. A state-owned entity that digitised a creaking process and recovered weeks of time for small businesses. A private firm that opened its platform to complementary services and grew by letting others create value. These are not miracles. They are crafts. Crafts improve with practice.

Examples from other emerging economies are not medals to hang on a wall. They are reminders that the work is doable. Rwanda’s visible performance contracts demonstrate how public accountability can reset expectations after trauma. Aadhaar in India shows that a minimal, interoperable public good can unlock many private innovations when designed with restraint. Kenya’s mobile money revolution proves that leapfrogging can occur when a clear job is served on a platform people already use. Vietnam’s steady climb through manufacturing illustrates how clusters, supplier development, and predictability attract commitment. Indonesia’s progress on tax administration and procurement shows how patient system building raises revenue and trust together. Bangladesh’s rural digital models illustrate the power of aligned incentives across public, private, and social actors. None of these examples is a blueprint. Each is a provocation to ask what the Nigerian equivalent would look like under our constraints and with our strengths.

As we enter the sixty-fifth year of independence, the choice before Nigerian leaders is not between idealism and realism. It is between a loud cycle of fresh promises and a quieter craft of institutional improvement that compounds. The second path is less dramatic, yet it is how countries change without fanfare. It begins with leaders who listen before they speak and who effectively communicate the reasons that informed their choices. It gains speed with teams who test efficiently, measure honestly, and stop what does not work. It consolidates with organisations that scale what works, protect their edge, and reinvest in capability in good times and bad. I wrote earlier that the mood is sober and promising. It will remain promising only if it becomes disciplined.

The most powerful sentence I have heard in the past year came from a nurse in a secondary hospital who said that the only thing that had changed her day was a new process that meant a critical drug arrived on Wednesday without fail. It made her sound less like a hero and more like a professional. That sentence is the heart of development. When essential functions become reliable, professionals emerge, and citizens begin to trust. The path to that sentence is neither glamorous nor impossible. It asks us to reflect with candour, to reinvent with humility, and to win with patience. If we make those verbs our habit in the year ahead, the country we will write about at seventy will look less like a set of crises to manage and more like a system that works. That would be an independence worth celebrating.

In Sudan, one of the oldest and most unique beauty and health rituals known as Dukhan or smoke bath, is a traditional practice where the body is exposed to scented smoke from a burning wood.

Dukhan is popular among married women and soon-to-be-brides. A practice which is part of marriage process for brides is believed to beautify the skin, making the body firmer and adding a lasting fragrance on the skin of the bride-to-be.

While some men also use it to relieve body pains, especially joint pain, the practice is generally considered a women’s ritual in northern Sudanese culture, a culture which has been largely adopted by most states in the northern part of the country.

In some instances, it is believed to able to treat sexually transmitted infections, such as syphilis and gonorrhea, but in this circumstance, various medicinal plants, such as tundub (with its botanical name as capparis decidua, which is a desert plant which seeds and oil have traditional medicinal and nutritional uses), are used instead.

Although the ritual is Sudanese in origin, it has also spread into Nigeria, particularly the northern part of the country, where it has been adopted by women across different communities. In many parts of the North, Dukhan has become part of bridal preparation and married life, valued for its beauty effects, fragrance and role in enhancing intimacy. For brides in particular, the smoke bath is seen as a way of preparing the body and skin for marriage.

The process begins with the woman applying karkar, a special oil made by mixing sesame oil with various local herbs and perfumes. She then covers herself with a thick wool blanket and sits on a stool with a hole in the middle. Underneath the stool, a fire is lit in a small pit and special woods are placed on it. The most common are talh (acacia wood, from the acacia tree) and shaff (a locally grown scented wood). They are called turaren wuta here in Nigeria. These woods produce a rich, sweet-smelling smoke that surrounds the body.

The woman remains seated until the smoke becomes too hot to handle. The heat opens the pores of the skin, while the perfumed smoke is believed to smoothen and soften the skin, tighten the body, particularly the private, and leave a natural fragrance. After the smoke bath, women often receive a dilka massage (a body scrub made from turmeric, honey and other ingredients), that leaves the skin glowing.

Still, questions remain about whether the smoke bath is truly healthy. Medical experts have expressed concerns about its safety. In fact, Dr Naima Idris of the Girl Talk Series on an Instagram live described the practice bluntly: ‘It is like a barbecue for a woman’s private part.’

To understand why the practice continues to hold such meaning despite the concerns, Weekend Trust spoke with women who have experienced Dukhan firsthand.

Mariya Ibrahim, a bride-to-be, explained that the practice is a part of marriage preparation. ‘To be honest, it is a tradition that has always been done. Young girls and brides-to-be are excited at the thought of that aspect of wedding preparation. It is painful and time-taking, but once it is finished, you smell so nice and look better. I do it because all my sisters that are married did it. I cannot imagine a bride not having to do Dukhan or the whole gyaran jiki process.’

Zainab Musa, who has been married for four years, told Weekend Trust that she still maintains Dukhan as part of her beauty routine. ‘I began Dukhan as part of my wedding preparations, just like every other bride. My mother is from Borno State, so I grew up around the burning of turaren wuta for cloths. I often saw her and my aunties practise Dukhan without negative effects. Over time, I personally began to enjoy the fragrance it leaves behind. For me, it is not only a tradition but also a form of self-care,’ she said.

Although Dukhan is traditionally practiced, mainly by women from northern communities, today, it has crossed those cultural boundaries. Women from other regions have embraced the practice, showing how the smoke bath is gaining popularity beyond its original roots.

Elizabeth, a young woman from Anambra now living in Abuja, said she first discovered Dukhan through a sponsored Instagram advert by a spa. ‘I decided to give it a try. Honestly, it hasn’t really had any bad effect on me, but sometimes I do it together with the full gyaran jiki process, and that makes me look more beautiful and smell really nice. I don’t do it often, maybe once in three months, just as a self-care thing,’ she said.

Not all women continue with the Dukhan ritual after marriage. Aisha Ahmed, a mother of two said, ‘I did it when I was a bride because I didn’t really have a choice. Where I come from, it would have been unheard of for a bride to skip the full gyaran jiki process. People would have talked and I didn’t want the gossip. But many doctors advised against it.

‘After I got married I chose not to continue. And luckily, my husband did not mind. I understand the risks now, so I decided not to do it anymore.’

For those who provide the service, Dukhan is seen as an essential part of women’s beauty and self-care.

Jamila Yakubu, who runs a spa in Abuja and Kaduna since 2019, said she first encountered the smoke bath as part of everyday life in northern Nigeria. ‘As a northerner who has spent all her life in the North, I would say I first learnt about Dukhan from my environment since it is common here. Then I made research about it online before attending classes on it,’ she explained.

Jamila, who studied botany (the scientific study of plants), blends cultural practice with scientific knowledge. She said, ‘During a Dukhan session, body scrubs of different types are prepared from natural ingredients; and these scrubs are applied all over the body, then the scrubbing begins. Afterwards, the steaming session is next. The client sits in a sauna body steamer for about 20 minutes. The dorut wood is also burnt, allowing the smoke to trap in the sauna bag. Cloves and date seeds are also burnt, and women are told to sit on the smoke for a few minutes. This allows the steam to tighten the private part after childbirth. Cloves are known for their antimicrobial properties, which kill certain fungi and bacteria.’

She listed some of the natural materials she uses: turmeric, qasil, henna, moringa, dorot wood, palm oil, olive oil, coconut oil, carrot oil, among others. ‘The turmeric is known for instant skin glow and lightening, the qasil, henna and moringa plants are good for exfoliation, acne treatment and skin repair. The dorut wood brightens the skin, while all the oils I use naturally give it a radiant glow,’ Jamila explained.

She said her clients kept coming because they trust her expertise. ‘I don’t just offer a Dukhan service, I also educate them about certain things relating to their skin types. I make them comfortable; and I must say that I have a good customer relationship,’ she said.

Jamila admitted that Dukhan comes with risks if not practised carefully. ‘These disadvantages come when you don’t have a proper knowledge about it. When you sit in the smoke bath, make sure your head is outside the sauna bag; that is why I use a sauna bag to avoid inhalation of smoke, which might cause respiratory problems. I also make sure my clients don’t sit in the steam for long to avoid an increase in blood pressure,’ she explained.

On the cost, she said a regular session could be as low as N25,000, adding, ‘This include body waxing and two steaming sessions. But we offer different packages, depending on your budget. And yes, the price changes for bridal packages.’

Despite her belief in the practice, Jamila also urges moderation. ‘My overall thought about the smoke bath is that women shouldn’t do it too frequently to avoid skin burns and possible inhalation of smoke, except they are having the Dukhan session at a well-equipped space, like I use a sauna bag for mine. I recommend women to do it at least twice monthly and on special occasions,’ she said.

For Meelas, who runs a beauty spa in Abuja, Dukhan is both a passion and a profession. She said, ‘I have always been a woman who loves body care. I used to visit spas regularly, and that was where I learned how the owners interact with their clients. From there, I picked up knowledge about how to prepare and guide women through Dukhan.’

According to her, women come for Dukhan for different reasons: ‘Some are for marriage preparations, others for self-care and body maintenance.

‘Dukhan is 100 per cent healthy. It has no harm. Dukhan is all about beauty, it is just body maintenance to get the skin to look neat and beautiful.

‘Smoke bath is an amazing experience I will advise every woman to get. As a woman, you are supposed to always keep your body neat, smooth and soft; and for this to happen, you can’t rely only on skin products. This is why it is a necessity for every woman. It is advisable to have Dukhan, at least twice monthly.’

However, while women who practise it and those who provide the service often describe smoke bath as cleansing and relaxing, medical experts continue to warn against it.

Dr Nonye Okoye, a consultant obstetrician and gynecologist told Weekend Trust that the claimed benefits were not supported by science.

She said, ‘There is no scientific evidence that it tightens the private part. We actually try to speak against women using scented herbs, fragrances or lotions to create a ‘better’ scent because the private part is not meant to have such floral smells. What those things do is distort the normal microorganisms, the natural bacteria that help maintain wellness. Naturally, the private part has different smells, depending on the individual, but it is meant to be musky, like fresh soil, not floral or perfumed.’

Dr Okoye explained that organisations such as the World Health Organisation and many OBGYN associations had openly discouraged steaming and smoke baths.

‘The risks completely outweigh the benefits. Exposing the private part to hot smoke can cause burns. The skin there is very fragile and the heat can lead to thermal injury and damage delicate tissues,’ she stressed.

She warned that the smoke also disrupts the natural balance of the private part, saying, ‘There are bacterial bugs that are meant to be there. The smoke can alter the pH (a measurement of the acidity or alkalinity of the environment of the private part), which normally protects women. When that pH is disturbed, it increases the risk of recurrent yeast infections and bacterial vaginosis. It also creates micro-injuries and dryness that make women more vulnerable to HIV and other STIs.’

The dangers, she added, are not only gynecological. ‘Inhaling wood smoke, especially in poorly ventilated rooms, can irritate the lungs, trigger asthma and even cause long-term respiratory disease. Depending on what is burnt, women could also be exposed to toxins, such as carbon monoxide and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. These toxins can be absorbed into the body and increase susceptibility to infections. And with long-term exposure around the reproductive areas, we also have concerns about fertility.

‘The safer, evidence-based alternative is pelvic floor muscle exercises. Women can learn how to do this from a pelvic floor therapist. These exercises, recommended especially from age 30 onward and for women who have given birth through the private part, strengthen the muscles that support it and other structures. Done consistently, they improve tightness and sexual satisfaction without any risk.

‘Good hygiene, avoiding perfumes or scented washes, and seeing a gynecologist when necessary, are the safe ways to maintain vaginal health. Dukhan is not recommended. It is not evidence-based. What women need is education to make informed, medically sound choices,’ she noted.

Weekend Trust reports that although doctors advise against the Dukhan smoke bath, many women still follow the traditional practice because they believe it enhances sexual intimacy and improves their beauty. Health workers stress that women need education to make informed, medically sound choices, but for now, many continue to trust and follow the Dukhan practice passed down through generations.

The Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC) said the death toll from Lassa fever in the country had climbed to 168, with 906 cases recorded so far in 2025.

In its latest epidemiological report covering January 1 to September 21, the agency said the Case Fatality Rate (CFR) now stood at 18.5 per cent, higher than the 16.9 per cent reported in the same period last year.

According to the report, which was released on Friday, Nigeria has so far documented 7,792 suspected cases of the viral disease across 21 states and 106 local government areas.

The majority of confirmed cases – 90 per cent – were concentrated in five states: Ondo (33 per cent), Bauchi (23 per cent), Edo (18 per cent), Taraba (13 per cent) and Ebonyi (3 per cent).

‘Cumulatively, as at week 38, 2025, 168 deaths have been reported with a Case Fatality Rate (CFR) of 18.5 per cent, which is higher than the CFR for the same period in 2024 (16.9 per cent),’ the NCDC stated.

The agency noted that no new health care worker was infected in the latest reporting week, while overall suspected and confirmed cases have declined compared to last year.

Lassa fever, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO), is an acute viral illness endemic in West Africa, primarily transmitted to humans through food or household items contaminated by rodent urine or faeces.

Person-to-person transmission, the WHO added, could also occur, especially in health care facilities without proper infection control.

The NCDC said its multi-partner, multi-sectoral technical working group continues to coordinate response activities at national and subnational levels.

Even as former president Goodluck Jonathan is yet to speak about his intention to run for the presidency in 2027, speculations that he will run are rife.

Rather than attenuate, such projections have fuelled further debate about the former president, while his continued silence over the matter has served to heighten the suspicion that he is considering running for the position.

The projections appear even more probable due to recent happenings around the current president, which include the fact that his interactions with political parties have increased, his public appearances have also multiplied, while his close associates have been unusually upbeat about his chances of winning should he decide to contest.

Hitherto, the 2027 projections had centred around the three major presidential candidates that contested the 2023 elections: former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of the PDP; Peter Obi of the Labour Party; and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso of the NNPP. Former governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, had also been factored in, given his renewed interest.

There are, however, strong indications that the former president is making serious consultations on the possibility of running for the office. Only last week, the former president paid a visit to his long-time political associate, former Senate President David Mark, who is now the national chairman of the African Democratic Party (ADC), and had lengthy discussions believed not to be unrelated to the former’s intention to run.

This week, former minister for information, Prof. Jerry Gana, who is a stalwart of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), also came out to say point-blank that Jonathan would contest the 2027 election. Speaking to journalists shortly after a PDP congress in Minna, Niger State, Gana said Nigerians had experienced two other leaders after Jonathan and were now yearning for his return.

‘I can confirm that Goodluck Ebele Jonathan will contest the presidential election in 2027 as PDP candidate, and we should be prepared to vote for him to return as president again,’ he added.

There was also an event to celebrate the ‘good qualities’ of the former president slated for the Independence Day, which was, however, put off due to what the organisers described as ‘pressure from outside.’

The much-advertised stage play entitled The Patriot was to celebrate the patriotism and statesmanship of former president Jonathan. Posters, billboards, and clips on various social media platforms announcing the staging of the play with images of former president Jonathan conspicuously on them were placed at strategic points in Abuja and shared across various media platforms.

As many turned out at the venue to watch the play as advertised, the producer, Patrick Otoro, came on stage to explain that it would no longer be staged and had been replaced with another one titled Our Yard Our Bond. He explained that shortly after the adverts for The Patriot went out, they received several calls alleging that they were staging it to campaign for Jonathan.

Though he did not say where the calls were coming from, he said they made it clear that it was not yet time for campaigns.

‘We got calls that we were campaigning for Jonathan. That was not our intention. No, we’re not campaigning. We don’t belong to any political party. We just wanted to honour him for making that call,’ he said.

Among the dignitaries that turned up at the event were the former minister of information and PDP chieftain, Prof. Jerry Gana, and former secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha.

On Friday, the former president was also at the presentation of a book, Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum, authored by a former chief of defence staff, Gen. Lucky Irabor (rtd).

Analysts said if the former president is not interested in contesting in 2027, he would have made that clear by now instead of keeping people guessing.

Presidency, PDP worried

In a shocking development, the presidency did not wait for Jonathan to declare before responding to Prof. Gana. Special Adviser to the president on information and strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga, described the comment by Gana as an absurdity.

He said Gana even deluded himself, asserting that the former president would defeat President Tinubu to reclaim power after 12 years.

He added: ‘However, we should caution former president Jonathan to be wary of the PDP sugar-coated cheerleaders. Politicians of Jerry Gana’s ilk merely want to lure him into the race to satisfy their personal, political, religious, and ethnic interests. They will abandon him midstream, as they did in 2015, and leave Gentleman Jonathan in the lurch.’

The National Working Committee of the PDP also joined the fray, saying Gana does not have the authority of the party to disclose that former president Goodluck Jonathan would become its presidential candidate in the 2027 general elections.

National Publicity Secretary of the party, Debo Ologunagba, said the party does not lack presidential materials for the next general election, as there are competent and performing governors from the South that could easily become its presidential candidate, if they so desired.

65 years of recycling leadership

A peep into Nigeria’s political history shows that if former president Goodluck Jonathan succumbs to pressure and agrees to run for the presidency in 2027, he will be counted as the fifth Nigerian former ruler who lost power and tried to stage a comeback.

The others are Nnamdi Azikiwe, Yakubu Gowon, Muhammadu Buhari, and Ibrahim Babangida. Impliedly, it is only Shehu Shagari, Ernest Shonekan, and Abdulsalami Abubakar that did not make an attempt to return after leaving office.

Nnamdi Azikiwe, who was president during the 1st Republic, tried both in 1979 and 1983 to come back. Gowon, who was overthrown in 1975, made an attempt for the presidency under Option A4 but was defeated at the primary.

Olusegun Obasanjo was not overthrown, but he still contested election in 1999, won, and stayed in office for eight years as president.

Shehu Shagari, who was overthrown after winning a second term in 1983, though lived till 2018 seeing through six elections after his overthrow, never made any attempt to return to the presidency. But his vice president, Alex Ekwueme, did in 1999 and 2003.

Muhammadu Buhari, who overthrew Shagari but was sacked by his friends and colleagues in 1985, joined politics and contested in 2003, 2007, and 2011 before he won in 2015.

Ibrahim Babangida, who overthrew Buhari in 1985, also tried to stage a comeback through democratic means in 2011 but was defeated at the primary.

Ernest Shonekan, who lived till 2022 to the ripe age of 82, is among the few that showed no interest in returning to power. Abdulsalami Abubakar was not overthrown but, unlike Obasanjo, did not attempt to come back.

With the majority of those who left their seats making attempts and sometimes succeeding in coming back, analysts say it is likely that Jonathan will succumb to pressure.

Nigerians and nostalgia for former leaders

Some analysts say Nigerians prefer their former leaders because they believe the past had always been better. Prof. Murtala Muhammad of the Department of History and International Studies, Northwest University, Kano, said Nigerians frequently believe that the former government is superior to the current one.

He said: ‘According to social psychology, when people are faced with the harsher realities of the present, collective memory and nostalgia frequently exaggerate the apparent stability or modest accomplishments of previous governments. Although this phenomenon is not exclusive to Nigeria, the cyclical nature of governance failures makes it more severe.

‘People selectively ignore the very criticisms they once made of those same administrations when comparing their current struggles with selective memories of the past. The result is a vicious cycle of disappointment in which the government of the past is recast as the lesser of two evils and the government of today is vilified.

‘Every administration has a history of overpromising and under delivering, which has led to a drop in living standards, increased insecurity, and a worsening of poverty. Nigerians turn to the relative stability or modest growth of past regimes when promises of reform and transformation fall flat due to corruption, poor management, or inconsistent policies. Thus, the idea that ‘the past was better’ reflects both psychological nostalgia and the instilling lack of trust in governance.

‘By portraying current administrations as incompetent and former ones in gentler terms after they leave office, the media and public debate reinforce these narratives,’ he added.

Those who are in support of Jonathan say he is better poised to win the votes in the North because he is statutorily bound to do only one term, and that if the South-South and the South-East support him, then he is good to win.

But not all are in support of Jonathan’s return. Chief Asara A. Asara, a close political ally of the former president, said the optics are not in his favour.

‘He is a global icon, so as far as I’m concerned, that is enough. He has built a name for himself, so except he has forgotten something in the Villa, in my own personal opinion, I don’t see anything that he is going there to do because, even the economy today, the Nigeria situation today is worse than when he was there. He is not a small boy, also he has read, so he is supposed to look at the indices, both political, economic, and otherwise. Most of his supporters have left, most of his supporters cannot even support him again, so why are you coming to put the reputation you have built over the years, because a few groups of people who want to benefit from your presidency tell you go and run, you will win.’

Analysts say there is also the challenge of political platform, as the PDP where the former president belongs is experiencing turmoil that may not favour his contesting on that platform. All the major opposition parties already have a surfeit of aspirants who may not want to step down for the former president.

Legal issue

There’s also the legal issue which is being debated on his eligibility to contest in 2027, given that he had taken oath for the office twice.

Barrister Ugochukwu Osuagwu, when contacted, said Jonathan is not constitutionally eligible to contest the 2027 presidential election, having taken the oath of office on two previous occasions. He said the constitutional amendment catches up with him because he had taken the oath twice, adding that the recent judgement of a high court in Bayelsa, clearing the way for the former president to contest, had not been tested at the appellate courts.

‘The essence of the amendment is to prevent somebody who had taken the oath twice in the past, so the amendment is both retroactive and prospective.

‘Aside arguments on taking oath twice, Jonathan has ruled for six years; if he contests and wins, he will now rule for 10 years,’ he added.

A former Attorney General of Ekiti State, Dayo Akinlaja (SAN), said he is of the view that Jonathan is entitled to contest the 2027 presidential election, as the constitutional amendment that forbids somebody from being sworn in more than two times does not have a retroactive effect.

‘The constitution is prospective, not retrospective,’ he said.

‘The Ondo State Governor (Lucky Aiyedatiwa), who was sworn in on December 27, 2023, cannot do another term now because the constitutional amendment was already in operation when he was completing his boss’s term,’ he said.