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Those familiar with my writings in the Monitor and my utterings on social media will know that I place great importance on the data generated by the American technology giant Google.

Google’s user data – based on billions of monthly searches, YouTube views, Google Play app store downloads, Google Maps references, Chrome browser cookies, and Android mobile operating system data – is the most comprehensive and most accurate picture of the world today.

For practically any topic, one gets a snapshot of the world’s tastes, interests, habits, and thoughts. Since we are now in the 2026 General Election season, I am naturally turning to Google’s tracking data to get a feel of the national mood and the prospects of the various presidential candidates and political parties.

One particular trend stands out – the National Unity Platform (NUP) appears to be gaining traction across Uganda.

NUP was founded in Kampala around 2017, at the fringes of the city economy and revolving around the local Afrobeat music scene, originally the populist, grassroots movement dubbed People Power.

In 2020, as NUP emerged from its embryonic form in the People Power movement and became a mainstream political party, it was perceived as a Ganda nationalist party, with all the political baggage that, historically, comes with all things Buganda.

When it embraced defecting members of the Democratic Party (DP), NUP changed from an image of a group of inner-city, marijuana-smoking youth into a kind of neo-Uganda Young Democrats, the student arm of the DP.

Over the last few years, barely noticed, NUP has evolved once more. NUP’s roots in the People Power movement led to perceptions of it as Buganda-focused, tied to Uganda’s historical ethnic dynamics.

Although it was founded in Buganda, NUP has three powerful westerners at the helm: Barbie Kyagulanyi, wife of party president Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine; David Lewis Rubongoya, party secretary general; and Benjamin Katana, party national treasurer.

Ms Kyagulanyi, who holds no formal position, is very influential and active in party events. Rubongoya is the heart of the party, an all-round, indefatigable activist and spearhead of the party’s endless legal battles with the NRM State and visits to prisons to check on NUP activists in jail.

Katana, quiet and low-key, manages the party’s finances. Viewers of NTV, this newspaper’s sister media house, might recall a bitter Katana live on NTV from Namboole stadium in January 2021, denouncing the Electoral Commission’s announcement of NRM candidate Yoweri Museveni as the winner.

In Uganda, where the NRM State has managed to infiltrate and compromise almost every public institution, these three westerners in prominent positions in NUP have inevitably attracted quiet whispers about their possibly being moles of the State.

But they also inadvertently helped NUP with a nagging problem – its image as a Ganda entity, a latter-day Kabaka Yekka party. With a large youth majority demographic and the sheer fatigue of 40 years of the same government, many in western Uganda hunger for change, but also are wary of being led by a Baganda-dominated government.

As time has gone by, over the past five years, much of the country has overcome the initial visual shock of People Power/NUP as an outfit of the riff-raff, school dropouts of inner-city Kampala.

Traditional besuited politicians such as Mathias Mpuuga and Joel Ssenyonyi, as NUP leaders of the Opposition, and other senior NUP figures such as Medard Sseggona have helped portray NUP as a conventional, sensible party.

Many older, more traditional, old-school people hesitated about supporting NUP in its earlier People Power image of unwashed school dropouts. Given the weak standing of the Muslim-founded party, Justice Forum (nicknamed Jeema), NUP provided a refuge for many Muslims who felt hounded by the NRM State, particularly in the way Muslims tend to be the vast majority of those arrested in the wake of terrorist incidents – or purported terrorist incidents.

Bantu-speaking eastern Uganda areas like Bugisu and Busoga were natural cultural extensions of NUP’s support. What was missing was support for NUP in western Uganda.

Recent reports show NUP fielding candidates in areas like Rubirizi and Ibanda, with their new manifesto aiming for a broader nationwide appeal.

What is the result of all this? Why, NUP as it is in 2025, is an interesting inversion of the 1981 National Resistance Army (NRA)-Buganda alliance that created the NRM? In February 1981, a band of mostly Banyankole and Banyarwanda Tutsi mutineers in the new national army, the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), launched a guerrilla war led by Yoweri Museveni.

Being ever the politically minded, Museveni knew that his rebel group, the Popular Resistance Army (PRA), could only gain broad support if it could find a way of winning Buganda support, preferably in some form of alliance.

Talks between PRA and the Uganda Freedom Fighters (UFF) of former president Yusufu Lule led to their merger in June 1981 to create the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and its military wing, the NRA.

The most powerful alliance since 1962 was between Baganda and westerners, with affiliated Rwandan refugees. That’s what created the NRA-NRM and, arguably, explains the NRM’s longevity in power these 40 years.

Baganda elite like Lule, another former president Godfrey Binaisa; John Nagenda, Israel Mayengo, and many others in 1981 brought respectability to the westerner NRA perceived at the time as a “riff-raff” group. Now, in NUP, key westerners at the party headquarters bring a formality and respectability to the NUP “riff-raff”.

Westerners at the helm of NUP headquarters, combined with Baganda leaders like Bobi Wine, Ssenyonyi, and many others, is a powerful combination.

It is reminiscent of the Buganda-western Uganda alliance that was the NRA-NRM of 1981. In the southern half of Uganda, there is this mostly youthful, Luganda-as-lingua-franca, Bantu ethnic mass, represented by NUP.

In a nutshell, the NUP of 2025 is a mirror image of the NRM of 1985, forty years ago.

Colloquial Luganda, rather than formal, dictionary Luganda, is the lingua franca of Uganda and de facto national language. This youthful, Luganda-speaking, Bantu, NUP-leaning demographic in the southern half of Uganda (Buganda, Bugisu, Busoga, parts of western Uganda), is the most important political and social fact in Uganda today. It explains why the NRM state is so nervous about Bobi Wine rallies.

As the Kira MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda remarked on a local radio station last week, nothing unnerves President Museveni like the sight of large crowds turning up at Opposition rallies.

NRM propaganda has convinced Ugandans that the NRM is everywhere, and efforts to challenge them both electorally and militarily are futile. Isolated in their personal frustration and struggle, many are pleasantly surprised to discover at campaign rallies that thousands of other, ordinary Ugandans share their sentiments.

Watch for police efforts to be stepped up even more when Bobi Wine takes his campaign to western Uganda, and his wife Barbara starts addressing crowds in Runyankole or Kinyarwanda – the NRM’s worst nightmare that NUP is no longer a Ganda party, but is evolving into a replica of the NRA-Buganda alliance.

Kawempe Muslim coach Ayub Khalifa was visibly heavily deflated after his side drew 1-1 at home with champions Kampala Queens (KQ) as the 2025/26 Finance Trust Bank Fufa Women Super League (FTBFWSL) got underway on Friday.

Khalifa stayed motionless for a while in front of his bench until his opposite number Firew Asefa Hailegebreal came for the routine post match handshake.

Kawempe toyed with KQ for the entire first half but sometimes the selection of their final pass let them down while the latter’s deep defence also barely gave the hosts’ striker Jovia Nakagolo space to run into.

Twice, new signing Latifah Nakasi and captain Agnes Nabukenya could have found each other at the edge of the box to test new KQ goalkeeper and the former’s teammate at Uganda Martyrs Lubaga Sharon Kaidu but chose to play the ball to the wide options Asia Nakibuuka and Shadia Nabirye.

Nabukenya also tried to test Kaidu from distance with a host of freekicks. She has scored a number of these in various competitions for Kawempe but her shots could not dip early and agonisingly sailed over the bar.

Nakibuuka and Nabirye switched wings all game to find solutions but their crosses were barely effective as Kawempe barely had numbers crashing the box. The switch only counted once when Nakibuuka, on her second debut at the club after returning from KQ, was fouled by Esther Namusoke on Kawempe’s right wing in the 41st minute.

Right-back Samalie Nakacwa delivered a delicate cross from the resulting freekick and it was headed home by Nakibuuka for the opener.

“It is disappointing because we could have won the game in the first half but failed to utilize our chances,” Khalifa said.

“And when we needed to change something in the second half, we could not turn to the bench because we have many injuries. But in subsequent games, the team will be fitter,” he added.

Main captain Shakirah Nyinagahirwa did not even make the bench. Esther Nangendo had returned to school at King’s College Budo while Dorcus Kisakye and Sumaya Nabuto sat on the bench despite being injured and not being involved in pre-match routines. Kawempe had two goalkeepers on the bench in veteran Juliet Adeke and last season’s custodian Josephine Nambuya, who was surprisingly dropped for Saidah Namwanje.

“Both of our young keepers have the talent and are almost at the same level. This season, we will use Saidah more as our first keeper,” Khalifa said.

Effective KQ

KQ relied on its 53rd minute changes to affect the game in the second half. With both fullbacks Namusoke and Catherine Wujja battered by Kawempe’s switches on the flanks, the latter was sacrificed for leftback Jolly Kobusinge, who has also just joined from Kawempe.

Namusoke switched to the right. Such was Kawempe’s shortage that when a tired Nabirye struggled against Kobusinge, leftback Claire Kebirungi had to be deployed as a winger to alternate flanks with Nakibuuka, who was named FTB’s player of the match.

KQ also took off Teddy Najjuma then dropped Catherine Nagadya in midfield from the wings. Substitute Peace Muduwa went to the left wing and gave Nakacwa some problems.

In the 59th minute, KQ got the result of their injection of impetus from a corner delivered by Namusoke. Joanitah Ainembabazi flicked a corner off Nakasi’s head into Muduwa’s path. Muduwa headed goalwards and Kawempe’s goalkeeper Saidah Namwanje, who largely had a good game, dropped the ball in front of her goal-line for Kamiyat Naigaga to score the equalizer.

After that, it was an open game with both teams going direct. However, Kawempe got a grip of it in the latter stages and KQ introduced defender Patience Nabulobi for Ainembabazi, who started as a striker before switching to the right wing where Naigaga had started.

“First games of the season are always difficult and for us, this is an important point to start with,” KQ captain Shakirah Nankwanga said after both sides settled for a draw.

Elsewhere

Meanwhile on Saturday, She Corporate started life under new coach Belyse Ininahazwe with a 4-1 over Uganda Martyrs Lubaga at their new home at Fufa Technical Centre, Njeru.

Jesca Namanda scored in stoppage time of either half. Highly rated Nusulah Nakintu equalized in the 50th minute but Sandra Kisakya, who joined from Uganda Christian University, and Rebecca Nakato scored for the hosts to win comfortably.

In another mouthwatering clash between sides that have created rivalries right from schools’ football, Amus College and newly promoted St. Noa Girls School Zana drew 1-1 in Kachumbala.

Esther Babirye gave the visitors a 20th minute lead but Shayline Opisa celebrated a call up to Kenya’s provisional squad for the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (Wafcon) by scoring a deep stoppage time equalizer for Amus.

FTBFWSL RESULTS

Kawempe 1-1 Kampala Queens

Amus College 1-1 St. Noa

She Corporate 4-1 Uganda Martyrs

There was a near-imperceptible lift to the breeze as I breezed into Nyungu Yamawe two Tuesdays ago at midday. Immediately to my left, I saw something like a makeshift amalgam of wood. It’s like the trees of the forest fell in love, then broke up to make up at this spot. The varnished wood is smooth to the touch, inviting you to take a seat in the restaurant.

So, I sat down. Seated opposite me was a woman of substance. And not because she was picking up the bill. I would have done so. But being a gentleman, I have always thought it proper for women to go first. That includes in the race to pay the bill. To make sure that happened, I raced to the toilet as soon as the bill arrived. As I tore away, Crystal Rutangye-Bazirake rifled through her handbag to pony up the bill. I returned when the bill was settled and the metaphorical dust was back in its resting place.

I could see three donkeys braying in the mid-distance. They added lustre to Nyungu Yamawe’s reputation for being a peri-urban rustic getaway. Which is perfect in view of the fresh and healthy food served in Nyungu Yamawe’s nameless restaurant. The fish is so big, you’d think it was a whale. I found this fishy. How do you have fish so big it fillets you, leaving you with no eyeballs because they popped out in shock when you saw the fish? The chips are sizeable, too. It seems the potatoes were truly Irish, their size seemed to be Dublin. Opps, that’s actually spelt as doubling. At any rate, the chefs explained to me that the larger chips were conduced to customer demand. Ham and Chris, the chefs, are an interesting duo. Ham told me his name was Chris and Chris informed me he is called Ham. Yet their names seem as interchangeable as chalk and cheese, when they are not the ones doing the swapping.

The beginning

As Rutangye-Bazirake and I launched into the meal, we took in our surroundings. Mixed with the peppermint breeze, trees abounding, and cottages circumjacently located, this restaurant is bigger than its menu. Rutangye-Bazirake agrees. She has a nose for good copy and she did copy when I praised the joint. Being an exacting professional, compliments rarely bloom eternal in her vocabulary. The lady has always been about standards. High standards. This has been her story since her somewhat storybook career began. ‘I often say I stumbled into publishing by following my love for books. As a child in Kampala, I was always surrounded by stories, folktales, school readers, religious books, and later, novels I exchanged with friends. That passion slowly grew into a profession.

Today, I am an editor, writer, and publishing consultant, helping independent authors produce books that are not only well-written but also well-packaged for readers,’ says Rutangye-Bazirake. In 2015, she became the first Ugandan known to graduate with a Master of Letters in Publishing Studies from the University of Stirling in Scotland, where she studied as a Commonwealth Scholar. Before that, she worked at Moran Publishers Uganda and did editorial internships with Modjaji Books in South Africa and Palimpsest in Scotland. Since then, she has edited dozens of books, including the autobiographies of Archbishop Henry Luke Orombi and former Director of Public Prosecutions Justice Mike Chibita.

Through Scribe House, the publishing agency she founded, her team has supported more than 50 authors and organisations in bringing their manuscripts to life. ‘My own writing has also travelled. My short story Legal Alien, first published in anthologies by African Writers Trust – the online anthology titled Ssubi, and a print anthology titled Moonscapes. It was adapted into film and included in curriculum books in Kenya, India, and the Philippines. More recently, my essay Maternal Everlasting appeared in the Ibua Journal,’ she says. ‘Beyond editing and writing, I chair the Christian Writers Association-Uganda, I sit on the board of the Uganda Reproduction Rights Organisation, and I mentor young editors and publishers. My life revolves around words, stories, and the people who carry them. At home, I share that love with my husband, Dr Joseph Bazirake Besigye (PhD) and our two children.’

Taking stock

Rutangye-Bazirake was and is still struck by Ernest Bazenye’s description of Uganda being ‘a literary jungle but a publishing desert.’ The description, she tells me, still rings true. ‘We have plenty of manuscripts, yet too few systems to carry them to readers,’ she notes. Uganda has, Rutangye-Bazirake further observes, never lacked storytellers. ‘From Okot p’Bitek’s Song of Lawino to Jennifer Makumbi’s Kintu, our writers have always found ways to give voice to our experiences. But for decades, many of those voices had to travel outside our borders to be heard,’ she offers. She adds: ‘Our publishing journey began with missionaries who set up presses to produce Bibles for new readers. Later, the colonial government supported the East African Literature Bureau, which published writers like p’Bitek.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Ugandan authors even featured in the Heinemann African Writers Series, Mukotani Rugyendo, Timothy Wangusa, and Robert Serumaga among them. Those were exciting times, when being a writer from Uganda meant your book could travel the world. ‘Over time, however, publishing became tied to education. By the 1990s, most local publishers focused on textbooks for schools, competing for government contracts through the National Curriculum Development Centre. That made business sense since textbook orders were reliable, but it left trade publishing, fiction, memoirs, children’s books, inspirational books, cookbooks and all, thin and under-resourced.’

Challenges

Fast forward to today, there’s both growth and struggle. First, even though literacy in Uganda has risen slowly but steadily, millions still remain outside the reading circle, and even those who can read often struggle with comprehension. A 2024 Uwezo report showed that 23 percent of Primary Seven pupils could not handle a Primary Two text. With students struggling to read to pass exams, one can only imagine if they are inspired to read for leisure, all the benefits that come with being an avid reader notwithstanding. And then, what does this mean for all the authors who assume there’s 70 percent of a nation’s population under 30 years old ready to consume their written works? Are Ugandan authors really writing to sell books to Ugandan readers, the same Ugandan readers who just want to pass exams then never want to pick up a book again? Then there is access.

Uganda has just about 47 public libraries, many of which are underfunded and inactive. Bookshops are concentrated in Kampala, leaving rural readers with very few options. Distribution networks across borders are also weak, making it hard for a book published in Uganda to easily reach Nairobi, Lagos, or Johannesburg. ‘On the production side, however, more Ugandans are writing than ever before. In 2020, only about 350 new local books were registered, and in 2021, the number shot up to more than 1,600. But then most of these books are self-published, and many authors do not know how or where to get quality editing, design, or marketing support. Without professional guidance, some books fall short of international standards, making it difficult for them to compete in wider markets,’ Rutangye-Bazirake says.

‘Costs make things even harder. Because after investing in editing and book design, many authors cannot afford large print runs, so books are often sold in small quantities at high prices. This fuels the perception that ‘books are expensive’ and feeds into Uganda’s weak book-buying culture. In fact, I personally believe our book-buying culture is the real problem stunting our publishing industry, not necessarily the reading culture. I write more about this in my #MarketingMonday series on Muwado.com. I think there’s a large enough readership to earn a local author reasonable profit from book sales. It is not that there aren’t enough people who enjoy reading; it is that books compete with daily needs and are rarely prioritised in an economy where there’s not much disposable income,’ she adds.

There is a gap to be bridged, says Rutangye-Bazirake. Thousands of authors are writing books that are not always well edited and produced but are expensive for readers who prioritise educational books over the hundreds of trade books produced each year. ‘At least if production of all local content matched international standards, and there were affordable means to avail all our content to the international market while our publishers resolve the multi-layered challenges of our local readership, the publishing industry would be more lucrative.’

How things are changing

Rutangye-Bazirake, nevertheless, sees ‘shifts worth celebrating.’ Digital publishing, for one, is growing steadily. ‘Uganda’s ePublishing market was valued at about $18m (Shs62b) in 2024, with nearly nine million users expected by 2027. This means more readers are coming online, more stories can be distributed digitally, and more authors can bypass the costs of large print runs. Another encouraging trend is the rise of hybrid publishers: companies like Scribe House that partner with authors to ensure quality while still giving them control combining expert publishing processes and guidance with author investment,’ she says.

‘We also see more Ugandan authors gaining international recognition. Jennifer Makumbi, Goretti Kyomuhendo, and others remind us that our stories resonate globally. Local networks like the Christian Writers Association-Uganda and the African Writers Trust are also nurturing talent and building communities of practice,’ she adds.

Uganda in comparison

When you place Uganda next to countries like Nigeria, South Africa, or even Kenya, the differences are striking, says Rutangye-Bazirake. South Africa and Nigeria together produce nearly half of Africa’s books and account for a much larger share of the continent’s book sales. Kenya has a livelier book trade, with stronger book fairs, better distribution, and more visibility for its authors. Uganda, by contrast, still leans heavily on educational publishing. ‘Our trade publishing market is small, our distribution channels fragile, and our global footprint is limited. For example, while Nigeria publishes thousands of trade titles each year, Uganda registers only a fraction of that. Our eBook revenues are projected at just over $4 million (Shs14 billion) in 2025, promising but still modest compared to larger markets,’ Rutangye-Bazirake says.

In mid this year, President Museveni’s youngest brother, Godfrey Aine Kaguta, popularly known as Sodo, was confident of fulfilling his lifelong ambition of joining Parliament in 2026. Sodo’s brief moment of triumph came after Shartsi Musherure Kutesa, the daughter of former Foreign Affairs minister Sam Kutesa, who has been Mawogola North Member of Parliament (MP) since 2021, pulled out of the race to defend her seat.

She did this in a bid to avert the possibility of intra-violence among members of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party. Many of Musherure’s supporters within the NRM, whom this writer has spoken to, have insisted that they were caught flat-footed by her decision not to stand. With no time to front another candidate, Sodo sailed through the NRM primary unopposed.

Since Sembabule, the district where Mawogola North is situated, is considered a National Resistance Movement (NRM) stronghold, a seat in the House appeared to be a certainty for Museveni’s youngest brother. That was until Jet John Tumwebaze, a lawyer, joined the race this past week, albeit as an Independent.

Tumwebaze insists that he didn’t jump into the race immediately because he had counted on Musherure to run again. ‘She [Musherure] is the most competent MP in the entire country. She was good in terms of legislation and also monitoring government services,’ Tumwebaze, a partner at Kampala Associated Advocates (KAA), says of Musherure, whose slogan Goberera-loosely translated to following up on government programmes-struck a chord with many.

Unqualified?

Tumwebaze said he had entered into the Mawogola North race to avert the possibility of Mawogola being represented by the most unqualified person in history. ‘We are talking about a person who can’t read and write. So how can that person represent our people? How will that person participate in the law-making process and then explain such a complex process to our people in Mawogola North?’ Tumwebaze asked.

When he turned up at the NRM headquarters in early June to signal his intent in challenging fellow party member Musherure, Sodo explained that standing in the NRM primary had been greenlighted by Mr Museveni and other authorities whom he didn’t mention.

‘Last time when I tried to stand, something happened, and I didn’t finish. I dropped out of the race at the last minute. But this time I want to assure my supporters that I’m with them until the end,’ Sodo explained. In 2020, Sodo had positioned himself as the successor of long-term Mawogola North legislator, Sam Kutesa.

The relationship Kutesa shares with Museveni is historical as the pair started their rivalry in the 1980 General Election. Although for decades he has notoriously had a grip on the politics of the central district of Sembabule, in 1980, when he set out to participate in elective politics, Kutesa, who was 31 years old, stood in the western constituency of Mbarara North, presently known as Nyabushozi.

Historical perspective

Following a period of anarchy, the 1980 elections were the first elections to be organised in post-independent Uganda, and Kutesa, who stood as Democratic Party (DP) candidate, took on his main challenger, Museveni, the UPM candidate, who had fallen out with the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) government.

The elections, according to critics, were riddled with sectarianism and religious undertones, and the Mbarara North race wasn’t any different. One of the biggest accusations levelled against Mr Museveni by his opponents is gerrymandering constituencies and districts in the bid to give his NRM party an advantage in Parliament. In 1980, he was on the receiving end of gerrymandering, or so he claimed.

Once he lost, Museveni, an Anglican, pointed out how he had won in sub-counties in Nyabushozi, which were predominantly Anglican. But he had lost to Kuteesa, an Anglican, in sub-counties that had been carved from Ibanda into Mbarara North and that were populated by Catholics.

It’s not clear how Mr Museveni was serious about the case, but he hired Hunter and Greig, now known as Kateera and Kagumire advocates and filed a petition in the High Court in Kampala, therein listing 10 grounds of annulling Kutesa’s victory. Museveni alleged a plethora of electoral indiscretions, including that registered voters did not appear on the voters’ registers and that the registers were not displayed for inspection as required by law, inter alia. But in his memoirs, Sowing the Mustard Seed, Museveni intimated that, in the grand scheme of things, his group wasn’t serious about the elections.

Whatever the case, while Kutesa was taking up his position in Parliament, Museveni went to the bush where he would emerge victorious and mend fences with Kutesa, who had been appointed Attorney General by the Junta regime of Tito Okello Lutwa. Appointed a minister, Kutesa didn’t return to Nyabushozi, where the chances of defeating Elly Karuhanga were simply minimal. He instead stood against NRM’s Secretary-General Jaberi Bidandi Ssali in Nakawa. There, he was soundly beaten.

The National Resistance Council (NRC), which Kutesa wasn’t part of, passed a resolution which was to the effect that there would be a Constituent Assembly (CA) that would debate and pass the envisaged Constitution. By and large, members who would constitute the CA were to be elected via the universal adult suffrage, and Kutesa once again shifted constituencies. He dumped Nakawa and found refuge in Mawogola. It’s said that Luweero Bush War hero David Tinyefuza was the only person who could have beaten Kutesa in Mawogola, but the maverick General decided to go to the CA via the slots given to the army.

King maker

From that time, Kutesa came to define the politics of not just Mawogola but also Sembabule. Kutesa’s relationship with Museveni was strengthened when, in 1999, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the President’s son, married his daughter, Charlotte Nankunda. It’s this marriage that complicated Sodo’s political ambitions in Mawogola North because, as Kutesa set his eyes on retiring from politics in 2020, his daughter Musherure sought to replace him.

For instance, Muhoozi, the Chief Defence Forces (CDF), who is positioning to replace his ageing father, would have to choose whether to support his paternal uncle, Sodo, or his sister-in-law, Musherure.

In the run to the 2021 elections, Sodo trounced Musherure in an NRM primary, but Museveni sensed danger and sought not to declare his brother as the Mawogola North flag-bearer. Sodo and Musherure were told to run as Independents. With the bus symbol not available, Sodo had chosen the bicycle as his symbol. Musherure went with a ball. Both candidates continued to wear the NRM colour-yellow-and the party symbols on their T-shirts and posters.

Rise of Musherure

Sodo didn’t mind running as an Independent until Museveni called for a family meeting at State House, Entebbe, to resolve the impasse. Besides Museveni and the warring parties, Sodo and Musherure, the meeting was attended by the President’s brothers, Salim Saleh, Michael Nuwagira, alias Toyota, and Sedrack Nowomugisha Nzeire. Others who attended were Gen Muhoozi, Kutesa, Nankunda (Muhoozi’s wife) and Isaac Kutesa (Kutesa’s son). It is Sodo who revealed the results of the meeting, saying there were fears that a confrontation between the first family members would increase violence in Sembabule.

‘There were allegations from Kutesa that our supporters were attacking each other. Mzee [Museveni] decided that I should pull out because if we were fighting, there was nothing we were going to do for the people of Mawogola North Constituency,’ he said.

‘Mzee then decided to call 30 people from Mawogola, and after consultation, he told me that I should step down. I should come back in 2026. The President is the chairman of the party [NRM] and the head of the family. He is like my father. I don’t want to disagree with him. If the head of the family decides, then what else can I do?’

Even as he was quitting the race, Sodo didn’t commit to supporting Musherure. ‘For the President, I support Museveni. The rest, I leave people to choose the best choices,’ he said. While these contestations were going on, Gen Muhoozi had already hit the campaign trail, canvassing votes for his sister-in-law, Musherure.

‘I’m an army officer, not a politician. Ms Musherure is my in-law. She is a twin sister to my wife, and what I know about her is that she is religious, trustworthy and not a thief,’ Gen Muhoozi told the people of Mawogola. With Sodo out of the way, Musherure easily won the elections with 17,274 votes. Salim Kisekka, an Independent, came second with 2,544 votes, and NUP’s Henry Mawejje Nyanzi came third with 2,346. From 2019, when Kutesa introduced her to the crowd as his successor, Musherure was been christened as a leader, not a politician.

‘What the people of Mawogola North need now, more than ever, are leaders, not politicians. Great leaders set aside their differences and focus on collectively working with others towards a common good for the benefit of the people. This is the kind of leadership I would like to offer to the people of Mawogola North,’ Musherure said.

President of the Common Man’s Party, Mr Mubarak Munyagwa, on Saturday joined Muslims for prayers at Kamuli Central Mosque, where he urged them to stand firm in defence of their rights, space and freedoms.

Mr Munyagwa decried the marginalisation and profiling of Muslims, saying they are often unfairly blamed for societal problems.

‘We are treated like an endangered species every time something goes wrong. As the only Muslim in this race, I carry a responsibility to not just fight for my faith, but for every Ugandan who feels neglected and silenced,’ he said.

He called on Muslims to remain resilient and politically active, emphasising that their participation is critical to ensuring inclusive leadership that reflects Uganda’s diverse communities.

Mr Munyagwa also used the platform to distance himself from mainstream politics, where he claimed leaders rely on rented crowds and extravagant campaign displays to mask their disconnect from the common citizen.

Instead, he rooted his campaign in humility and service, referencing spiritual leaders like Prophet Muhammad and Jesus Christ as inspirations for his leadership model.

‘Both Mohamed and Jesus came from humble beginnings. They didn’t rely on spectacle but on truth, humility, and justice,’ he said. ‘That’s why I lead the Common Man’s Party to give a platform to the poor, the oppressed, and the unheard.’

As part of his grassroots engagement, Mr Munyagwa made 10 mini stopovers in various trading centres and villages across Kamuli, personally greeting voters however rain disrupted his final rally by the evening.

Key issues

Persistent unmet infrastructure promises have further fueled voter frustration with a prime example being the failure to construct the Ambercourt-Mpulamuti-Kamuli-Buyende road, a long-standing pledge that remains unfulfilled amongst other roads.

The Busoga sub-region population is 4.37 million people as of May 2024, representing 9.51% of the national population.

Voting pattern as per 2021

KAMULI total votes 236,917

Museveni 57,470 -44.9%

Kyagulanyi 65,774 -51.45%

With just a week to go before the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) examinations, candidates have been urged to maintain discipline in preparation for their final exams.

The call was made on Sunday by Rev. Fr. Augustine Tumushime, Rector of St. Paul’s Minor Seminary Rushoroza, during a Mass held at St. Mary’s College Rushoroza in Kabale.

Reflecting on the importance of discipline, Rev. Fr. Tumushime emphasised that good behaviour and focus are key to success in academics and life.

“In the world we live in today, lacking faith makes us a danger to our communities,” he warned, encouraging students to believe and trust in the Lord. He assured them that with faith, they can overcome all earthly challenges.

The Headteacher of St. Mary’s College Rushoroza, Christopher Monday, also addressed the learners, urging them to set clear goals and stay focused as they approach the exams. He encouraged them to think about what they want to achieve and work towards their goals.

However, Philbert Baguma, General Secretary of the Uganda National Teachers’ Union (UNATU), raised concerns about the status of teachers. He stated that neither students nor teachers will proceed with the forthcoming exams until the government fulfills its promise to enhance teachers’ salaries.

“Teachers have endured mistreatment and neglect for too long, maintaining peace despite the government’s failure to support them,” Baguma said.

He warned that the long-term effects of the industrial action on students’ education will be profound and damaging. Baguma urged parents, teachers, and the government to take responsibility before it’s too late, warning that the next generation will hold them accountable for the consequences.

The event took place at the school premises in the Southern Division of Kabale Municipality, serving as a reminder to students to stay focused and work hard in preparation for their exams.

As Uganda enters another election cycle, the nation turns its focus to campaign rallies, candidate posters, political debates, and intense competition for leadership positions at various levels. But amid the political noise, another vital question begs for attention: what are we teaching our children about politics and civic engagement?

For some parents, politics is seen as a space for adults, or worse, a dangerous game best avoided. But that mindset has consequences.

Our children are not just future voters and leaders; they are already watching, listening, and learning from what we say and how we behave during election seasons. If we remain silent, we leave a vacuum that can be filled by misinformation, manipulation, or even violence.

And so the question arises: when elections come, will your child vote, lead, or riot? Political engagement doesn’t start at the polling station, and it doesn’t end with voting. It includes staying informed, making value-based decisions, and holding leaders accountable.

Contesting for office is not about prestige; it is about servant leadership, representation, and a heart for community development. When our children grow up seeing politics reduced to insults, bribery, tribalism, or violence, they may grow up either apathetic or aggressive.

Neither option builds a healthy democracy. As we see leaders who don’t intend to leave power for others, even our children think it is the way to go. Politics is not a dirty game; It’s a public trust Teach them that leadership is a platform to serve others, not a short-cut to personal wealth.

Remind them that integrity, not popularity, makes a great leader. It is not a job but a service. Every vote is a voice. Abstaining due to ignorance or hopelessness is still a choice, with term consequences.

Therefore, they need to vote for leaders of their choice based on merit, not coercion or influence, especially materialism.

Young people need to understand their constitutional right to peaceful protest, but also the dangers of being used in unlawful demonstrations that lead to arrests, injuries, or even death. Rights come with responsibilities. They also need to wisely understand the political climate and choose a better life over imprisonment.

Many young people are manipulated-paid to riot, spread propaganda, or attack opponents. Some are given transport refunds, T-shirts, or empty promises to support causes they don’t understand. Let us teach them to think critically and not trade their conscience for coins.

If we are raising children with values of honesty, humility, respect, and justice, these must also guide their political opinions and actions. Faith should not be checked at the gate of political discussion.

How can parents guard their children from political chaos?

It’s not enough to hope they ‘stay out of trouble.’ As parents and mentors, we must: Start civic conversations at home early, Talk about the news and campaign events together, keep an eye on peer influence and online platforms We must raise a generation that understands democracy, values peace, and sees leadership as a divine responsibility.

Our children should grow up believing they can make a difference by voting, leading, and challenging systems with wisdom, not weapons. The election season is not just about who wins. It is about what values win in the hearts of our children. And that depends largely on us-the parents, guardians, and faith leaders of this generation.

So, when the campaign trucks pass, the rallies erupt, and social media boils, ask yourself again: Will your child vote, lead, or riot?

At a Mass held at St Jude Sub Parish Abayita Ababiri in Entebbe, Lt Gen James Mugira, the managing director of National Enterprise Corporation (NEC), delivered a heartfelt eulogy for Gerald Lumu Galiwango, the late deputy general manager of Luweero Industries Ltd (LIL). Lumu died on September 26. He was buried on September 30, in Kasama, Mpigi District.

Lumu joined LIL in the mid-90s. By then, the entity was helmed by Capt Innocent Bisangwa, who served as general manager until 2000. Then, Ms Jacqueline Susan Mbabazi took the wheels, so to speak. Two years later, on January 8, 2003, I joined LIL. When we first met, Lumu and I observed each other warily-like two dogs straining at their leashes.

Back then, the managerial staff would be shuttled here and there in a Toyota Hiace van. There was obviously no conductor. However, Lumu conducted himself as one by the way he made his inimitable presence felt. Always the loudest and frequently the most eloquent of bears, he could stand out in almost any company of men. I was opinionated, so it didn’t take long before we were trying to punch each other’s lights out using our wits. It was 2006. The World Cup was all anybody ever talked about in the barracks. Lumu seemed to be hedging his bets on who he would back for the Cup. One moment, he seemed to support Brazil. The next, England. When England crashed out, Lumu autopsied the team’s performance. His conclusions on this matter, I felt, were rather simplistic and pedestrian. I told him so. Then, I substantiated my view.

Lumu found my viewpoint and its supporting arguments astigmatic. Painstakingly, with his proverbial gloves off, he unbraided the tangled mess my argument was. It was thin on evidence, bloated by my ego. Chief, a man with an arsenal of repartees, let me know this in no uncertain terms. Indeed, he was a man who valued the intellectual rigours of continuous research and inquiry. It kept him grounded. Paradoxically, this singular quality implied an inevitable sense of superiority on his part when dealing with those who never bothered with the facts.

A generous soul

Lumu, who we fondly and unimaginatively baptised ‘Chief’, decided to put me on the spot. He interrogated me on global football in the last 30 years up until 2006. Each question was accompanied by a dismissal of my answer. At one point, I asked him to dismiss my arguments first before he listened to them. Since he was inclined to dismiss them out of hand after he listened to them. His rejection of my arguments being the continuous thread in an argument I deemed threadbare. He erupted, dressing me down fulsomely. However, at the time, there was something of a vacuum at LIL’s managerial level. The Human Resources and Administration manager, then Capt Sarah Mpabwa, was a shoe-in to become one of 10 army personnel who represented the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) in Parliament.

With her hitting pay dirt and basking in smouldering national recognition in the august House, Ms Mbabazi had to rely on Chief and I more. We virtually ran that factory while constantly having run-ins with one another. I took the reins from Effendi Mpabwa, and Chief decided they constituted enough rope to hang me with. He initially saw me as a beneficiary of cronyism or tribalism, I suspect. The whispered word in the factory was that Ms Mbabazi recruited me because she required a family member to hold the fort whenever she was not in Nakasongola barracks. This impression changed when everybody realised that Ms Mbabazi and I were relatives in the African sense, not by blood. It was not easy matching wits with Chief; not that I ever did. Our intellectual jousts were all sound and fury, signifying nothing but the respect we shared for one another. His knowledge shone through in every argument, and his facility for the correct English word to describe any given situation was a sign of his polish and pedigree.

He was the head boy of St Mary’s College, Kisubi, in the 1970s. Stories of his unquiet generosity are legion. He once gave away his whole per diem before a flight to Europe. Then, searching his suddenly empty pockets minutely, he found he was travelling too light. He then borrowed back a fraction of what he gave away. The operative word is ‘borrowed’ because he intended to repay in full what had been returned to him. Chief had precious little interest in material things, much less so money. This gave him the moral authority to keep the fingers of those who worked beneath him short. But these were desolate times, testing employee determination to prevail.

A crown of thorns

The factory was a byword for disuse, misuse and abuse. Most of the time, we didn’t have two pennies to rub together. So being a manager at LIL was a crown of thorns, a veritable poisoned chalice. Each week we visited Mbuya barracks, we were calmly, and somewhat menacingly, reminded that our factory was living on borrowed time. It was time to offload the freeloaders, some soldiers at Mbuya stage whispered. Although Chief was exposed to such sabre-rattling, he was imperturbable. He spoke frequently with President Museveni, who trusted his brains and integrity implicitly, so he knew those pen-pushers at Mbuya were just saying something just to have something to say.

The government had no intention of shuttering LIL. It is the nerve centre of the army. Chief provided LIL with the foundational ideas that underpinned its productivity, steering it away from treacherous seas towards the going concern it is today. He was intensely practical, often rolling up his sleeves to do what needed to be done himself. His openmouthed subordinates would be left standing there limply, withering on the proverbial vine. This often put him at cross-purposes with all those who preferred the job security that comes with mediocrity. Chief was different. He was not going to go gently into the poet’s good night. He was going to fight.

Even if that meant emptying LIL of its layabouts and restructuring it around less sheltered employment. Those who did not see eye to eye with him on his distinct brand of excellence, experienced Chief’s legendary ability to have no filters whatsoever when directing you to do the unspeakable with your mother’s ‘something-something.’ Despite his famed candour, I rarely heard him use profanity. He preferred profundity.

An avid reader

I will never forget how he ruined my weekend. I was all set to go to Kampala. Then Chief told me about Dan Brown’s book, The Da Vinci Code. His copy was 689 pages long. That didn’t stop him from devouring the book in two hours, with total recall of its contents. His brilliance was of the very first magnitude. So was his humour. He often left those in his presence laughing loudly and irresponsibly. However, I never saw him enjoy a belly laugh himself. He always seemed in the moment yet so detached.

Gen Mugira, who had the privilege of working with Chief for many years, described him as a trusted advisor and a valued colleague. In recognition of Lumu’s contributions to LIL, Gen Mugira promised to name one of the company’s structures after him, ensuring that his legacy lives on. I can already guess which workshop that will be. However, NEC might never be able to honour him fully. His impact defies quantification. It can only be appreciated in the round for how his unswerving fealty to the promise of militarily self-sufficient Uganda. On that score, he was not only an engineer’s engineer but as the very personification of what Theodore Roosevelt Jr, the 26th president of the United States, termed The Strenuous Life. Until we meet again, Chief.

Ismail Ssebaggala started para-archery last year dreaming to represent Uganda at the international level-especially the Paralympic Games-but that dream seems shattered.At the 2025 World Para Archery Championships in Gwangju, South Korea last week, Ssebaggala scored 250 points instead of the 500 required to qualify to the next round, yet his biggest disappointment was being ruled ineligible for para-archery.Ssebaggala walks with a limp because his legs are imbalanced, but the International Paralympic Committee qualifiers could not find a class for him among handicapped athletes.’The classifiers said they found all his limbs strong enough, which renders him ineligible among the paras,’ said Ssebaggala’s Coach Aisha Namukwaya, who travelled with him in Gwangju.’That means if he is to continue with archery, it can only be among the non-disabled.’Patrick Synole, director administration at the Uganda Paralympic Committee, understands these intricacies better.’We subject para-athletes to national classification which gives them temporary classes as per the national classifiers, pending international classification at international events,’ Synole told Daily Monitor.’After an athlete attains that international class, is when he or she is allowed to compete in an international event and entered into the IPC database.’NE, the tag Ssebaggala got in Gwangju, means Not Eligible. But all is not lost. In mid-October the same athlete will be in Cairo for the World Para-powerlifting Championship, where he will most likely be admitted into the database.And Synole said he should not give up on archery. ‘We always encourage our athletes to have a primary discipline and a secondary one. And archery being mostly a mind game, it cannot stop you from doing powerlifting,’ he said.Coach Namukwaya’s only valid concern may be the athletes’ ability to apportion both sports befitting commitment.BRIEFLYWho: Ismail SsebaggalaWhat: rejected at World Para-ArcheryClass: Not EligibleUp next: World Para-Powerlifting

KCCA registered their first win of the 2025/26 StarTimes Uganda Premier League season with a hard-fought 2-1 victory over rivals SC Villa at an empty Mandela National Stadium, Namboole, on Saturday night.

Man of the Match Ivan Ahimbisibwe opened the scoring for the hosts on 30 minutes, finishing off an Ashraf Mugume assist to give KCCA the advantage.

Villa levelled from the spot on the hour mark through Najib Yiga after a foul in the area, but Umar Lutalo restored KCCA’s lead two minutes from time with a superb direct free kick.

KCCA’s Filbert Obenchan and Herbert Achai were cautioned, while Villa saw four players – Diego Ssemugera, Geoffrey Lubangakene, Simon Ssemayange, and David Lukwago – booked.

The result lifted KCCA to third place on four points from two matches, while Villa, playing their first game, sit second from bottom without a point.

The match had been scheduled as part of a doubleheader, but the earlier fixture between Kitara and Vipers SC did not take place after Vipers failed to turn up in protest of the new league format. The fixture remains listed as ‘To Be Decided’ (TBD) on the UPL website.

Earlier on Saturday morning, Buhimba United Saints claimed their maiden top-flight victory with a 2-0 win over Calvary at Butema Royal Park in Hoima.

Anwara Mustafa Ntege struck in the 26th minute before Swadik Moro added a second in the 44th to seal the result. Moro, who was later substituted, was named Man of the Match.

The win, Buhimba’s second successive victory, sprung them to the table leadership on six points.

Buhimba’s Muber Erick and Calvary’s Opio Daniel were the only players booked in the game, which had been rescheduled after heavy rain washed out play the previous day.