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Prefects, a show that screened on NTV Uganda, has been nominated for the International Emmy Awards. Starring a dominantly Kenyan and Ugandan cast, Prefects was nominated for Best Kids Live Action category in the awards that will take place in New York on November 23.

Produced by Peripheral Vision International, Prefects will face off with TV shows such as Dodger (UK), En af Drengene [One of the Boys] (Denmark), Escola De Quebrada [School of Funk] (Brazil) and Gong! My SpectRacular Life (Germany). Prefects is a youth drama series produced by Peripheral Vision International and originally broadcast on Citizen and NTV Uganda.

Set in a fictional Mvule Secondary School, the show follows a diverse group of student leaders as they grapple with the responsibilities of power, the pressures of adolescence, and the challenge of balancing authority with empathy.

With a dominantly Ugandan and Kenyan cast, the series is grounded in East African realities while drawing on universal themes of identity, friendship, and leadership that resonate with young audiences everywhere. It is a story that takes its audience on a memory lane, especially those who went to boarding schools and had to stomach the wrath of student leaders.

With a cast blending seasonal and new actors such as Kenyan actors, Melvin Alusa, from shows such as Country Girl, The Boy Who Harnessed the Wind, Subira and Mission to Rescue, Vanessa Okeyo from the Showmax hit, Second Family, content creator, Aziad Nassenya to Ugandans, Natasha Sinayobye, Tracy Kababito from films, Mukisa, Katera and I Eat What I Want, Mushema Houlsen and Rachel Nduhukire both from the TV series Sanyu.

Of course they are joined by stage and screen actor, Michael Tamale, who by the time of the production had most of his credits on stage, he has since made moves on screen as well. Prefects is a bust of Afrocentrism from production and costume design, there is no way you can mistake the identity of Mvule students. Their African roots scream on the screen yet they still manage to be Gen-Zs, cool and energetic as they want to be.

But Prefects is not the only African TV show nominated for the International Emmys, Charlotte Hope is nominated for Best Actress for her role on Catch Me a Killer, a Showmax original. School Ties, a South African documentary is also nominated in the Best Documentary category.

Other nominated shows include Cake and Playroom Live, both from South Africa. Besides Prefects, however, there is more for the local film industry to celebrate, earlier last week, Mathew Nabwiso, the president of the Producers’ Guild of Uganda became a member of the International Emmys.

Nabwiso, known for films and TV series such as Rain and Sanyu was part of the 48 members who were announced by the International Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Nabwiso follows in the footsteps of Leonard Amanya, who joined the International Emmys and many other academies across the globe, paving the way for many Ugandans.

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, has urged the Bugiri Municipality electorate to replace the incumbent Member of Parliament, Mr Asuman Basalirwa of Justice Forum (JEEMA) with NUP’s Macelino Egesa Mangeni after the former reportedly betrayed their course.

‘Our brother, the current MP, betrayed us. We believed he would deliver services to the people, but he has failed. We no longer understand his ways. It’s time to vote him out and bring in someone who will work for the people,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said as he campaigned in Bugiri on Saturday evening.

Mr Kyagulanyi, then Kyadondo East MP, backed Mr Basalirwa in a 2018 by-election in which the latter beat four other candidates, including those sponsored by Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), to emerge the winner.

However, Mr Kyagulanyi now argues that Mr Mangeni is better placed to address the current challenges facing Bugiri municipality if he becomes its legislator.

Campaigning for Basalirwa

It is worth noting that in the 2018 Bugiri Municipality by-election, Mr Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, vigorously campaigned for Mr Basalirwa, a move that significantly contributed to his victory.

That by-election followed a contentious 2016 general election result, where Mr Basalirwa’s initial win was challenged, leading to a re-run in 2018.

The final results of the 2018 Bugiri Municipality by-election were as follows:

Mr Asuman Basalirwa (JEEMA) – 3,928 votes (48.22%), Ms Eunice Namatende (FDC) – 928 votes (11.39%).

Mr John Francis Oketcho (NRM) – 3,267 votes (40.11%),Mr Joel Wamono (Independent) – 15 votes (0.18%),Mr Siragi Samanya Lyavala (Independent) – 8 votes (0.10%)

Despite their earlier alliance, Mr Kyagulanyi has now distanced himself from Basalirwa, accusing him of underperformance and betrayal of the people’s trust.

What the Bugiri electorate wants

Several locals who spoke to this publication echoed the need for real change in leadership and emphasised that Uganda’s next president should prioritise key sectors such as health, education, and agriculture.

Mr James Mugoya, a resident of Nakavule village in Kapyanga Sub-county, stressed the importance of leaders fulfilling their campaign promises.

‘Most leaders promise a lot but deliver nothing. This has hurt development in the country. We need leaders who will implement their manifestos,’ he said.

Mr John Wetyaki, a resident of Nabukalu Town Council, decried high corruption and impunity among government officials and politicians.

‘Corruption among government officials is destroying our economy. The new president must hold corrupt officials accountable because they are misusing resources that could be used for national development,’ he said.

Youths in Kamuli District’s ghettos have spoken out against what they describe as longstanding government neglect and lack of meaningful support.

During a community engagement event, youth leaders urged local and central government officials to invest in skills training, job creation, and social services tailored to their needs.

“We are not happy with the government,” said Ms. Promise Violet Aliyinza, a youth leader. “What we need is an opportunity to channel our energy into productive ventures, like chapati making, poultry, brickmaking, among other skill training opportunities.”

The youths expressed frustration over being sidelined in development programs and called on the NRM party and its presidential candidate to use grassroots-based human resources rather than importing campaign mobilizers from Kampala.

Mr Igoola Waiswa, the group’s spokesperson, said, “The truth is, we are just deprived of access to government programs like the Parish Development Model (PDM), whose stringent requirements keep us out.”

The youths feel isolated by the government and political actors, which pushes them into acts of defiance not out of rebellion, but as a cry to be seen, heard, and supported.

“In our hearts, feelings, and decisions, we are born, raised, and bred under the NRM, and we expect equal treatment like others,” Mr. Igoola said.

In response, Mr John Robert Batambuze, Assistant RDC, encouraged the youth to formalize their associations and actively participate in government programs.

“We welcome your positive energy and your commitment to the NRM. Mzee and Mama Kadaga are pillars of our party, and through your leaders, we will help boost your poultry and chapati projects with inputs and support,” he promised.

He urged the youths to avoid being used by self-seeking politicians and individuals and to take ownership of their development path. The youth leaders emphasized that they need tangible support and opportunities to break the cycle of poverty and hopelessness in their communities.

Following his nomination on September 24, Maj Gen Gregory Mugisha Muntu, the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) presidential candidate, kicked off his campaign on Tuesday.

On his first day of campaigns, the retired military officer embarked on a door-to-door campaign around the capital Kampala, where he braved the afternoon drizzles and visited slums from where he appealed to voters to elect leaders based on their abilities rather than money and power.

“When I was the commander of the army, I was sober. Even right now, I’m sober… I’m now 66 years of age, but I have never changed since I was 23. If you want a country that you’ll be proud of in future, vote out people who worship guns, money and power so that they go and rest,’ he told residents of Kisenyi, Kampala Central.

But before leaving for Mitooma and Rubirizi districts, the following day, Muntu, who served as the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party president from 2012 to 2017, before parting ways with the party citing ideological differences, was seen distributing fundraising cards to motorists and other travellers on the streets of Kampala.

Background Born in October 1958 at Kitunga Village in present-day Ntungamo District to Enock Ruzima Muntuyera and Aida Matama Muntuyera, Muntu has served at the highest levels of leadership both in the army and elective politics.

From a humble start at Kitunga Primary School, Mbarara Junior School and Kitunga High School (Kitunga High School was later renamed Muntuyera High School, in memory of his father, by former president Milton Obote), Muntu attended Makerere College School and subsequently went on to graduate in Political Science from Makerere University from where he joined the guerrilla National Resistance Army (NRA) of Mr Yoweri Museveni the day he completed his university exams. Later, he emerged as the head of Military Intelligence after the NRA victory in 1986.

Muntu was a member of the Constituent Assembly (1994-1995), and after disagreeing with Museveni’s approach to politics and the military, he was removed from the army command and appointed as a minister, a position he turned down.

In November 2001, he was selected by Members of Parliament to serve as one of the nine Ugandan representatives to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA).

In 2008, he unsuccessfully contested for the FDC’s presidency against Dr Kizza Besigye but was later elected as the party’s president in 2012. But after internal wrangles, he quit FDC in 2018 to form ANT, promising a new brand of ‘clean, value-driven politics’ centred on integrity, patience, and institutional building.

His admirers say Muntu remains one of Uganda’s most disciplined and principled Opposition figures. Yet, more than two decades after he entered politics, his ability to attract mass support continues to face serious challenges. Muntu has not gained significant traction among ordinary Ugandans.

Analysts say his soft-spoken and calm style of politics appeals to a small section of the elite and middle class, which has made him struggle to resonate with a broader electorate that responds more strongly to fiery speeches, populist rhetoric, and confrontation with the State.

Steep road to climb

Unlike the National Unity Platform (NUP) under Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, or the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) under President Museveni, Muntu’s party has limited grassroots structures and struggles with visibility.

In the 2021 General Election, ANT fielded only a handful of candidates nationwide and failed to secure parliamentary representation, a sign of its weak organisational base.

According to the 2021 results as released by the Electoral Commission, NRM’s Museveni won with 6,042,898 votes (58.38 percent), followed by NUP’s Kyagulanyi with 3,631,437 votes (35.08 percent), FDC’s Amuriat with 337,589 votes (3.26 percent), Muntu with 67,574 votes (0.65 percent), DP’s Norbert Mao with 57,682 votes (0.56 percent), Henry Tumukunde with 51,392 votes (0.50 percent), Joseph Kabuleta with 45,424 votes (0.44 percent), Nancy Kalembe with 38,772 votes (0.37 percent), John Katumba with 37,554 votes (0.36 percent), Fred Mwesigye with 25,483 votes (0.25 percent), and Willy Mayambala with 15,014 votes (0.15 percent).

The registered voters in the elections were 18 million. According to Mr Peter Otai, a political analyst and supporter of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), Muntu has the respect, but his brand of politics simply doesn’t appeal to the ordinary Ugandan.

‘Muntu’s politics is clean and principled, but politics in Uganda is not just about values; it is about numbers, mobilisation, and connecting with the daily struggles of ordinary people. He has not yet mastered that connection,’ Mr Otai says. The majority of Uganda’s electorate lives in rural areas where poverty, unemployment, poor health care, and land disputes dominate daily life.

While Muntu speaks strongly about long-term reforms and institution-building, his message often feels distant to voters grappling with immediate needs. His critics argue that his reluctance to employ populist tactics makes him less relatable compared to other Opposition figures.

Honest, calculative leader

Prof Sabiti Makara of the Department of Governance at Kabale University describes Muntu as an honest and calculative leader who approaches Opposition politics cautiously.

‘He does not want to discourage the regime,’ Prof Makara says. ‘You cannot manage militarism by militarism. Being tough while campaigning is not the solution, and it cannot produce better results.’

Prof Makara notes that Muntu strongly believes in accountability within government offices and is firmly against corruption.

‘He has positioned himself as a third voice, not the State voice, not the radical Opposition, but a simple, honest voice,’ he says.

‘He is a sober leader with a strong sense of nationalism. You will not find him in radical Opposition.’ Regarding Muntu’s door-to-door campaign strategy, Prof Makara says:’This approach is generally not for presidential aspirants. No president can campaign door-to-door. I think Muntu is recruiting campaign agents to represent him and engage with villagers on his behalf.’

Supporters defend his approach

However, supporters of Muntu say he represents a necessary shift from the politics of confrontation and populism. They argue that his emphasis on building institutions rather than relying on individual charisma may be slow but will eventually pay off.

‘Uganda needs leaders who think beyond rallies and emotions. Gen Muntu is laying a foundation that will stand the test of time,’ says a member of ANT on condition of anonymity. But as the country edges closer to the 2026 elections, the question remains whether Muntu can repackage his message to attract wider support. Without strong structures on the ground and a strategy to connect with ordinary voters, analysts warn that ANT risks remaining a marginal force in Ugandan politics.

Muntu himself has repeatedly said he is not in politics for quick popularity, but to nurture a new culture of leadership. Yet with Uganda’s political arena increasingly polarised between NRM and NUP, his struggle to capture the national imagination continues to cast doubt on his political future.

Mr Timothy Chemongesi, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), says Muntu’s challenge has never been about credibility or integrity, but about political chemistry.

‘Unlike many of his contemporaries who thrive on populism and emotional appeal, Muntu has consistently positioned himself as a sober, principled, and process-oriented leader.

This approach has earned him admiration among elites and opinion shapers but has struggled to resonate with a mass electorate that responds more strongly to symbolism, charisma, and combative rhetoric,’ Mr Chemonges says.

Mr Chemonges says Muntu’s military background, though prestigious, does not translate into political currency because he embodies discipline and restraint rather than militaristic aggression, the very opposite of what Ugandan politics often rewards.

‘Simply put, his values of patience, system-building, and non-confrontation do not align neatly with a political culture conditioned by patronage, spectacle, and immediate gratification,’ he says.

‘Mass appeal is not just a product of ideology, but of networks that reach the last village, the boda stage, and the church pulpit.

Parties like NUP have mastered the art of connecting emotionally and symbolically with marginalised groups, particularly the youth, through bold rhetoric and visible defiance. FDC, despite its current struggles, still retains pockets of deeply entrenched grassroots networks built over decades of activism.’

He says ANT, on the other hand, has prioritised building from the ground up, but progress has been painstakingly slow.

‘The party has yet to demonstrate the ability to mobilise en masse or convert its principled posture into tangible political structures that deliver electoral numbers. Door-to-door mobilisation is arguably the most effective long-term strategy because it builds loyalty, trust, and real community linkages,’ he says.

Ms Phiona Mutesi, a retired history teacher, describes Muntu as a leader whose style reflects discipline, integrity, and long-term vision.

“While his approach may not excite the masses like some of his contemporaries, it reflects a commitment to building a responsible and accountable political culture. In my view, Uganda needs more leaders like him who prioritise long-term national interest over short-term applause,’ Mutesi says.

‘Unlike what many assume, being a retired army general does not guarantee mass appeal in politics. Muntu embodies restraint and process-oriented leadership, which often contrasts sharply with Uganda’s more populist political style,’ she says.

‘Muntu is planting seeds for long-term influence rather than chasing immediate popularity. It’s a strategy that reflects patience and careful planning, even if it does not produce quick wins in elections,’ Mutesi concludes.

However, Chemonges says in Uganda’s high-pressure, high-speed political environment, this method is vulnerable to being outpaced by the theatrics and visibility of rallies.

‘Rallies project strength, create momentum, and shape national narratives; they reassure supporters that they are part of something bigger,’ he says, adding that the door-to-door approach may be morally and strategically sound, but without a complementary strategy, it risks being too slow to shift the political balance by 2026.

In the meantime, for Muntu and ANT to remain relevant and, at a minimum, have some members in Parliament, analysts say they must bridge the gap between principle and perception.

‘They need to repackage their message in a way that resonates emotionally, not just rationally, because Ugandan voters are moved as much by identity and passion as by policy.

ANT must borrow visibility tactics from its rivals-investing in symbolic actions, digital presence, and coalition politics that project relevance,’ Mr Chemonges says.

Mr Otai agrees with him, saying Muntu should leverage his reputation for integrity to carve out a niche as the ‘alternative statesman’ in contrast to both the ruling establishment and the more confrontational Opposition.

‘ANT must accelerate grassroots penetration by aligning with local influencers-religious leaders, cultural institutions, and community-based networks-so that the party’s message spreads beyond its core elite base,’ he says.

As the eight presidential candidates start their three-month journey of campaigns, whether Muntu’s strategy of clean, value-driven politics begins to yield fruit remains to be seen.

The saying that politics is a dirty game is parroted by National Resistance Movement (NRM) bigwigs like an article of faith you would be proud of. Indeed, when the ruling elite wants people in institutions like churches and traditional palaces to keep quiet, one of the arguments fronted is that these people should not soil their images in the dirt of politics.

Never mind that the holy and the dignified are sometimes wretched and deplorable. The assumption is that in the pursuit of power, it is normal to act like a crook.

The politician is expected to tell lies to win the hearts of voters and subjects. The politician is thought to be smart if his capacity for intrigue is high. The politician can be forgiven if he turns to blackmail to undermine an opponent and throw him off balance.

A politician who steals public money or goods can go scot-free if he can arrange to hold accountable the technocrats he used to execute the theft. Politicians can even commit murder if their reasons are clearly political and the differences between the perpetrators and the victims cannot be resolved in the courts, as long as the action is not repeated so frequently that the incidents can no longer be described as ‘isolated’.

The NRM has embraced those guidelines; not formally in writing, but in practice. After 40 years of NRM parading the dirt attributed to politics, the party chairman, President Museveni, is standing again for re-election in January 2026.

This week, while launching his manifesto for 2026-2031, the President made a reference to a security issue; the stealing of livestock that is now rampant in the countryside.

And it is not only livestock, but almost any farm product; from coffee beans to Matooke and maize; and of course the stealing of land itself.

President Museveni has talked about dealing with the actors involved in land grabbing and the displacement of peasants for as long as we can remember, but the general perception is that the crime and injustice are simply growing, the victims multiplying.

The success of the NRM government at reducing abject poverty in rural areas has already been shown to be patchy, and the menace of the village thief is undoing the little progress. Beneficiaries of programmes like Parish Development Model spend sleepless nights protecting or worrying about the products of their labour, as well as facing the threat of losing their very land.

Being in this situation is so demoralising that there are now people in the villages who feel betrayed and are talking of doing any work other than farming. When the NRM/A seized power in 1986, these peasants were President Museveni’s pet subjects, giving him wholehearted support even when some elitists remained sceptical.

Now the President and his security outfits seem incapable of protecting the peasants and their property from their tormentors. These tormentors, the huge pool of village criminals, are themselves children of NRM rule, most of them under age-40 and unemployed. It is the 1986 generation of loyal peasants that has bred and nurtured the new generation of young village hoodlums and gangsters.

Above them are (mostly NRM) local council chiefs and NRM bigwigs who believe that their occupation, politics, thrives on criminality and impunity. Honesty, hard work and slow money are despised. To be a thief of public resources is to be smart. What if stealing farm products is also for the smart? Has the young village thief learned from and been emboldened by singers of the doctrine that politics is dirty?

According to the Police 2024 annual crime report, a total of 397 cases of land-related crimes were reported compared to 271 cases in 2023, giving a 46.5 percent increase in the crimes reported in this category. Of these, 64 cases were taken to court, 103 were not proceeded with, while 230 were still under inquiry. Historical injustices instigated by the colonialists are being blamed for the ongoing land turmoil in Uganda. Before British colonisation, land was under a customary tenure system, meaning in places like Buganda, it was under the control of the Kabaka (King), who managed it through the Bataka (clan heads).

It was through this system that land was distributed to families and communities; however, following the signing of the 1900 agreement between Britain and the Buganda Kingdom, the land tenure system eroded the Kabaka and chiefs’ rights over the land and transferred such powers under the British monarchy.

Former Prime Minister Kintu Musoke, argued: ‘Countries where land is public are better off; this privately-owned land is a British introduction. Baganda and the rest didn’t know about private land.’

The 1900 Buganda Agreement later created two land systems – Mailo and Crown land; and, although the country was affected by the change, Buganda was particularly impacted by the former system. Mailo land is named for its measurement and distribution in square miles.

The Kabaka, who was previously responsible for the 19,600 square miles that make up Buganda, was now subject to the British land allocation system. Mailo, one of the land systems created by the British, was further subdivided into Official Mailo and Private Mailo. Under the Official Mailo, the British allocated 350 square miles for institutional use under the 1919 Official Estates Act.

The Katikkiro and sub-county chiefs under the Kabaka also held Official Mailo for the purposes of their offices and couldn’t transfer them as personal property. The Official Mailo cannot be sold as it is meant to finance the reigning and future generation of kings; however, it can be leased, meaning an occupant can only use it for 49 years, subject to renewal by the Buganda Land Board (BLB).

The British also allocated land to individuals and institutions like the Catholic Church and Church of Uganda, with 92 square miles under the 1908 Land Law and Registration of Titles Act. The young Kabaka, Daudi Chwa, was also allocated land in his capacity. In this regard, his regents and sub-county chiefs could now own freehold land, meaning they could determine the usage of land in perpetuity and had the right to sell it.

Another category of the land system was Crown Land, which was administered on behalf of the public by the British monarch. This was composed of 9,000 square miles traversing wetlands, forests, hills, and rivers, where no certificates were ever issued.

Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, who was a delegate of the Constituent Assembly (CA), says his grandfather died believing he had land, but in actuality, he didn’t, as the bulk of it had been designated Crown Land during the colonial era. ‘When we got independence, the entirety of that Crown Land became public land vested in the Uganda Land Commission (ULC).’

Private Mailo has been a notable source of land disputes due to its characteristics. Most of the Private Mailo land was inhabited since the landlords preferred areas with large populations because it guaranteed revenue collected from the ground rent paid by the tenants.

The chunk of land was located in different places, making the collection of ground rent difficult and unprofitable. Additionally, there was the issue of absentee landlords giving leverage to tenants to claim ownership. These factors combined have fueled land conflicts as unscrupulous individuals have resorted to grabbing land from the vulnerable at the barrel of a gun. Genuine landlords have also suffered at the hands of fraudsters and their would-be tenants.

Dan Wandera Ogalo, a former CA delegate, says Mailo owners had very large land, but people had already settled on it. ‘The landowner is saying, ‘this is my land and I have a title’, but the person on the land is saying, ‘who are you? That is the grave of my great-grandfather, who was buried in 1924; the one next to him is of my grandfather and then my father. He can show the graves of four grandfathers.’

In 1961, as the British prepared to hand over power and self-rule to Uganda, they returned Crown Land to Buganda for management by the BLB. The status quo prevailed until the 1966 Mengo Crisis, when kingdoms were abolished and what was Crown Land was taken over as public land by the government, ULC, and district boards.

A decree issued by then-President Idi Amin summarily abolished private land. After President Museveni captured State power in 1986 following a protracted five-year guerrilla war, the kingdoms and cultural institutions were restored in 1993; however, Buganda has since demanded the return of its properties.

Dr Rose Nakayi, a senior lecturer at the Makerere University School of Law, says with hindsight, what the Constitution embeds on land seems more like a compromise generated through the constitution-making processes than a consensus.

She says the resulting situation is, therefore, fraught with disputes for a number of reasons, including intrinsic tenurial deficiencies underlying our multiple tenure system, making it difficult to prove disputes over them. ‘What works for one tenure may not work for another, yet the multiple approaches or efforts come at a cost.’ Secondly, she says the registration processes began in the 1900s, but very little of Uganda’s land is registered. ‘Fraud perpetrated in processes of registering land at times breeds land disputes.’

Thirdly, she notes that in some areas where mailo is predominant, the simultaneous claims to the same land by landlords and tenants with occupancy rights is a significant factor, especially in the face of limited implementation of the laws. Nakayi further explains the dwindling available land within the context of an increasing population, a declining moral economy where self-interest overrides others’ land rights; an individual can evict entire villages with impunity.

Responding to the narrative that the private mailo land system has been a notable source of land disputes based on its characteristics, Dr Nakayi says the mailo land is in only a very small proportion of the entire land mass in Uganda and it is ‘ridiculous’ to blame for the disputes in the country where tenures are multiple. ‘Land disputes are a feature of all tenures in Uganda; it is the nature, kind, and extent that differs across tenures. Indeed, for mailo land, the overlapping rights of landlord and tenant is a peculiar characteristic that can lead to land disputes. ‘That, however, does not explain other extraneous factors causing land disputes on mailo land; for example, planting freehold titles over mailo land, issuance of special titles without legal basis, and other factors such as the continuing evictions despite the relatively good legal and administrative efforts on paper to prevent/curb evictions resulting from and leading to land disputes.’

When the NRM captured power and started preparing for a new people-centered constitution, settling the land question was critical. Two issues surrounded the land debate, including whether to make land public or privately-owned, and how to address the historical mess left behind and rampant and unresolved land evictions, especially in Buganda. One of the key issues awaiting the CA delegates was resolving the land question. Justice Owiny-Dollo said: ‘The majority of the land being public continued until the promulgation of the 1995 Constitution that reversed the status quo. When I was coming to the CA, I knew that I had two roles to play – to fight for land and return it to the people and a return to a multiparty system.’

The former CA delegates say they all agreed about changing the public land into private land, with Jack Sabiiti, one of them, saying he doesn’t remember land being a sticky issue of debate. Ogalo, however, says the land issue was contentious with the consensus being not to put land in government much as the President reportedly ‘appeared to prefer land going to the government for purposes of development’.

‘The contentious issue was with those who were saying that land should belong to the government and those asking, ‘where did the government get land in, say, a village deep in Namayingo District’?’

At the end of it all, the reform sailed through.

Justice Owiny-Dollo says: ‘We succeeded with that and by the stroke of a pen, on October 8, 1995, the rural land in Tororo and anywhere ceased to be public land, and now remains what in the minds of the people it has always been. ‘I thought we needed to resolve the land issue; it was actually the main issue that tilted my mind.

I saw it as a great opportunity to resolve the inequities brought by colonialism with regard to land.’ Miria Matembe, also a former CA delegate, says if land belonged to the people, it meant the government had no land and yet the government needed land for investment, among other development projects.

Kintu-Musoke says we are dealing with a very serious problem of private ownership of land. ‘Rwanda where this doesn’t exist is doing very well because the government implements projects wherever it wants and builds roads anytime; but here, building a road in Buganda, particularly, is impossible.’ The 1995 Constitution created four forms of land ownership, including customary, mailo, leasehold, and freehold.

Customary land is owned by communities and is managed according to their norms and usually passed down through generations, Freehold is land owned in perpetuity allowing the owner to use it in any form or sell it, Leasehold is a system guaranteeing ownership of land from 49 to 99 years in exchange for a rental payment, and mailo accords individuals perpetual ownership of land as landlords and allows tenancy in the form of freehold.

But the Constitution had only settled one problem and was yet to address the root cause of the rampant land evictions, mainly a characteristic of mailo land. Justice Owiny-Dollo says he was going further on the issue of mailo land (bibanja holders). ‘You have a mailo title of three square miles (but) you cannot even till one square inch of that land because it is occupied by bibanja holders.

You will die without tilling it, your grandchildren will never till it because of bibanja holders; and if they have to pay you, they pay a token. So, for me I said, ‘let us use the 1995 Constitution to put provisions and get rid of bibanja in Buganda’.’

This is because mailo land is characterised by absentee landlords, an unknown expanse of the private mailo, illegal conversion of the private mailo from being clan-based into family land, and the change of tenure by the tenants on mailo land that turned around to claim permanent ownership. This is partly the reason for multiple claims of ownership over the same piece of land, a situation which was exploited by fraudsters.

Lawyer Peter Mulira, in an earlier interview that: ‘What the people in the Land Office do is to look for this land and when it is valuable, they find a buyer and sell it to him; that buyer spends as much as Shs1 billion corrupting the system.

This kind of person wants to get his money back,’ Mr Mulira said in an interview on October 11, 2021. Christopher Bwanika, the Buganda Kingdom Attorney General, says corruption in the Lands Office and inefficiencies is another factor.

‘The position of Buganda is that instead of focusing on mailo land, its history, and because it is a Buganda issue as the source of the problem is the wrong approach.’

The former delegates to the CA say the solution they sought to address the challenge of the rampant land conflicts was to provide for the creation of the Land Fund under Section 41 of the Land Act, 1998.