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The Supreme Court has established the rules for extradition proceedings concerning any individual in the Philippines who is facing a criminal investigation or the enforcement of a penalty abroad.

The rules are set to take effect 15 days from the posting in the Official Gazette or a newspaper of general circulation in the Philippines, which is on November 10.

‘This Rules shall apply to all proceedings related to Extradition, including applications for warrants of arrest or hold departure orders (HDO), whether provisional and precautionary or otherwise, and applications for bail,’ the Supreme Court’s administrative order read.

The rules were promulgated in an en banc resolution dated April 8, 2025.

What is extradition? Extradition, defined as the removal of an individual (extraditee) from the Philippines to a foreign country for prosecution or sentence execution, will now be governed by these clear procedures, which include guidelines for warrants of arrest, hold departure orders (HDOs) and bail.

Commencement and jurisdiction. According to the new rules, an action for extradition begins when the ‘central authority’ or the Secretary of Justice or authorized state counsels from the Office of the Chief State Counsel files a verified petition with the extradition court.

Once filed, that court acquires exclusive jurisdiction over the case, regardless of where the extraditee may reside or move.

According to the court, the petition must strictly follow the requirements of the new rules and include supporting documents certified by the requesting state’s principal diplomatic or consular officer in the Philippines, or as stipulated in the relevant treaty.

When is extradition permissible? Extraditable offense and dual criminality extradition is only permissible if the crime is punishable under both Philippine law and the law of the requesting state.

Even if the offenses’ legal terminology or elements differ, extradition may still be granted if the underlying act is a crime in both countries and meets the elements of the offense in each jurisdiction, according to the rules.

If the extraditee is wanted to serve a sentence, extradition will only be allowed if the remaining sentence is at least six months.

Issuance of warrants and detention. Before issuing a warrant of arrest, the extradition court must conduct an ‘ex-parte’ review to check if the petition is sufficient in form and substance, complies with the law and treaty, and if there is probable cause to believe the person is the correct individual, the offense is extraditable, and the person committed the offense.

Upon finding probable cause, the court will issue a warrant that can be enforced nationwide and uploaded electronically.

Arrested extraditees will be detained at a detention facility of the National Bureau of Investigation nearest to the court’s location.

The court may also issue HDOs to prevent the extraditee from leaving the country, except for the purpose of extradition.

Summary procedure and judgment. According to the Supreme Court, extradition proceedings are summary and do not determine the guilt or innocence of the extraditee.

This means that the court may render judgment based solely on pleadings and documents.

If witness testimony is deemed necessary, the rules mandate that witnesses must be fully examined in one day. The court must render judgment within 30 calendar days after the last witness is presented, or 30 days from the filing of the last pleading if no witnesses are presented.

According to the court, the petition must be granted if a ‘prima facie case exists,’ confirming that:

The petition complies with the law and treaty.

The extraditee is the correct person.

The offense is extraditable and was committed by the person.

No grounds for mandatory refusal exist.

Is bail allowed? Bail during proceedings is discretionary, meaning that it is not a bail as a matter of right.

The high court said that it will not be granted if the extraditee is being sought to serve a sentence or has already been convicted. It may be allowed only if the extraditee proves they are not a flight risk and will abide by all court orders.

If the extraditee is also facing local charges or serving a local sentence, the execution of the extradition judgment may be postponed, unless the local court permits the extraditee’s temporary surrender.

Appeals. Appeals must be filed with the Court of Appeals, which temporarily pauses the execution of the decision.

The appellate court must decide the appeal within 90 calendar days, and its decision will be final and immediately executory.

Provisional Arrest. In cases of urgency, the Central Authority can instruct the NBI to file an ex parte application for provisional arrest before the extradition request is received.

If the formal request is not submitted within 60 calendar days or the period stated in the treaty, the extraditee must be automatically released or their bail discharged.

The Diocese of Bacolod announced yesterday it is holding in abeyance the moral recovery initiative for government officials here as it re-evaluates the proposal for a retreat and recollection.

In a statement read by Fr. Aniceto Buenafe during a press conference, the diocese said it must carefully review their approach to the moral recovery initiative.

The retreat and recollection activity was supposedly set on Nov. 13.

However, Buenafe said: ‘We need time to refine its content, solidify its objectives and clearly define its targets and goals.’

According to Buenafe, the church recognizes that ‘the sector most affected by corruption in government is the marginalized and the poor,’ thus the need to hear their input to make the moral recovery initiative successful.

‘We understand that the public is currently cautious and skeptical about collaborations with politicians. There is a prevailing perception of underlying motives, manipulation and unstated objectives when engaging in dialogue with government officials,’ the church statement read.

According to Buenafe, the idea for a moral recovery initiative came after the meetings with Bacolod City District Rep. Alfredo Abelardo Benitez and other government officials on Oct. 4 and 20.

Benitez reportedly sought the advice and moral guidance of the clergy on how to restore public trust.

In a separate statement, Benitez said he understands the positions of Buenafe and the clergy.

‘Our people have every right to be dismayed and cynical when it comes to politics and politicians. After what we have seen and heard in recent months, trust in government is at an all-time low – and that is something we in public service, especially those in Congress, must confront with humility,’ Benitez said

I’ve been going out on a limb for the past few weeks, touting the possibility that President Bongbong Marcos – yes, the son of our martial law dictator – might be considering doing the right thing and leaving behind his own legacy, one notably different from Apo Lakay’s.

Comes now the news that his spokesperson Atty. Claire Castro – who can usually be counted on for ripostes that elevate the reasonableness of her boss – has been quoted as saying that BBM has been losing sleep conversing with his father (who, let’s not forget, passed on 36 years ago), presumably in search of some advice from the afterlife on contentious current events.

My first reaction was to wonder why their otherworldly tete-a-tete had to take so long, if father and son agreed on the same things. Could they possibly have been arguing? What about? Bank accounts? Sibling rivalry? Forks in the road? And if their encounters leave him sleepless, could BBM be that bothered by FM’s post-mortem perorations on statecraft and, well, craftiness?

This is where VP Sara Duterte enjoys the slight advantage, her father being at least alive and still capable of earthly conversation with Sara on such timely topics as ‘Your stepmother wants to sell the house in Davao’ and ‘Now where did Pulong’s P51 billion in flood-control funds go?’ The Hague may be almost 12,000 kilometers away from Manila, but flying there (on her own dime, she’s careful to insist) beats telepathy or telephony, and creates photo ops with the DDS faithful that nocturnal chit-chats with the departed can’t. (There’s a really nasty and cruel rumor going around, I have to note, that the VP actually wants PRRD to remain and rot away in the Netherlands until he expires – don’t ask me how – just before the May 2028 election, gifting her, like Cory Aquino did on Noynoy’s behalf in 2010, with a wave of sympathy votes. I don’t know if I should applaud or deplore the Pinoy’s political imagination, but there it is.)

Here in Germany, where I’ve just attended the 77th Frankfurt Book Fair where the Philippines was this year’s Guest of Honor and therefore the exotic insect under the microscope, the one inevitable question raised in my many reading and speaking events was, ‘What do you think of the current political situation in your country, and of the fact that another Marcos is now leading it?’

It’s a question I’ve thought about a lot, with or without Frankfurt, and you’ve seen some elements of my answer to it right here in Qwertyman. Pitching these ideas to a foreign audience is a bit more challenging because you don’t have the time to present and explain the details of the context, and you certainly don’t want to lie.

I’m not the Philippine ambassador, I said to them, so I can and will be frank, but if I seem to equivocate then it’s because the situation isn’t as simple as it looks. Yes, BBM is the dictator’s son and yes, I went to prison as a teenager for seven months – many stayed in far longer – under martial law. Yes, I campaigned for his presidential opponent, Leni Robredo, whom I still believe would have made a better president – and yet could.

But very recently, I noted, PBBM has been making moves that have surprised many, for their effects if not their intentions. Whatever he was thinking at the time, his public disclosure of the big-time contractors likely tied to multibillion-peso scams that some politicians aided and profited from has shaken the country to its core. The public outrage and demand for justice has been so loud and widespread that it has gone far beyond infrastructure into a searing re-examination of corruption in every aspect and at every level of our government and society.

I brought in the Duterte factor, the continuing threat from his own Vice President and former ally, for whom BBM’s surrender of her father to the International Criminal Court could only be unforgivable. The flood-control scandal and its connection with the Dutertistas was, therefore, a bomb set off by BBM for his own political and personal survival, but one with many unintended consequences and casualties, including some of Marcos’ own soldiers, and still possibly he himself, should the stain reach into the Palace as it has been threatening to (with gleeful encouragement from the DDS).

I don’t know how well the Germans understood or accepted my reading – heck, I’m sure many Filipinos don’t – but when you put over a hundred Filipino creative writers and journalists together for a week, some points of consensus are bound to emerge over the breakfasts and endless cups of coffee. Among them: (1) 2028 can’t come soon enough; (2) BBM should double down on the kind of confidence-building measures that will shore up the rest of his presidency, like pursuing the anti-corruption campaign to the fullest, no matter what; (3) only an alliance between idealist (but sufficiently grounded) moderates and BBM’s best people (not to forget his resources) can hope to stop a Duterte restoration.

I’d tell that to my dad, who died almost 30 years ago and who, to be honest and as close as we were, I haven’t seen much of in my dreams. But like BBM and his papa, we’d likely be up all night. Having passed away while the country was still in the capable hands of ‘Steady Eddie,’ when it seemed that Ramos’ vision of ‘Philippines 2000’ was going to deliver us into a new millennium of political stability and economic growth, Tatay would probably crawl right back into his grave were he to be given a day off to witness what we’ve done since.

Respect the court decision, Malacañang urged the public after the Sandiganbayan junked the last of the plunder cases filed against the immortal Juan Ponce Enrile, his ex-chief of staff Jessica Reyes and pork barrel scam queen Janet Lim Napoles.

The appeal was expected from the Palace, where Enrile, still spry at 101, is the chief legal counsel of the appointing power in the judiciary, President Marcos. How can you be too old and frail for jail without bail, but young and hale enough to continue being on the public payroll, occupying a post right there in the nation’s seat of power?

Being no spring chicken myself, I like Enrile for being a strong argument against ageism. But a key issue in his acquittal by the Sandiganbayan is not the fallacy of ageism, or even the legal soundness of the decision. In a criminal case, guilt must be established beyond reasonable doubt – something that the Sandiganbayan says the prosecution failed to do.

Even in the aspect of civil liability, however, where only a ‘preponderance of evidence’ is needed to convict, the Sandigan spared Enrile and Reyes from the joint payment by Napoles and 15 co-defendants of P338 million.

No, the key issue is that the acquittal, 12 years after the pork barrel scandal erupted, is now feared to be a harbinger of the fate of the expected indictments in connection with the trillion-peso looting of public funds in flood control projects alone.

Such fears have persisted even before Enrile’s acquittal, as witnesses who faced congressional probes could not provide testimony that lawmakers implicated in the scandal were direct recipients of dirty money.

No one signs or even affixes a thumbprint to incriminating documents in this country. (Except Joseph Estrada, who signed incriminating bank documents as ‘Jose Velarde’ in front of witnesses.)

Even those shockingly huge piles of cash that a government bank allowed to be withdrawn need a solid trail leading to the supposed recipients. Witnesses said the suitcases of cash were handed over to the aides of lawmakers.

We know what will happen: the bosses will throw the aides under the bus, and wash their hands of the mess. We saw this in the case of Richard Cambe, a lawyer who landed in the national penitentiary while his boss in the Senate, Bong Revilla, was cleared. Cambe died of a stroke while serving his sentence.

At least Enrile got Reyes acquitted. But she also stayed in detention without bail for nine years, while her boss was freed on bail on humanitarian grounds in 2015.

Authorities must revisit this aspect of our legal system that allows those found guilty by a regional trial court to remain free on bail until final conviction – which could be long after the convict has already croaked.

This system is fine, to protect victims of wrongful prosecution, but only if the period of appeal until final conviction is reasonably short. What’s reasonable? A few months would be reasonable. Over a year is iffy; it could allow the crook to run for public office, and win using plundered funds to buy votes and dispense patronage.

The system favors wealthy convicts, who can afford any amount of bail as well as expensive lawyers who know how to make bail even for plunder possible based on unprecedented humanitarian grounds.

Exhibit A is President Marcos’ mommie dearest herself, Imeldific, out on bail despite being convicted by the Sandiganbayan on seven counts of graft. At the tender age of 96, Imeldific is still partying at Malacañang.

We should keep track of the career trajectories of the Sandigan justices who convicted Imeldific, comparing them with those who dismissed all the Marcos ill-gotten wealth cases mostly during the BBM administration due to ‘inordinate delay.’ Toss in the justices of the Third Division who acquitted Enrile and Reyes.

Following the acquittal of the lucky pair, dismayed folks are warning about a similar fate for the cases now being prepared in connection with the infrastructure anomalies.

There’s the curious case of Elizaldy Co. His passport can’t be canceled and there’s no Interpol red notice for him because there is still no court-issued warrant for his arrest, according to Department of Justice spokesman Polo Martinez. So far, no case has been filed against Co before any court.

There isn’t even any preliminary investigation yet prior to court indictment, because this requires jurisdiction over Co – which is not possible while he is abroad, Martinez told ‘Storycon’ on One News last week.

The cases of Alice Guo, charged with human trafficking, and extradited murder suspect Arnolfo Teves are different, Martinez said.

Those promised arrest warrants, and anticipated overcrowding at the Quezon City jail, could one day end up in a flood of acquittals, or at least bail on humanitarian grounds.

These would be issued when people are no longer looking – like that ‘secret’ reversal of ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales’ order for the dismissal of Joel Villanueva for the misuse of his pork barrel when he was a CIBAC party-list congressman.

Morales’ successor Samuel Martires, who issued the reversal two years after the dismissal order, explained that it was not done in secret, but followed normal procedure, and that it is not part of the functions of the ombudsman to announce every decision.

He said he did not inform Morales about the reversal because she is not a party to the case.

The job of the ombudsman, Martires explained, is to determine probable cause for filing a case in court against a suspected offender. The court determines if the evidence establishes guilt beyond reasonable doubt.

‘That’s why I’m not speaking – not because I’m protecting these people,’ Martires said in an interview. ‘I’m not speaking because I don’t have the right to destroy their future.’

But the case of Villanueva did not reach the courts. He was dismissed at the ombudsman’s level as part of the disciplinary powers of the office. Martires wielded that power when he ordered the dismissal of Alice Guo last year as mayor of Bamban, Tarlac. No need for a court trial.

Shouldn’t a case involving a congressman-turned-senator warrant special mention by the ombudsman? And how can speaking about clearing a senator violate his dignity or destroy his future?

Seeing all the thieves going unpunished and even flaunting their ill-gotten wealth made corruption endemic in our country.

In the trillion-peso flood control scandal, the prospect of the thieves again getting away is the spookiest thought in this season of ghosts.

With the two highest officials of the land plus the Cabinet leading the reluctant bunch, many key public officials are still hemming and hawing over the release of their statements of assets, liabilities and net worth.

SALN disclosure is mandated for accountability under the Constitution itself, with an enabling law passed way back in 1989 – Republic Act 6713, the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees.

Over the weekend, Malacañang renewed its commitment to release the SALN of President Marcos and his Cabinet members – something that was routinely done annually until Samuel Martires was appointed as ombudsman by Rodrigo Duterte.

But the Palace commitment came with a warning that it would not allow public access to SALNs to be used for political attacks.

What this means exactly is unclear. Typically, journalists are the ones who request for the SALNs of public officials. Once reported in media, the information becomes public knowledge. If the information is used for unlawful purposes, there are laws governing such acts, and aggrieved parties can take legal action.

As for using the SALN for political attacks, what of it? Across the political spectrum, criticisms or ‘attacks’ are par for the course. There is no provision in the Constitution or RA 6713 protecting SALNs from criticism. Transparency in the asset declaration is in fact meant to open the SALN to public scrutiny.

Some officials have echoed Martires’ belief that SALNs have been ‘weaponized.’ This is the same reason invoked by the Supreme Court in spearheading the move to keep SALNs under lock and key.

But many things – from the law to a ballpoint pen – can be used as a weapon. If the fear of things being weaponized would prevail, the knife and the internet would never have been invented.

Since Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla restored public access to SALNs, the number of public officials releasing their asset declarations continues to grow – with no consequences so far about the SALNs being used as a weapon against them.

Akbayan party-list congressmen led the way in early September. To date, among the others who have released their SALNs are Speaker Faustino Dy III and Senate President Vicente Sotto III.

The nation awaits similar moves from the President, the Vice President and the Chief Justice, followed by their underlings. No more excuses. It’s time to move beyond rhetoric on transparency and accountability.

The Mandaue and Lapu-Lapu City governments have announced that all public school students will observe the Department of Education’s (DepEd) nationwide ‘Wellness Break’ from October 27 to 30.

In a social media post, Lapu-Lapu City Mayor Ma. Cynthia ‘Cindi’ King-Chan reminded students and teachers about the DepEd memorandum declaring a four-day break to allow them to rest and recover, especially after the recent earthquakes.

‘Mga kids, mao gyud ni ang inyong giatngan nga announcement. Walay klase para sa atong mga students sa nahisgotang mga adlaw,’ Mayor Chan wrote. She added that classes will resume on November 3, after the annual observance of All Saints’ Day and All Souls’ Day.

The mayor also reminded students to stay safe and stressed that teachers deserve this mental health break.

Meanwhile, Mandaue City Mayor Thadeo Jovito ‘Jonkie’ Ouano has lifted the suspension of face-to-face classes for all public and private schools in the city. However, he clarified that all public schools must still observe the DepEd-declared wellness break, in accordance with DepEd Order No. 12, s. 2025.

‘This Midyear Break serves as a mental health and wellness break following the recent series of strong earthquakes,’ Mayor Ouano said.

Private schools in Mandaue may resume face-to-face classes starting today or opt to use alternative delivery modes, depending on their discretion.

Both Mandaue and Lapu-Lapu had previously suspended in-person classes after a series of earthquakes, prompting schools to temporarily shift to modular and asynchronous learning. Some students in Mandaue City reportedly experienced hysteria and trauma during the aftershocks, though no similar incidents were recorded in Lapu-Lapu City.

DepEd earlier announced the four-day nationwide wellness break to allow students and teachers to rest and recover, citing the emotional strain caused by recent calamities and the rise of flu-like illnesses in several areas.

Classes across the country are set to resume on November 3.

E-wallet firm GCash on Monday, October 27, reassured clients that their funds are secure following reports of an alleged data leak involving one of the country’s leading digital payment services.

Several reports have claimed a data leak involving GCash users’ private information, allegedly being sold by a threat actor named ‘Oversleep8351.’ The data reportedly includes account numbers, addresses, employment details and other personal information.

In a statement, GCash acknowledged the allegations that its customers’ data was being sold on the dark web. The company, however, said there is no evidence of any data breach.

‘Upon swift investigation of our cybersecurity experts, the alleged dataset does not match data from GCash systems. Additionally, many entities are incomplete, invalid, or do not belong to GCash users,’ it said in a statement posted on social media.

‘These findings strongly indicate that the data being circulated did not originate from GCash,’ it added.

The mobile wallet giant said it will coordinate with the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, the National Privacy Commission (NPC), and the Cybercrime Investigation and Coordinating Center. The NPC said it would investigate the alleged data leak and urged customers to stay vigilant with their information.

‘GCash users should actively monitor their accounts, regularly update their MPINs and passwords, and enable additional security features to protect their information. They must also remain alert to phishing attempts and refrain from sharing personal or sensitive data while the investigation is ongoing,’ the NPC said.

GCash has previously faced reports of unauthorized transactions in 2024, which affected some of its customers’ funds.

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. condemned attempts to turn Scarborough Shoal into a “nature reserve” on Sunday, October 26, telling ASEAN leaders and United States President Donald Trump that the move violates Philippine sovereignty.

Without naming China, Marcos said the move by “some actors” to impose a ‘nature reserve’ status over Scarborough Shoal “clearly violates not only Philippine sovereignty, but also the traditional fishing rights of our people guaranteed by international law.”

Such rights, Marcos said, are protected by the 1982 UNCLOS, and affirmed by the 2016 arbitral ruling and other domestic laws.

The president was speaking at the 13th ASEAN-US Summit in Kuala Lumpur on Sunday, where Trump and other Southeast Asian leaders were present.

In September, China’s State Council approved creation of the so-called ‘Huangyan Island National Nature Reserve’ at the shoal – a move Manila condemned as ‘illegitimate and unlawful,’ and a pretext for eventual occupation.

The 2016 arbitral award affirmed that China’s attempts to restrict Filipino fishers’ access to the shoal were unlawful.

The feature itself is located some 120 nautical miles off Zambales and has served as a vital fishing ground for fishing communities there before Beijing seized the feature in 2012 following a tense stand-off with Philippine forces.

Marcos said in his speech that the Philippines remains ‘firm, calm and resolute’ in defending its maritime rights, and that it would continue to push for a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea that is ‘effective, substantive and consistent with international law.’

“On the South China Sea, it is regrettable that incidents continue to occur in the West Philippine Sea which endanger the lives of Philippine personnel and compromise the safety of our vessels and aircraft,” Marcos said.

“These include dangerous maneuvers and the coercive use of tools and equipment to interfere with or obstruct legitimate and routine Philippine activities in our own maritime zones and airspace, as guaranteed under international law, particularly UNCLOS,” he added.

‘Peaceful and sustainable seas’

In his address, Marcos also thanked the US for its ‘steadfast support in promoting peaceful and sustainable seas.’ The Philippines, he said, looks forward to co-chairing with the US and South Korea a workshop on port-state measures to combat illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing – a regional initiative under the ASEAN Regional Forum.

Marcos noted that the Philippines’ maritime cooperation with the US extends to strengthening security in shipping and seafaring industries, alongside efforts to address transnational crimes such as trafficking, cybercrime and wildlife smuggling.

On October 15, a Chinese fighter jet and military helicopter harassed a Philippine patrol aircraft flying over the shoal, according to the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG). The coast guard said a People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy helicopter flew directly beneath its plane during a low-altitude pass, while a PLA Air Force Shenyang J-16 fighter jet flew close enough to ‘endanger the safe flight path’ of the aircraft.

This followed a separate October incident in which 11 Chinese coast guard and 11 maritime militia vessels reportedly surrounded and blocked a PCG ship delivering supplies to Filipino fishers near the shoal. The PCG said Chinese vessels executed ‘dangerous maneuvers and blocking actions,’ delaying its mission.

Economies in the Asia-Pacific region have shown resilience amid external and domestic challenges so far in 2025, posting stronger-than-expected economic growth in the first half of the year, according to the latest Regional Economic Outlook report of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

However, the IMF warned that higher US tariffs and increasing protectionism will likely reduce demand for Asian exports and eventually weigh on growth in the near term. Domestically, the IMF added, slowing growth trends and social tensions pose additional challenges.

As such, the IMF stressed, reforms to make economic growth more resilient and sustainable will be critical, even after noting that regional economic growth in the first half of this year benefited from strong exports, partly due to frontloading in expectation of higher tariffs and a buoyant tech cycle.

Monetary and fiscal policy easing, the IMF said, further supported domestic demand in the region amid globally accommodative financial conditions and US dollar depreciation.

Despite a stronger-than-expected outcome in the first half of the year, the IMF reported that Asia’s GDP growth is expected to moderate somewhat in the second half, resulting in a modestly lower annual growth of 4.5 percent in 2025 compared with 4.6 percent in 2024.

Regional growth is projected to slow further to 4.1 percent in 2026, given the mounting negative effects of higher US tariffs and headwinds to medium-term potential growth. Risks to the regional outlook are tilted to the downside.

Growth figures for the Philippines were projected at 5.4 percent for this year and 5.7 percent in 2026.

The IMF acknowledged that while tariffs are lower than those announced in April 2025 and tentative new trade deals are emerging, the full negative effect of the tariff increases is uncertain and the intensification of trade tensions continues to be a major downside risk for the region.

Similarly, the IMF report said that while trade policy uncertainty has declined somewhat compared to April, it remains high and could weigh on investment and sentiment more than expected.

It likewise emphasized that tighter financial conditions due to domestic or global developments could amplify trade shocks and compound vulnerabilities, adding that economic vulnerabilities could amplify social tensions.

On the upside, the IMF report said the current AI-driven investment boom could deliver a stronger-than-expected boost to exports, investment and productivity in the region.

Further policy support, it said, could cushion shocks more than expected and lift growth prospects.

Thus, the IMF noted, the evolving global environment underscores the urgent need for policies to make growth more resilient and sustainable.

Domestic demand, particularly consumption, has remained soft, making the region more susceptible to changes in global demand and trade policies. In addition, while trade openness has supported growth in the manufacturing sector, broad-based productivity gains have stalled in recent years, along with a rise in capital misallocation.

Both macroeconomic policy support and structural reforms are needed to help Asian countries navigate the challenging global environment.

Monetary policy easing, the IMF said, is appropriate in countries with inflation below target. Additional easing may be expected in many countries to bring inflation back to target and ensure that inflation expectations are well-anchored.

The weakening US dollar, the IMF said, has helped reduce capital outflow pressures for countries in the region, providing additional room for policy rate cuts where needed.

Exchange rate flexibility, according to the IMF, should be the first line of defense in case of shocks, though judicious use of foreign exchange intervention – if needed to maintain stability – could be pursued in line with the Fund’s Integrated Policy Framework.

In some countries, temporary and targeted fiscal measures could support demand and help vulnerable groups affected by the tariff shock. The near-term fiscal stance should be calibrated to individual country circumstances. China, Korea, and Vietnam, the report pointed out, have introduced sizable fiscal packages to support demand and fund priority programs announced before the tariff shock.

In countries with high public debt, expansionary fiscal policy needs to be balanced with medium-term consolidation efforts to preserve debt sustainability.

Improving the adequacy and coverage of social safety nets in Asia, especially for the population in the bottom 20 percent of the income distribution, who have a high propensity to consume, could help support domestic demand.

A reduction in geopolitical tensions would also help reduce uncertainties and lift investment and productivity.

Even so, the IMF said, external challenges have reinforced recent internal challenges in the region. Domestic demand, particularly consumption, remains below pre-pandemic trends in many countries.

Persistent weaknesses in the service sector, property sector downturns, and sluggish consumer sentiment have contributed to a soft post-pandemic recovery in jobs and income growth, dampening consumption.

Institutional constraints in the region, including limited scope for fiscal support because of high debt, inadequate social safety nets or inefficiencies stemming from financial structures, have hindered a broad-based recovery of domestic demand.

In addition, the IMF added, while trade openness has supported growth in the manufacturing sector, broad-based productivity gains have stalled in recent years, along with a rise in capital misallocation.

These challenges, the IMF stressed, underscore the need for Asian economies to make growth resilient and sustainable by boosting domestic demand, particularly consumption, and reinvigorating productivity growth.

In the near term, the IMF advised that targeted fiscal and monetary policy should be used to smooth the impact of trade shocks and provide temporary support.

At the same time, structural reforms are essential for enhancing medium-term growth potential and rebalancing economies, it added. Such reforms should include measures to support the services sector, strengthen the efficiency of financial intermediation, reduce incentives for capital misallocation and mitigate the impact of population aging.

The IMF urged greater intraregional trade and financial integration to enhance growth resilience and support financial development. Policy tools should also be upgraded, while fiscal reforms would help manage large spending pressures and prepare for future shocks.

Finally, the IMF report said that emerging challenges and opportunities in artificial intelligence will need to be monitored and may call for refinements in regulatory frameworks.

Team Liquid Philippines stunned Aurora Gaming, 4-0, in the grand finals of the Mobile Legends Professional League (MPL) Philippines Sunday night at the Cuneta Astrodome in Pasay City.

Heading into the grand finals, Aurora Gaming had solidified its dominance in the local league by winning straight 15 matches – 13 during the regular season – and going undefeated in the upper brackets.

Defending champion Team Liquid, on the other hand, broke its even-season curse by surviving the play-ins and the lower bracket to reach the grand finals.

In the rematch of the upper bracket finals, Team Liquid set the tone of the entire series – pulling off dominant displays in Games 1 and 2 with a kill score of 21-6 and 20-8. The Cavalry’s goldlaner Kiel “Oheb” Soriano notched 12 kills and no deaths for both games.

Game 3 saw Team Liquid slow down on their pick-offs against Aurora but the former continued its dominance in the objective fights, going to match-point in under 15 minutes.

With its back against the wall and hoping to stage a reverse sweep, Aurora banked on signature heroes for the squad, only for Team Liquid to stay ahead in the closest game of the series.

As Aurora managed to steal the third lord, Alston “Sanji” Pabico’s timely Diversion play to bring his teammates to the base caught Aurora by surprise, and the Cavalry were able to destroy the base and complete the sweep.

The pro scene of MLBB will be taking a break for the rest of the year as all eyes shift to the coming 33rd Southeast Asian Games in December. The M7 World Championship, with both Team Liquid Philippines and Aurora, will happen in January 2026.