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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has urged the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to designate resource theft – including illegal mining and the stealing of minerals – as an international crime.

The President warned that the practice poses a direct threat to the stability and security of the West African region.

Speaking through the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (yesterday SGF), Senator George Akume, at the 2025 annual General Assembly of the Network of National Anti-Corruption Institutions in West Africa (NACIWA) at the ECOWAS Secretariat in Abuja, the President said the time had come for the regional bloc to galvanise international support against the trade in stolen minerals from West Africa.

‘I believe that the time has come for ECOWAS to designate resource theft (illegal mining and stealing of minerals in the region) as an international crime that threatens the stability of the region, and galvanizes the world against trade in stolen minerals from West Africa,’ he said.

The President noted that illicit financial flows and the plundering of mineral resources have become a growing menace, fueling insecurity and violent crimes across the sub-region.

‘Stealing of mineral resources is on the rise in the region, fuelling the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and other violent crimes such as kidnapping and banditry,’ he said.

President Tinubu warned that no single country could win the battle against illicit financial flows or resource theft alone, stressing that regional collaboration through NACIWA offers ECOWAS a viable platform to coordinate efforts against corruption and its offshoots.

He reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to asset recovery as a key pillar of its anti-corruption strategy, noting that the country had introduced a new legal framework for asset recovery and management.

‘Under Nigeria’s anti-corruption strategy, we have prioritized the tracing and recovery of stolen assets. This vision has translated into the recovery of humongous sums by our anti-corruption agencies,’ the President said.

President Tinubu praised the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), led by Mr. Ola Olukoyede, who also serves as the current President of NACIWA, for its ‘prolific record’ in recovering stolen assets.

He said the commission’s successes over the past two years should serve as a case study for member nations at the meeting.

The President further disclosed that his administration has repurposed part of the recovered proceeds of crime to fund social impact programmes.

‘Two legacy programmes of my administration, the Student Loan Scheme and the Consumer Credit Scheme, commenced operation with the injection of N100 billion in recovered proceeds of crime by the EFCC,’ he said.

The President explained that through the Student Loan Scheme, many indigent students now have access to tertiary education, while the Consumer Credit Scheme is helping working Nigerians acquire essential assets and ease financial pressures in the current economic climate.

Emphasising the need for unity, President Tinubu stated that defeating corruption and insecurity would greatly improve the quality of life in the region.

He urged NACIWA delegates to critically examine anti-money laundering frameworks, financial intelligence-sharing mechanisms, and accountability in the extractive sector to strengthen regional resilience.

‘We need a paradigm shift from rhetoric to deliberate measures to actualize the vision of ECOWAS’ founding fathers for collective prosperity and good governance,’ he said, expressing optimism that the 2025 General Assembly would produce a new framework for inclusive growth and shared progress in West Africa.

President Tinubu reaffirmed Nigeria’s unwavering commitment to ECOWAS and NACIWA, declaring: ‘We are stronger together than being apart.’

He formally declared the 2025 NACIWA annual general meeting (AGM) open.

There are few things more dignifying than when a towering public figure extends the courtesy of respect wrapped in humility. General Lucky Irabor, former Chief of Defence Staff, exemplifies that rare blend of strength and grace. When he invited me to the presentation of his new book, ‘SCARS: Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum,’ I was reminded that behind the imposing military uniform lies a man of reflection, intellect, and empathy – unless, of course, one dares to cross the line.

This quality stands in sharp contrast to the arrogance I have encountered at a strategic institute where a few officers’ inflated egos left little room for courtesy or intellectual exchange.

I could not attend the book launch due to a scheduling conflict with the International Public Relations Association’s (IPRA) Golden World Awards in Ghana, where the Nigeria Customs Service and Image Merchants Promotion Limited (IMPR) were honoured. On my return to Abuja, all copies of the book had sold out, and I was due to travel to Canada that same night. Learning of my predicament, General Irabor ensured a copy was sent to me – a gesture that spoke volumes about his character.

Taking the advice of his friend, Vice President Kashim Shettima, that ‘to truly enjoy a book, read it on a long journey,’ I opened it mid-flight and did not stop until I reached the last page. In less than twenty-four hours, I devoured the 300-page memoir – a deeply analytical, well-researched, and intellectually stimulating work that goes far beyond the typical autobiographical recount of a retired general.

Irabor’s SCARS stands out for its narrative style. It is not a self-indulgent memoir but a reflective chronicle that blends personal experience with historical analysis and policy critique. He writes with academic precision, referencing other scholars, field experiences, and verifiable data. Between the lines, the discerning reader can sense his measured but firm convictions on the Boko Haram insurgency, Niger Delta militancy, IPOB separatism, Yoruba nationalism, and the societal decay that has haunted Nigeria since independence.

The book is a panoramic chronicle – from the civil war and military coups to democratic transitions and insurgencies – offering a sober reflection on the choices and failures that have defined Nigeria’s evolution. Notably, Irabor avoids sensationalism or name-dropping; even his acknowledgments are strikingly modest despite the calibre of personalities, including former Presidents, who later attended the unveiling in Abuja.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, in his foreword, aptly describes the publication as ‘a soldier’s honest reflection on a nation’s unfinished journey.’ But the true revelations lie within the pages – in Irabor’s unflinching interrogation of Nigeria’s political and moral contradictions.

Among the book’s most intriguing points is his assertion that no full-fledged coup d’état in Nigeria has ever occurred without civilian collaboration. He argues that soldiers, bound by their oath of allegiance, often justify interventions ‘through the prism of national defence.’ This interpretation shifts part of the blame for Nigeria’s military incursions to opportunistic civilians who manipulate or enable such actions for personal gain.

Equally provocative is his historical framing of Northern Nigeria’s recurring religious conflicts. Irabor traces the roots to Usman Dan Fodio’s jihad of 1804, viewing it as the starting point of organized religious militancy in the region. While this perspective is historically grounded, it risks oversimplification. Thankfully, Irabor tempers his argument by contextualizing it within the broader ‘millenarian revolts of early colonialism,’ suggesting that both Islamic revivalism and Christian evangelism during the colonial era contributed to shaping Nigeria’s spiritual and social divides.

One area readers may find conspicuously absent is any mention of the tragic death of gallant General Ibrahim Attahiru, the late Chief of Army Staff who perished in a plane crash shortly after Boko Haram’s leader, Abubakar Shekau, was reportedly killed. Given Irabor’s position as the CDS, his silence on the matter is perhaps deliberate – an act of discretion from a professional soldier who values institutional continuity over personal disclosure.

The sections on Northern Nigeria’s political elite are unambiguously critical. Irabor faults the region’s leaders for presiding over deepening poverty, illiteracy, and insecurity despite their educational exposure and political dominance. He cites World Bank data showing that the ten poorest states in Nigeria are all in the North-East and North-West, with 87% of the nation’s poorest population concentrated there. He attributes this grim reality to elite hypocrisy, religious manipulation, and the failure to translate political power into social progress.

The former defence chief particularly denounces the politicisation of religion, using the Sharia Movement in Zamfara (1999) as a case study of how political opportunism derailed governance. Quoting Emir Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Irabor laments the ‘commodification of piety’ – a process through which religion becomes a tool of control rather than a vehicle for moral upliftment.

He calls on Northern leaders to emulate progressive Muslim societies like Saudi Arabia and Turkey, which have harmonised faith with modernity rather than allowing religion to justify stagnation. His position on the Almajiri system is particularly powerful; he argues that no faith sanctions the institutionalisation of street begging or the abandonment of children in the name of learning.

The chapter on the ‘Dead Horse Theory’ is one of the most intellectually stimulating sections. Here, Irabor uses the metaphor to describe Nigeria’s tendency to keep ‘beating dead horses’ – sustaining failed policies and obsolete institutions instead of pursuing meaningful reform. He cites the duplication of examination bodies like WAEC and NECO, the Nomadic Education Programme, and the regional cut-off mark policy as examples of how Nigeria perpetuates inefficiency under the guise of inclusiveness.

The discussion on Boko Haram is both historical and diagnostic. Irabor situated the insurgency within a continuum of religious and socio-political crises, from the Maitatsine riots of the 1980s to the Sharia clashes of 1999-2000. He chronicles how Mohammed Yusuf, the sect’s founder, began as a member of Borno’s Sharia Implementation Committee, only to break away and radicalise disillusioned youth by preaching against Western education and government corruption.

The book exposes the irony of Boko Haram’s dependence on Western technology – weapons, communication tools, and propaganda platforms – even while denouncing Western civilisation. Irabor portrays Boko Haram not as a purely religious movement but as a symptom of governance failure, economic deprivation, and elite negligence. He identifies the drivers of extremism as ‘unaddressed political grievances, weaponisation of religion and tribe, a biased legal framework, and weakened institutions.’

The author also voices deep concern over what he described as an international conspiracy against Nigeria, singling out certain foreign entities and media organisations. He accuses them of not only supplying logistical support to terrorist groups but also of deliberately spreading false narratives aimed at discrediting the Nigerian military and destabilising national security.

In his closing reflections, the General offers a pragmatic pathway forward: diplomatic negotiation, socioeconomic and political realignment, and governance reforms that reward merit and restore trust. ‘The time for change is now,’ he writes, ‘and it must begin with truth, inclusion, and a commitment to genuine progress.’

SCARS is not just a memoir; it is a mirror reflecting Nigeria’s wounds – the scars of war, hypocrisy, and wasted potential. Irabor’s writing is measured but fearless, scholarly yet deeply human. His critique of the North is not an attack but a plea for introspection; his assessment of Nigeria’s leadership failures is not cynical but reformist.

This book is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand Nigeria’s enduring crises – from insurgency and leadership to the complex interplay between faith, politics, and national identity. It leaves readers not with despair, but with hope – the hope that confronting our scars honestly is the first step toward national healing.

Northern Nigeria is famous for its political pomposity of having the highest number of votes to influence political power or direction. However, it is lacking the political sagacity to transform the deplorable conditions of the people to justify its numerical relevance. In today’s North and politics, misplaced priorities have been the order of the day. We are afraid of breaking away from conventions to attain a paradigm shift that will discover our potentialities, fix our opportunities and discontinue the practices of conservatism. Long term policies and projects for sustainable development are inadequate to face the challenges of the 21st century.

There is no adequate balancing between human development and physical development. The North’s politics bolsters mainly in relation to cheap popularity and other forms of self-aggrandizement, rather than exalted and exemplary mission for regional rejuvenation and prosperity. Our numerical pride, after all, is never a means to achieving an end, not even an end in itself.

If numerical advantage is the only measurable and core value that matters in North’s politics, we should not have been battling the chronic diseases of poverty, unemployment and insecurity among others. In fact, this so called strength calls for sober reflections on how to make it politically and economically viable and constructive, not destructive as in the case of the merchants of death killing innocent and defenceless people.

For long, two conflicting trends have continued to define our protracted and overwhelming ills. I am referring to the eventual advent of political will versus political opportunism. We are entangled in a political contest of elites who are torn apart between political will and political opportunism. The political elites who possess political will for reforms are very rare because they have been relegated to the background and the North will continue to bleed without this political capital.

While political opportunists have saturated and hijacked the political environment, the alarming risk is that the mainstream northern politics begins and ends with the perpetuation of self-indulgence as well as self- complacency. We are no longer thinking about robust institutions that foster advancement, but we are fighting wars over individuals.

Meanwhile, northern interests, yearnings and aspirations will continue to be compromised and imprisoned. This is a typical political error we are underestimating. We have forgotten that our collective yearnings and aspirations are so humongous that they require the deployment of strong political will to conquer our difficulties and conundrums.

It is easy to forget that political will is indispensable because political characters are willing to commit precious time, energy, funds and political capital to achieve desirable and impactful change. These political elements are risk bearers and can incur opportunity costs to fulfil collective interests. It is all about politics for change and not politics for extending the status quo. Unfortunately for northern Nigeria, our political nomenclature is not aspiring for the restoration of political will to strengthen our progress.

The only panacea to mould our politics, secure and rescue the North from imminent collapse is relentless desire for the enthronement of political will. Therefore, the elites who are students of political will should be mobilized and massively supported to join active politics. This can be done through the utilisation of different fora by organizations and patriotic individuals. It is high time to raise political will awareness by adopting modern technology. The time is now and not later. This is the greatest service the North requires for the meantime.

On the other hand, political opportunism is not the best political friend of our time, pragmatically taking advantage of every available situation or circumstance to maintain political support or influence towards egoism. It is often the benchmark for illegitimate behaviour in politics. One of its greatest ills is prioritizing expediency over principles. In the end, we are victims of the political reactionaries.

Political will focuses on the depth of power while opportunism concentrates on the length of power. Between political will and opportunism, therefore, our collective and inordinate desire has always been tilted towards opportunism. The political opportunism vanguard is fast growing while we are helpless and hopeless. The political will to transform rural areas and boost farming activities is bankrupt and we remain happy!

Political visions are supposed to empower political will to transform northern Nigeria. Political woes are never supported by blatant pretentions and all that. In today’s North, political opportunists are unwilling to reach a compromise that will sacrifice their political project for northern project. Our crisis is so huge and complex that we are enmeshed in trivial matters while ignoring potential dangers that may consume us.

The formation of political thoughts and practices vis-a-vis the development of the North is largely shrouded in an utter lackadaisical attitude. Developmental concerns and wisdoms are at poverty level and inconsistent with our generational yearnings and aspirations. Imagine how stupendous money is squandered annually sponsoring government officials and party loyalists to perform the lesser Hajj (Umrah) while basic public schools are lacking structures and resources. This manipulative and religious tendency has proved political excessiveness in the midst of squalor.

Political will is an effective therapy while political opportunism is a dangerous disease. Our political opportunists are self-made heroes taking advantage of the circumstances to promote themselves, with little regards to principles, in total disregard for consequences as they affect the rest of us. For sure, the North is at the devastating spot of political opportunism. It is paying costly for the evils of political opportunism. That is why Yobe, Sokoto and Kebbi are having the highest number of out-of-school kids in the country.

In the profound wisdom of Milton Friedman, one man’s opportunism is another man’s statesmanship. This is an inspiring food for thought addressed to all northerners with political mind and proper jingoism.

A chieftain of All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State, Oyedele Alao, has slammed Governor Seyi Makinde’s recent criticism of Minister of Works David Umahi of ‘dancing around the cost’ on the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway.

He described Makinde’s remarks as hypocrisy, alleging the governor must first account for his inflated road contracts before attacking anyone at the federal level.

A statement by Alao, an engineer, said the costs of roads by Makinde’s administration defied logic, accusing him of turning road construction into a cash-draining adventure that had produced some of the highest cost-per-kilometre projects.

He said: ‘These are not rumours; these are the governor’s own public figures. No civilised state should pay such outrageous sums without a clear Bill of Quantities or cost justification. Governor Makinde should publish the contracts.

‘Oyo people deserve to know where their money is going. Until the governor opens his books, he has no moral ground to lecture the Federal Government on transparency or efficiency.

‘As an engineer, I think the governor has an explanation to make on the roads and other infrastructural projects his administration has embarked on since 2019, most especially when the government has claimed it completed 14 road projects, totalling 224.32 kilometres between May 2023 and May 2025.

‘Leadership is by example, not about grandstanding or media drama. Makinde should clean up his own administration before pointing accusing fingers at others. The people of Oyo State are watching, and history will not be kind to those who squander public trust.’

Seldom has the verdict of a foreign tribunal riveted Nigerians as the opinion of Judge Ewan Paton of the Property Tribunal, London, U.K, in respect of the ownership of No. 79 Randall Avenue, Neasden, North London. The dispute arose from the objection of one ‘Ms. Tali Shani’ to Mike Ozekhome’s application to the Land Registry in England to be registered as the owner of the property which was ostensibly transferred to him by another ‘Tali Shani’, this time, male.

So, two Tali Shanis, therefore, jointly laid claim to the same property. In the event, the judge found that neither existed as a matter of fact; in other words, their evidence was fabricated. He, therefore, ruled that the claims of both the objector to Ozekhome’s registration (Ms. Tali Shani) and that of Ozekhome himself failed.

The Tribunal also found, however, that the property was purchased by the late Gen. Jeremiah Useni way back in 1993. In its words, the General ‘was in truth the sole legal and beneficial owner of this property (albeit registered in a false name)’. The Tribunal further found (in the same portion of its judgment – Paragraph 200) that the Gen. ‘must in some way have been connected to (the) transfer (to Prof, Ozekhome) and to have directed it (as) he was clearly close to, and on good terms with the respondent’; adding for good measure that there was ‘no question of this being some sort of attempt by (Prof. Ozekhome) to steal the General’s property without his knowledge’, and furthermore (in paragraph 202) that ‘it was the decision of General Useni to transfer the property to (Prof. Ozekhome)’.

Had the tribunal stopped there, none of the fuss and dust raised by Ozekhome’s involvement would have arisen and nothing would have been amiss. However, it did not, as it held that certain evidence proffered by the Ozekhome and his son (in particular, some documents he submitted to the Land Registry such as a copy of the Nigerian passport of Mr. Tali Shani, which showed that he was born in April 1973 – 20 years before he purportedly purchased the property in 1993 and the oral testimony of the purported transferor, Mr. Tali Shani) were ‘contrived’ and ‘invented’ (Paragraph 206 of the judgment). In other words, they were perjured.

Now, giving or fabricating evidence before a judicial tribunal is a very serious offence. That is the law both in England and in Nigeria. The issue is, however, more nuanced than that – and this is where most commentators (including supposed ‘learned’ ones, i.e. legal practitioners) got it wrong. This is because they failed to grasp the elementary point that context is everything – even in a judicial proceeding and any apparently damning revelations that may emerge therefrom.

More specifically, any allegation of the commission of a crime (any crime -including perjury or forgery) is required to be established by evidence according to the applicable standard – beyond reasonable doubt. This process consists of a formal charge, plea and defence, if any. Where such a charge is denied (as it, undoubtedly is, in this case), the prosecution is required to prove, not only the conduct, act or acts and words or omissions of the defendant which are alleged to constitute the offence (called ‘actus reus’ in law) but – even more importantly – the mental element or guilty mind which accompanied such overt act or acts or with which it was contemporaneously done. In law, this is called ‘mens rea’. If it is missing, no crime is committed and the prosecution (or conviction) must fail.

That being the case, the obvious question is: what guilty mind (or malevolent or other untoward or even fraudulent intention) could possibly have informed the allegedly false evidence which Ozekhome and his son purportedly proffered before Judge Paton? What was his or their aim, goal, motive or objective? Did they intend, by such conduct or words to fraudulently ‘corner’ (to use the tribunal’s words, ‘steal General Useni’s property without his knowledge’)?

These questions were answered by the tribunal categorically and unequivocally in the negative in Paragraph 202 of its judgment. I believe this is a complete exoneration of Ozekhome and his son.

I repeat: no crime can be committed without the requisite mental element or guilty mind: where it is lacking, an accused person is innocent. In Ozekhome’s case, the worst that he can be accused of is over-exertion – borne out of over-anxiety – faced with the prospect of losing what was rightfully his, to an individual who was clearly intent in reaping where he (or she) did not sow. In other words, Ozekhome was the victim here – and no one else.

Thus, he deserves sympathy for losing what was clearly intended by the adjudged owner (Gen. Useni) to be either an outright gift or otherwise to him. He has been more sinned against than sinning. It is, therefore, strange and uncharitable that naysayers have gone to town crying for his head. Are they crying more than the bereaved?

Who, by the way, are the bereaved?

His benefactor, Gen Useni is dead (may his soul rest in peace). It is not hard to imagine that he would be turning in his grave at the needless fuss being made over his property and the unfortunate distress to which it has exposed Ozekhome. History, however, will vindicate the just. Suffice it to say that if he made any mistakes (and we all make mistakes, don’t we, being human) they were mistakes of the head – not of the heart.

I believe that Judge Paton was wrong in the legal conclusions he drew, even from the facts as found by him, in his judgment. I believe that certain legal issues arose for determination (and might still be relevant, going forward) – some of which, unfortunately, he did not advert his mind to and address – as he was legally bound to do.

I believe that public perception that the Tribunal somehow indicted Ozekhome and his son is borne out of sentiment rather than the facts – much less the law. The same can be said of Judge Paton himself – with all due respect. This is because, in Nigeria, it is settled beyond cavil that, sentiment has no place in judicial adjudication.

Neither Ozekhome nor his son can (or should) be indicted by revelations emanating from an objection (caveat) or judicial proceeding lodged or instituted at the behest of a fictitious, anonymous, faceless and bogus person. Both the caveat and the suit were non-existent in the eyes of the law. You cannot put something on nothing and expect it to stand: it must fall, as ex nihilo nihil fit (out of nothing comes nothing).

Ekiti State Governor Biodun Oyebanji has been nominated the consensus candidate by the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the June 20, 2026 election.

The party took the decision after the only opponent cleared to contest the primary with him, Atinuke Oluremi Omolayo, withdrew from the race.

Two other aspirants – Mr. Kayode Ojo and Abimbola Olajumoke – were disqualified for failing to meet nomination requirements.

With the latest development, the direct process planned for the October 27 primary, will now become the consensus option.

In this case the governor will need mere voice affirmation to confirm his candidacy.

The ruling party conveyed it decision to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) with a letter send on Monday to the electoral agency.

The partly reads: ‘Two aspirants were cleared to contest the primary election scheduled to be held on 27th October 2025 through the Direct Primary mode. The cleared aspirants are Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji and Mrs. Atinuke Oluremi Omolayo.

‘The party has, however, received a letter from Mrs Atinuke Oluremi Omolayo, one of the two cleared aspirants, conveying her voluntary decision to withdraw from the contest.

‘In her letter, Mrs. Omolayo expressed her endorsement of Governor Biodun Abeyomi Oyebanji as the consensus Candidate and affirmed her support for any consensus arrangement adopted by the party in nominating as flag bearer, in accordance with the Electoral Act 2022 and the constitution of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

‘Consequently, in view of Mrs. Omolayo’s voluntary withdrawal and the endorsement of a consensus arrangement, the party is compelled by law with Section 84 (11) of the Electoral Act to change the mode of the Primary Election from Direct Primary to Consensus.’

The party then said that in pursuant to Section 84(11) of the Electoral Act, the nomination congress has been scheduled to hold by 10 a m on Monday, 27th October 2026 at Ekiti State Pavilion, New Iyin Road, Ado Ekiti to ratify the only remaining cleared aspirant.

The party in the letter also announced an amended schedule of activities and timetable for ratification of the consensus candidate and invited the electoral body to monitor the relevant activities as required by law.

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Ondo State has dismissed allegations of irregularities in its recently-concluded state congress, describing such claims as false, mischievous and aimed at discrediting a transparent process.

An opposing group within the party, Kick Against Deceit, had alleged that the congress was manipulated to favour certain leaders, branding the entire exercise a ‘charade.’

The congress, held last month, produced Victor Aisida as the state chairman, succeeding Bakitta Bello, who completed the tenure of the late Fatai Adams.

Other newly-elected executives include Akin Oyewole (deputy chairman), Oluseye Olujimi (secretary), Jolade Aladetan (publicity secretary) and Woke Akindiose (legal adviser).

Although the exercise was largely peaceful, the party’s 2024 governorship candidate, Agboola Ajayi, was absent.

In a statement, the party’s Director of Media and Public Communication, Wande Ajayi, said the congress was conducted in compliance with the PDP constitution and guidelines approved by the National Working Committee (NWC), with officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) observing the process.

Ajayi noted that some individuals listed as signatories to the critical statement – including Charles Adeduro, Caroline Olupitan, Pat Ojo and Dagbatan Anjorin Peter – had since denied involvement, exposing what he described as the deceitful intent behind the publication.

‘Contrary to the falsehoods peddled by the group, the state congress was conducted in full compliance with the constitution of our party and the guidelines approved by the National Working Committee (NWC), as observed by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Delegates were duly accredited, the process was peaceful and the outcomes reflected the collective will of genuine party stakeholders across local governments and senatorial districts,’ he said.

Ajayi added that Ondo PDP, for the first time in years, had demonstrated unity of purpose and readiness to reclaim power through democratic engagement and transparent leadership recruitment.

He described those behind the false claims as individuals opposed to ongoing reforms to reposition the party, saying their frustration stemmed from the end of imposition and manipulation within the party structure.

Reaffirming PDP’s commitment to rebuilding trust and strengthening grassroots mobilisation ahead of the 2027 general election, Ajayi urged members to disregard ‘baseless and divisive claims’ and remain focused on the renewed vision of the newly-elected state executive committee.

At the start of the session, the audience kept increasing by seconds. But, they were attentive and curious. The newly opened exhibition hall of Quintessence Gallery, on Akin Olugbade Street, Victoria, Island, Lagos, provided the ambience for the spontaneous illustrations performances. For three hours, Chamberlin Ukenedo, a visual artist cum Creative Director, Nitro121, kept his drawing pads busy, churning out images and forms that resonate with the imagination of many. The session tagged The Artivation: A live sketching, and illustrations performance was the artist’s special platform to express social and political themes while exploring human emotions and societal issues within his Nigerian environment.

Ukenedo has participated in both solo and group art exhibitions, salons, and has hosted art soirees, contributing to the art scene within and outside Nigeria. His first show was a drawing exhibition titled Dots in motion, a collaboration with Ibe Ananaba at Quintessence, Falomo Ikoyi, Lagos in 2001.

He returned to Quintessence with The Artivation, a bold new format. Rather than presenting finished pieces, he invited audiences into the heart of his creative process. Through live feeds, spontaneous creation, and direct interaction, he transformed the gallery into a living canvas-where viewers become part of the art’s evolution.

Chamber (as he is fondly called) is known for his work as a painter, illustrator, and cartoonist, often creating art that reflects his personal experiences and the complexities of the environment he lives in. He uses storytelling to address social issues. He is a versatile artist from the craft generation, working as a visual artist and as a Communications expert.

His words capture the spirit of this transformation: ‘Instead of his viewers standing in front of a frame, they’ll be part of the frame’s creation.’ It’s a call to experience art not just as a product, but as a shared moment of vulnerability, creativity, and connection.

‘Whenever I want to draw, I see quite a lot of crazy things.

So, in my dynamic images, I can throw up an image, and keep in mind for instance the story of him and the daughter. The story was about when I took a walk with my daughter who never hesitated to join me..a function of trust,’ he recalled of his experience he transferred on paper.

He noted that the skull remains a friend of the structure that he created. ‘So, once I had that understanding, I saw a different life,’ he said.

To demonstrate his skill in illustrations, he called on any member of the audience to sign or draw any image on his pad, which he skillfully turned into any image unimagined by the writer. Effortlessly, he developed a signature into a drawing everyone can identify with.

Other forms and images that dominate his sketches include football, abstract figures. In fact, he is literarily obsessed with images around football, a game he played as a young man. Recalling his experience during a football competition, he identified the use of non-existing code name as a strategy the opponent used to defeat his team.

‘I want to play with that football slowly. I compete a lot in football, I like the spirit and turning the mask away from me or turning the mask away and repeating what I prejudged that wasn’t real,’ he said as he illustrated some images around football on his white sketch pad.

Brazil coach Carlo Ancelotti has urged his players to develop greater mental resilience after they suffered a shock 3-2 defeat by Japan in Tokyo on Tuesday, their first-ever loss to the Asian side.

The Italian emphasized the need to learn from the errors that led to the hosts’ stunning second-half comeback as he prepares his squad for next year’s World Cup in North America.

Ancelotti, who took charge in May following Brazil’s inconsistent World Cup qualifying campaign, has focused on building a team that is both adaptable and mentally robust.

Despite showing signs of progress in recent matches, Tuesday’s defeat highlighted areas requiring improvement and called into question the coach’s decision to field a heavily rotated side from Friday’s commanding 5-0 win over South Korea.

‘No, everything is not fine. When the team loses, we are upset, which is normal. Everyone is upset. I don’t like to lose, and neither do the players. We have to learn from this defeat, as we always do in football,’ Ancelotti told a press conference.

‘Until (Fabricio) Bruno’s mistake on the first goal, the game was well controlled. After that, the team fell apart mentally. That was the team’s biggest mistake,’ he said. ‘I don’t think the second half was bad overall, but the error had too much of an impact on the players.’

When asked if such mistakes could influence squad selection for the World Cup, Ancelotti dismissed the notion, instead focused on the team’s collective response.

‘Individual mistakes do not affect a player’s presence in the team. What we have to evaluate is the team’s reaction after the first mistake, which was not good because we lost a little of our balance on the pitch, our positive thinking. It’s a good lesson for the future,’ he said.

Brazil’s next fixtures are friendlies against Senegal and Tunisia in November, to be played in England and France respectively.

‘This and the next international break are testing periods, and we will continue testing in November,’ Ancelotti said. ‘The team played very well against Korea, well in the first half today, and very poorly in the second half.

‘In the World Cup, we have to strike a balance. We must learn from our mistakes. It was a good lesson tonight. I think we need to find balance in what we do. It’s a process.’

An Oyo State High Court 5 sitting in Ibadan, presided over by Justice Ladiran Akintola, has adjourned till November 27, for ruling on applications challenging the jurisdiction of the court as well as joinders filed by the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the case concerning the preservation of funds accrued to Osun State local governments from the Federation Account.

The court also extended its earlier order freezing the 30 accounts at UBA PLC where the disputed funds are lodged, pending the next adjourned date.

Earlier, the court dismissed the application filed by UBA PLC’s lead counsel, Ojo Adebayo (SAN), which sought a sine die adjournment of the case pending the Supreme Court’s ruling on a similar matter.

Lead counsel for the claimants, Musibau Adetunmbi (SAN), had during proceedings yesterday opposed the applications by the APC and PDP to be joined as parties to the case.

He also opposed the application by the APC challenging the jurisdiction of the court, arguing that the APC could not file any application on a matter to which it is not a party, and that the same applies to PDP.

He said: ‘As far as this case is concerned, APC is a stranger and, as a result, it cannot file this motion’, praying the court to dismiss the APC motion challenging the court’s jurisdiction as well as joinder applications filed by APC and PDP.

Adetunmbi in his argument maintained that the court had jurisdiction to entertain the matter, contrary to the submission of APC’s lead counsel, Kazeem Gbadamosi (SAN).

Gbadamosi, in his argument, had challenged the territorial jurisdiction of the court to entertain the suit, emphasising that the ruling was the foundation on which other matter to be entertained rested.

He also questioned the locus standi of the claimants, arguing that the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria vested the power to administer local government funds in the local government authorities. His argument, was, however, countered by the counsel for the Attorney General of Osun State, who cited relevant legal authorities.

After listening to arguments from both sides, Justice Akintola adjourned the matter till November 27 for ruling.

On the sine die adjournment application filed by UBA PLC, the court held that the application could not be entertained while there were still pending applications challenging its jurisdiction.

Ruling on a similar suit filed by the PDP against UBA PLC, Justice Akintola referred the matter to the Chief Judge for reassignment to another court.

Arguing it earlier, counsel for the applicant, Gbadamosi, had urged the court to transfer the next suit on the matter to the Chief Judge for re-assignment to another court.

Both the claimant and defendant in the suit, however, opposed the request on the grounds that he was not a party to the suit.

However, the judge said the decision to send the case file back to the Chief Judge was in the interest of justice.