Is this Navio’s last show?

What is yours?

I am doing this concert because of what’s happened with hip-hop this year. I felt compelled to show our progress. In all genres, there have been successes, there have been failures. I feel like this is the end-of-year closing statement for hip-hop. I felt a responsibility to do the show. I was waiting for someone to do orchestra but it ended up pointing back at me.

Where did this idea come from?

Based on our history with Klear-Kut, the quality, mixing and mastering, for long, we were insisting on sound quality. We were insisting on doing quality videos from the start. We insisted on using a band when everyone told us we were insane and should just use a CD because it was cheaper. We insisted on getting out to the whole of Africa and doing tours, all the way from Nigeria to Zimbabwe to Zanzibar, for Bussara festivals and Haifa festival, like we were there for all of that stuff.

This is a challenge I wanted to take on. And also, with more and more people looking at us as godfather status, it does fall upon us to kind of lead the way and blaze a trail. So yeah, we decided to blaze a trail and uplift the sound of bands now from just a six-piece to a 40-piece, a 50-piece.

Who are your supporting acts at this concert?

How do I say this without ruining the surprise? Well, Geosteady is going to be jumping on, Fefe Busi, we will have legendary Babaluku, Lyrical G, and then we are making way for a lot of new rappers and new talents that wouldn’t be able to get on stage. Young guys like Lucas Black, Dennis E, Dahomey and OG Stache. And then we have one surprise act as well from my own family, someone who is beginning their career.

No Bobi Wine this time round?

There is always a chance, of course. I feel like people put a lot of pressure on people to turn up for events but I am not that type of guy. Bobi Wine is running for presidency. I wish he was running for a spot at the local Rolex stand in Wandegeya. He would maybe have a bit more time. But whether he turns up or not, we will be there to celebrate a Navio 10-year milestone.

Will this be your biggest concert?

In terms of pressure with the sound. This is not six channels of sound coming through. This is 40, 50 channels of sound. It is going to be a challenge, but my team and I are up to the task. My hardest? I did six clothing changes for Half the Legend at Katikati in 2009. That was pretty serious and then Sabrina’s in 2001. This is more than a celebration, more than pressure.

What do you want to achieve that you haven’t?

Peace of mind. I have never found true peace of mind other than when I’m with my family. I literally go crazy when I am not with my family.

Is this precedent likely to inspire other artistes?

Definately. But they have to see first. I also have to see if it works. The financial implications behind that. But we are here to disrupt. We are here to show people that hip-hop can work in this country. So instead of saying Navio opened many doors, I hope they say he kicked many.

Are there any other artistes under NavCorp?

NavCorp was founded to aid every artiste, but it is a business thing. I cannot legally do business for NavCorp without having a business entity. But this is the first year that we are actually going to step outside, and decide which artistes we want to bring out. Young blood artistes who can go out there and carry on the legacy that we built.

Having been in the game for 20 years, has a thought of retiring ever crossed your mind?

Some people are already saying this is my last show.

Is it your last show?

It is my 10th show and we will see what the future holds. I hope people come through and we share my music before I go and become a full-time farmer.

If it is indeed your last show, don’t you think Klear Kut should have been on it?

We may have a Klear Kut set on the night. We have three people from three different continents. The magic of Klear Kut was born on the stage, all of us together.

Cyphering, freestyling, you know, that’s how Klear Kut was born. So, we lose a certain element when we are sending songs across the water. That’s not how the Klear Kut vibe was born. We have to record in separate places and release music. Because there’s still a demand for it not just here, by the way but in Nigeria, South Africa, Kenya. So, I’m looking forward to that project.

Is Orchestra a new path you are taking with your music?

We are going to be releasing a compilation of the Navio Greatest Hits in Orchestra format. We always wanted to do it in a different way. So this gives the perfect fit.

So, what’s your biggest project?

Nawuliranga opened great doors for me. The sound, the quality, the execution, the video, the rotation and the fact that it is behind a concert. For rappers, not many concerts come out of a single. But that was a song that was strong enough to do that.

Your last album was the Navio X Project. How is its reception so far?

Sometimes you need to do a project that comes with a critical acclaim and that is exactly what happened with this one. It was such a natural progression from the TV show to taking a studio around with us, to setting up that studio on the River Nile, sometimes, here, there, everywhere. To do 10 songs, 10 different cultures, 10 different language elements on most of the songs, 10 different rhythms, it had not been done before. We are proud pioneers. And yeah, Navio X Project lives on, man. I can’t wait for Volume 2.

If you had to choose between R. Kelly and Keith Sweat, who would you work with?

Keith Sweat gave me a different level of respect. He introduced me to Major Seven who has done songs for Lil’ Kim, Jay-Z and Rick Ross to Buju to DJ Khaled. So for him to have been in the studio and for Keith to have said, hey man, check this guy out was really amazing. Major Seven heard me rap once and he was like, yo bro, you got it bro and said I should move to the States.

GIZ, Energy Ministry in drive to light Uganda’s future

Uganda’s path toward universal electricity access is being advanced through decentralised solutions that extend energy to villages beyond the national grid.

Central to this effort is the Promotion of Mini Grids for Rural Electrification (Pro Mini Grids) project, co-funded by the European Union and the German Government, which seeks to stimulate private sector investment in mini grids and other decentralised electrification initiatives.

Its Project Coordinator, Olga Namatovu, has watched a troubling trend persist: Despite increased public and donor interest in decentralised electrification, local private sector participation remains limited – particularly in competitive tenders.

Many promising Ugandan companies struggle to move beyond the Expression of Interest (EoI) stage due to weak project bankability.

‘We noticed that many Ugandan companies were dropping out at the expression of interest stage,’ she says.

‘They would collect the bid documents, look through them, and disappear.’ To her, this was more than just a technical issue, but it was a systemic problem.

The projects were there. The need was urgent. But local players were being left behind in a space dominated by international companies.

‘What was missing,’ she says, ‘was the know-how. The confidence. The language of bankability.’

So, in July 2025, GIZ, in collaboration with the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, launched the ‘Strengthening Mini-Grid Projects Bankability and Finance Readiness’ training- a two-day, hands-on workshop designed to arm Ugandan companies with the tools, strategies, and financial insights to not just participate in, but meaningfully lead mini-grid investments across the country.

‘Mini-grids are no longer just pilot projects,’ Namatovu explains.

‘They’re a viable and necessary solution for communities the national grid may not reach for years. But they’re also complex and they require large capital outlays, strong technical design, and financial structuring. That’s where our local developers were getting stuck.’

The training, facilitated in part by experts from GET. Invest Finance Catalyst was tailored to unlock those very bottlenecks. Participants dove into sessions on understanding project development, risk mitigation, business modelling and financial structuring, empowering them to prepare compelling investment pitches that meet investor expectations.

For many, this was the first time someone really explained how to present their projects in financial terms. it was a rare opportunity to demystify terms like IRR (internal rate of return), CAPEX, OPEX, and investor due diligence requirements. ‘

Ibidun Olupide, Advisor at GET. Invest, put it more bluntly.

‘There’s often a disconnect between what developers prepare and what financiers are looking for. This training helped them close that gap. We helped them see things from the investor’s side,’ she says.

For Christine Kyarimpa, Country Manager at Veracity Energies Uganda Limited, the training was an eye-opener. ‘I now understand the full cycle from identifying a viable site to doing a pre-feasibility study, estimating demand, building a bankable business plan, and pitching it to financiers,’ she said.

‘This gave me the roadmap I needed.’ Muhammad Kalyango Kintu, Managing Director at Kambasco Technologies, echoed that sentiment.

His company is already developing four mini-grid sites, but navigating Uganda’s regulatory and financial systems has been daunting. ‘Mini-grids are a development objective more than a business,’ he said.

‘You go to banks, and they say the risk is too high. You go to regulators, and they ask for permits you can’t get without financing. It’s a chicken-and-egg problem. But this training helped me understand how to use letters of support, comfort letters, and align expectations on both sides.’

For Namatovu, these ‘aha moments’ were precisely the goal. ‘We’re not just doing capacity building. We’re unlocking confidence. We’re telling Ugandan companies: You belong in this space. You can lead. But you need to speak the language of financiers,’she says.

The workshop also offered a rare platform for peer learning. Early-stage and more established developers sat side-by-side, sharing stories, challenges, and insights.

‘This journey is often very lonely,’ said Kintu.

‘But here, you realise others are facing the same issues. Together, we can push for practical reforms- like flexible licensing, scalable distribution models, and better access to seed funding.’

Indeed, one of the workshop’s major calls to action was the need for more tailored support to local companies- whether through technical assistance, favourable policy adjustments, or blended finance structures that de-risk investments.

‘Government has a role too,’ said Namatovu. ‘We must ensure our frameworks are enabling not limiting the very players we want to empower.’ That sentiment is shared by Adella Kyohairwe, Senior Energy Officer at the Ministry of Energy, who attended both days of the training.

‘We want to see more licensed companies. More local participation. But that won’t happen unless we strengthen their readiness. This training is a step in that direction.’ So, what’s next?

For Namatovu, the work continues. ‘We want to see these companies win tenders, secure investment, and build projects that transform rural livelihoods. This training was just the beginning. Now it’s time for them to move- with confidence, with clarity, and with capital.’

In Uganda’s energy transition, mini-grids represent more than electricity. They represent possibility. And with sector pioneers like GIZ helping to helping to power local players forward, that possibility is no longer just a distant light on the horizon. It’s a bright spark- growing stronger with every empowered developer, and every community they help illuminate.

Mao and the group of five: Do we need another change of guard?

For years now, millions of Ugandans have discussed the big ‘T’ word – transition. What happens after President Museveni? What happens if, one day, he sleeps and doesn’t wake up?

For close to 40 years now, he has sat steadily at the helm and steered the nation. In that time, more than 80 percent of Ugandans living today were born, six different men were elected president in the US, and the once mighty Berlin Wall came down, as did the racist apartheid regime and the laws that anchored it in South Africa.

Even his harshest critics will acknowledge that Mr Museveni changed Uganda, mostly for the better. Yet, like it does with most humans, age has played a patient game with our President. In an interview with NTV’s Patrick Kamara years ago, the President famously said that past 75, a man begins to experience a decline.

He was right. We saw that with Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe and Joe Biden in the US: the public falls, the intelligible speeches, and Lee Njiru, the former press secretary to Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, wrote a moving account of the cognitive and physical decline his boss experienced in his final days in his memoir, The Presidents’ Pressman.

So, it is not surprising that the question of political transition is big in Uganda today. For a country where each transition was determined by Kalashnikovs and military tanks, it is equally not surprising that the discussion gives many people anxiety.

As such, I must confess that I was excited when the president of the Democratic Party (DP), Mr Nobert Mao, announced that he would steer Uganda towards a peaceful political transition for the first time, back in 2021. I still pray that whatever God Mao believes and worships gives him the serenity he needs to pull off such a huge task.

Yet, the most recent statements Mr Mao – also the minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs – made about Uganda’s transition are rather discouraging. See, Uganda has not been short of transitions: 1961, 1962, 1966, 1971, 1979, 1980, 1985 and 1986 all saw political transition.

Some of these years, like 1979, saw three of them in quick succession. Yet, the common thread in each of these is that a group of men sat down and decided that it should fall upon them to determine the fate of Uganda. This was the case more than 10 times. The scorecard? Failure each time!

So, it is heart-rending to hear none other than the minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs suggest that again, in 2025, despite the advantage of hindsight, a group of men from five political parties are sitting in a sort of papal enclave to determine the direction of Uganda and the transition question!

Even more shocking, perhaps, was the revelation that elections, the constitutional safeguard we now have as a lesson from the past and spend trillions on, don’t matter! What sort of transition is that?

Does it not matter that the view of the majority of adult Ugandans should determine what happens after Mr Museveni?

What guarantees do we have that the men will sit, and take into account the best interests of 45 million Ugandans at heart as they discuss?

I strongly believe that while Uganda needs a peaceful transition, it shouldn’t be the end in and of itself. Ugandans will go to the polls in three months, and yet several Ugandans arrested on flimsy – and in some cases ridiculous – charges around the time of the last election are still languishing in jail! What will a transition negotiated by a few men mean for them? In the words of a famous Ugandan, a transition that simply leads to a change of face, without the consensus of Ugandans, will be a mere change of guard; the very thing Ugandans have had in oversupply.

DPP expresses concerns on Forensic Services Bill, 2025

On September 11, the Clerk to Parliament wrote to the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) inviting the directorate to submit its views on the Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill, 2025.

The Bill’s key objective is to provide the regulation of forensic and scientific analytical services in the country. Five days later, on September 16, their views were submitted.

The DPP reaffirmed its constitutional mandate of directing the police to investigate any information of a criminal nature and to institute criminal proceedings against any person or authority in any court with competent jurisdiction.

The Directorate also noted the legal role of the Uganda Police Force to prevent and detect crime. And by virtue of this mandate, the DPP is an important consumer of forensic services in the country.

The Memorandum of the Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill, 2025, asserts that there is no legal framework to regulate forensic and scientific analytical services in Uganda.

To the DPP this is not absolutely correct as some of the elements of forensic services provision are already ring-fenced in the Police Act and the Identification of Offenders Act.

The DPP challenged some of the key definitions in the Bill. In the Black’s Law Dictionary, 10th edition, ‘forensics’ means relating to or involving scientific methods for investigating crime.

Forensic science means a broad range of evidence related disciplines some of which are laboratory based while others are based on interpretation of observed patterns and others are based on a combination of experimental and scientific analysis.

A forensic laboratory carries the same meaning with a crime laboratory and this is defined as a science laboratory that examines and analysis evidence from criminal cases.

To the DPP, therefore, any reference to forensics is in reality about scientific investigative process to solve a crime. Scientific analytical services, on the other hand, involves performing of sophisticated testing and analysis on various samples, to classify, identify and quantify their chemical, biological or physical characteristics.

This analysis is designed to provide crucial data for research, development, quality control and regulatory compliance across diverse sectors. To the DPP, the phase ‘regulation of scientific analytical services’ deals with a wide range of scientific services and involving several components, whose expertise can never be combined in one center.

The DPP cited different laboratories in various departments and statutory bodies that offer scientific analytical services and these include laboratories under the Uganda Bureau of Standards, the National Drug Authority, the National Agriculture Research Organisation, National Environment Management Agency, the National Water and Sewerage Cooperation and the Ministry of Health.

It was the observation of the DPP that enacting a law that has the potential of confining the numerous functions of various agencies should be handled with a lot of care and after wide consultations with the different stakeholders with varying areas of expertise. Lack of a wide spectrum of consultation could result into unintended consequences.

To the DPP, the inclusion of the word ‘forensics’ in the title of the bill creates ripples, as the term carries various ring-fenced mandates especially in law enforcement. As defined in law forensics connotes an investigative process connected to law enforcement and crime.

The title of the Bill, therefore, has a wider scope beyond criminal investigation. And the definition of ‘forensic science’ in the Bill is not in tandem with the recognized definitions.

In the opinion of the Directorate, the definitions in the Bill should be given clearer and broader meanings to cover all possible services as envisioned by the Black’s law dictionary.

The Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill 2025 is basically about the services provided by the Government Analytical Laboratory, to the exclusion of the services offered by other stakeholders. In the United Kingdom (UK), the Government Chemist has a rich history dating back to the 19th Century.

The role of a Government Chemist originated in 1842 when the Department of Excise set up a laboratory in London’s Broad Street to detect adulteration of tobacco.

The major mandate of the Government Chemist encompassed public health, environmental protection and regulatory enforcement. Its key responsibilities were to act as a referee analyst to resolve disputes and to provide authoritative scientific support for government policy and regulations.

During the British colonial era, colonies often established departments modeled on UK structures, adapting to local needs. Countries like Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania established colonial-era laboratories to serve then needs including chemical analysis for agriculture and public health.

This is the reason why prior to the establishment of autonomous laboratories in the various and diverse government departments, all their analytical services were being handled by the Directorate of Government Analytical Laboratories with the police also referring to them some cases for biological and chemical analysis.

The present Directorate of Government Analytical Laboratory in Uganda was established in 1930 as the Chief Government Chemist and Pathologist to support the then Mulago Hospital.

This, over the years, metamorphosed into the Government Chemist headed by the Chief Government Chemist providing a wide range of scientific analytical services to the various government departments. On the sidelines, the police relied on their ability to perform poison analysis.

However due to the internal weakness of the police to establish core specialists in the Scientific Aids Section of the Identification Bureau, some of the personnel of the Government Chemist worked with the police for a number of years at the Police Headquarters under the Identification Bureau.

In the early 2,000s, the Government Chemist was restructured into the Government Analytical Laboratory with two departments of Criminalists and Quality and Chemical Verification. This gave the GAL the opportunity to withdraw its personnel from the police and boost the Criminalists department.

Although there is no legal framework establishing the GAL, it has, however continued to exist as an administrative unit under the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Courts of law have, nevertheless, continued to recognize the reports from the GAL as forensic evidence. It would be interesting to find out what value a new law would add to the GAL, or alternatively what they have been unable to do without a new law.

Govt establishes mineral markets to boost trade

The government, through the Minister of Energy and Mineral Development, has announced locations for the proposed mineral markets and buying centres in Uganda.

Ms Agnes Alaba, Commissioner for Geological Survey and Minerals, revealed that the proposed areas are located in selected regions endowed with huge mineral deposits.

“We are looking at establishing designated markets and buying centres around Karamoja region, Busia, Wagagai, Kassanda, Kampala, Buhweju, Entebbe, and Ruhama, among others,” Ms. Alaba told stakeholders during a sensitization workshop on October 3, 2025.

In Karamoja, buying centres will be established in Kaabong and Amudat Districts, while a mineral market will be located in Moroto District. Evaluations are also underway in Kampala and Entebbe to identify suitable locations for mineral markets.

“The areas selected are merely pilot sites, and we will expand to other locations,” Ms. Alaba said. The government targets to establish some markets and centres before the end of the current financial year, with gold, tungsten, and tin being the initial minerals traded.

Ms. Alaba emphasized that only processed and refined minerals will be traded, and prices will be regulated to ensure fair trade. The Ministry of Energy is working with the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs to develop regulations for dealers, miners, and traders.

Minister of State for Mineral Development, Ms Phiona Nyamutoro, noted that Uganda’s mining sector remains predominantly informal, resulting in exploitation and revenue loss.

“Uganda is endowed with minerals, but informal trade, lack of transparency, and limited access to global markets have held us back,” she said.

Participants acknowledged that formalizing the industry will protect traders and investors from scams and suggested clear technical guidance for the private sector.

Mr Blair Michael Ntambi, GIZ Advisor on Sustainable Development of the Mining Sector, welcomed the initiative, saying it aligns with Uganda’s ambitions under the Mining and Minerals Act 2022.

Enjoy a Guinness beef stew

Guinness gives this hearty beef stew it’s rich, brown colour and adds a lot of flavour.

Ingredients

500ml bottle of Guinness

1½ kg boneless beef

150g bacon, diced

4 large tomatoes, finely chopped

2 tbsp tomato paste

2 medium-size onions, sliced

4 large cloves garlic, minced

1 tsp beef masala

2 celery stalks, finely chopped

3 large carrots

2 small chicken stock cubes

2 heaped tbsp corn flour

1 tbsp Royc, 3 tbsp oil

Salt and freshly ground black pepper

Method

Season the beef with 1 tsp each of salt and black pepper. Heat 2 tbsp oil in a large, heavy bottom saucepan and brown the beef all over on high heat, for a few minutes. Do this in batches until all the beef has been browned. Transfer to a clean plate, cover and set aside.

Heat the remaining oil in the same saucepan and fry the bacon until crispy. Remove from the pan and set aside.

Fry the onions and garlic in the bacon fat over medium heat, until golden. Add the beef masala and chicken stock cubes and cook stirring for a few seconds.

Add the tomatoes, carrots and celery and cook stirring, scraping all the bits stuck to the bottom of the pan into the sauce. Reduce the heat and simmer until the tomatoes are cooked. Add the tomato paste and continue cooking for a few minutes, stirring all the time. Mix the Royco and corn flour with 4 tbsp of water, making sure there are no lumps and add this to the tomato mixture. Cook stirring for a few minutes.

Add the Guinness, stir well and simmer for a few minutes. Return the bacon and beef to the pan and give everything a good stir. Add enough water to just cover the beef. Bring to the boil and then reduce the heat to very low. Cover the pan and cook over low heat until the beef is tender.

Serve piping hot with your favourite staples and a fresh vegetable salad.

Govt. rules out LGBTQ tourism push, pledges quality-driven industry growth

Tourism Minister Vijitha Herath on Thursday clarified that the Government has no plans to promote LGBTQ tourism as part of its strategy, stressing that Sri Lanka’s focus is on building a ‘quality over quantity’ tourism industry rooted in the country’s culture, heritage, and hospitality.

Speaking at the International Tourism Leaders’ Summit (ITLS) held at the BMICH under the patronage of President Anura Kumara Disanayake, he said the sector’s recent growth proves the country does not need to compromise on cultural values to attract visitors.

‘Tourism is not just another industry; it is a reflection of our civilisation, nature and hospitality. The industry is growing rapidly, and against this backdrop, we don’t want to harm our civilisation by chasing quantity over quality. The growth in arrivals and foreign exchange has been achieved without such measures,’ the Minister said.

He said Sri Lanka welcomed 158,971 tourists in September, the highest monthly footfall ever and bringing year-to-date (YTD) arrivals to over 1.72 million. Tourism earnings for the first eight months reached $ 2.3 billion, with India, the UK, Russia, China, Germany, France, and Australia, leading source markets.

‘We are very happy how the industry has recovered and is growing. Our unique hospitality, deeply rooted in culture and civilisation, offers an authentic experience unmatched by any other country. We want to present this to the world, while contributing to our national growth targets,’ Herath said.

The Minister asserted that while Sri Lanka has no bias against travellers, the Government intends to upgrade tourism products and experiences to attract higher-spending visitors.

He also stressed the importance of research, innovation and programs designed to engage the younger generation and small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in shaping the sector’s future.

Guided by the Tourism Ministry, the program was jointly organised by the Alumni Association of Tourism Economics and Hospitality Management (AATEHM) of the University of Colombo, its Sustainable Tourism Unit (STU), the Department of Economics, University of Colombo, in collaboration with Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority (SLTDA), Sri Lanka Convention Bureau (SLCB), Sri Lanka Association of Inbound Tour Operators (SLAITO) and Sri Lanka Institute of Tourism and Hotel Management (SLITHM).

The main objective was to enhance the contribution of the younger generation, especially in small and medium enterprises towards the future of the tourism sector.

The ITLS, held to conclude a month-long program marking World Tourism Day, gathered Ambassadors, High Commissioners, industry stakeholders, and scholars under the theme ‘Tourism Innovation and Connections for the Future of Sri Lanka’s Tourism Industry.’

At the summit, the tourism industry also unveiled the ‘Ruhunu Ring’, a landmark private sector-led initiative aimed at transforming Southern Sri Lanka’s tourism landscape. Branded ‘Culturally Wild,’ the 300-kilometre circuit connects premier attractions ranging from Yala and Udawalawe national parks to the Sinharaja Rainforest, Arugam Bay, Mirissa, Galle Fort and Kataragama.

The project seeks to raise average daily tourist spending beyond the current $ 170-180 by promoting immersive, experiential travel and encouraging visitors to engage with local communities.

Sri Lanka Tourism Chairman Buddhika Hewawasam hailed the initiative as a ‘key shift in product development,’ led by hoteliers and developers rather than the State.

Tourism advocate Yasas Hewage added that the ‘Ruhunu Ring’ is the first of five proposed thematic circuits, including wildlife, culinary, adventure and sports, and a future northern ring designed to reposition Sri Lanka as a premier destination.

The initiative was formally launched with the debut of its official website, providing an international digital gateway to market the circuit globally.

The event featured awards for school tourism competitions, a scholarly research forum and the first copy of ‘Vision2Voice’ magazine was also presented to President Disanayake, along with a research volume from the University of Colombo’s Sustainable Tourism Unit Prof. Suranga de Silva featuring the top 10 tourism studies.

President Disanayake awarded students, honoured industry veterans, and received a special memento during the event.

Labour Minister and Economic Development Deputy Minister Dr. Anil Jayantha Fernando, Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, Tourism Deputy Minister Prof. Ruwan Ranasinghe, University of Colombo Vice Chancellor Prof. Indika Karunathilaka, AATEHM President Nihal Muhandiram, and several other dignitaries were present at the occasion.

Spa Ceylon, All About That Reef and Scope Cinemas spearhead ocean conservation

Spa Ceylon, together with All About That Reef and Scope Cinemas, have partnered to highlight the urgency of ocean conservation through public screenings of the globally acclaimed documentary ‘Ocean with David Attenborough’ in Sri Lanka.

The free public screenings took place on 30 September, at the Scope Cinema Multiplex, Havelock City Mall. The screenings invite the public, media, and conservation advocates to witness the beauty and fragility of the oceans, and to join the call for impactful environmental action.

Spa Ceylon Co-Founder and Group Director Shalin Balasuriya said, ‘Oceans are a vital natural resource, sustaining life on Earth and supporting the livelihoods of over 3 billion people. Yet today, they face growing threats from climate change, pollution, and human activity. According to the United Nations, more than 20 million tonnes of plastic enter our waters each year, with plastic accounting for 85% of all marine waste. As a responsible global brand, Spa Ceylon believes marine conservation is a shared responsibility that transcends borders. This screening is a small but meaningful step to inspire collective action towards safeguarding oceans for future generations.’

Celebrated worldwide, the documentary ‘Ocean with David Attenborough’, highlights the wonders of marine ecosystems while shining a spotlight on the urgent threats facing ocean life today. Produced under limited release guidelines, the screenings in Sri Lanka emphasise the importance of storytelling in building awareness and inspiring action on marine conservation.

All About That Reef Founder Aindri Morahela said: ‘Sri Lanka signing the agreement to establish a system for Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) in international waters is a milestone that shows what collective action can achieve for our oceans. Screening ‘Ocean’ is our way of reminding people that every effort, whether it’s protecting, caring, or even just sharing knowledge about the sea, contributes to something far greater than ourselves. The ocean connects us all, and when we choose to stand up for it, we’re making a selfless commitment to protect life on Earth for generations to come.’

Scope Cinemas Executive Chairman Naveen Cader said: ‘At Scope Cinemas, we see collaboration as the key to creating lasting impact. By working with Spa Ceylon and All About That Reef, we’re showing that cinema can go beyond entertainment – it can unite communities, spark important conversations, and drive positive changes. This initiative is a reminder that the big screen has the power to influence society for the better.’

Constitutional dictatorships – OR: is the era and ethos of ‘strongman’ governments gone for good? (1/4)

It has been a year since a new government voted in by the people of Sri Lanka brought the issue of types of political leadership into the forefront of reflective civics.

In the dark years preceding this unprecedented regime change, the Aragalaya (‘people’s struggle’) critically engaged with a ‘strongman administration’ that promised much but delivered little. It also ended in ignominy despite the hype and hoopla of its apologists.

The issues that led up to our island-nation defaulting on its sovereign debt repayments and subsequent bankruptcy brought on widespread introspection on what failures of governance in the past three decades – and attendant leadership styles – led to the country’s abysmal fate.

This has prompted academic research, as well as armchair curiosity, seeking to understand the issue of failures in governance by surveying the scarce literature on political leadership. And also by appropriating lessons still to be learned about the mirage of political messiahship which fails to live up to its promises.

It has led to assessing the contribution of leadership styles to failures in government over the past three decades and more as well as critiquing the ‘strongman’ style of political leadership based on personal ambition fuelled by the attractiveness of ‘Great Man’ theories.

Critics of the style have striven to evaluate the most pertinent aspects of other leadership approaches in search of the holy grail – a holistic framework for a fresh take on political leadership in Sri Lanka today, arguing inter alia as to why ‘strongman’ administrations need to be a thing of the past.

Perhaps no more pressing a time than when past presidents – who came into power through parliamentary procedure rather than a poll, and on the broken back of the Aragalaya then (one they broke through heavy-handed policing) – are accusing those who defeated them democratically of implementing a constitutional dictatorship.

The past is prologue

In the year or so past, which featured presidential and parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka, the topic of political leadership in the land became paramount for electors considering their options in a crowded field of aspirants to high executive office (September 2024) and legislative representation (November of the same year.).

It continues to be an important subject for scrutiny and reflection a year later. It is especially pertinent in a milieu where political pundits among other socio-political critics including academic commentators and senior journalists observe the parlous state of the polity in recent times (if they’re progressives or people simply fed up) and even today (in the case of the Establishment’s old guard).

The general sense among many people of voting age since the Aragalaya is that in addition to the regime change that was ostensibly effected in July 2022, there is a need for ongoing ‘systemic change’ including in the calibre and character of national leadership.

After the landmark polls of 2024, a sea change into something rich and strange – a new paradigm of doing politics that is emerging, and still being cannily developed by a fresh set of practitioners – has eventuated. It has done so to mixed reactions.

On the one hand, there is the rump of the Old Guard: laughing away as parvenus those who profess to have rescued the nation from the doldrums by their sagacity, and lampooning as arriviste buffoons those whose pronunciation of the Queen’s – much less pronouncements about ‘Nobel Prizes’ – are not the cup of the tea of the Establishment.

On the other, a surprisingly large number of people from the same demographic – deserters from the ‘Ancien Regime’ and newfound camp-followers of the progressive element in politics – have embraced the ostensibly clean, simple and straight-talking political culture as perhaps best embodied by the personage at the helm of state today.

The salt of sea change

This sense may be compounded by a growing understanding that in the past, since virtually immediately after Sri Lanka’s independence, successive electorates have voted repeatedly for politicians lacking in leadership acumen, moral fibre, socio-political skills, appropriate ethical conduct, a sense of probity and responsibility, and a deep-rooted gravitas to govern.

While the focus has often been on growth, development and progress (one type of ‘GDP’; much vaunted by those in city, chamber and cocktail circuit who saw in future Colombo a facsimile of present Singapore), there has been severely lacking the genuineness, decency, and professionalism (another type of ‘GDP’) at the heart of a more salutary political leadership.

As a senior journalist essayed recently: Sri Lanka has chronically elected ‘crooks, charlatans, the incompetent, the corrupt, and the utterly unrepentant of their litany of crimes’.

And the same editorialist added that ‘to add insult to injury [they] still have the gumption to stand for public office as if their House is in the order they say they want the Nation to be in’.

As other political analysts and electoral commentators have also observed, the citizenry vote for political leaders in the hope that ‘this time’ there will be change for the better. But the electorate is disappointed time and again.

And ‘next time’ round too, the voting population opts to invest their faith in the electoral system – to say nothing of essentially the same political leadership figures albeit with a few new faces – all over again.

As a brace of Colombo University academics observed: ‘There is also a growing dissatisfaction with, and a lowering of trust in, the functioning of political parties. This has led to a paradoxical situation. People feel that the political parties are essential to the functioning of democracy but do not seem to trust them for making democracy work’ (Uyangoda and Pieris, 2009).

It is the people who make up these parties, especially their respective party leaderships, which is part of the problem.

Leadership-deficit

It is also a perennial or cyclical problem that has many other root causes; including especially a deficit in the type, tenor, and timbre of political leadership necessary to govern well, accountably, and with transparently shared power.

Some of the roles that political leaders of Sri Lanka, past and present, have played in the development of this paradoxical situation is lamentable.

The ethos of Sri Lankan politics is such that political party leaders prefer to nominate candidates who will sweep the polls even if their ethics are questionable.

In doing so, it entrenches the patron-client system in which government and citizenry are both complicit in the model of transactional politics whereby ‘political parties have become election and patronage machines’ (Uyangoda and Pieris, 2009).

This necessitates that the calibre of contestants seeking public office leaves much to be desired in terms of moral, ethical, and personal integrity; entrenching a political culture where those whom voters elect to lead the country seek to serve themselves and their cronies, relatives, and vested interests among the elites who paved their path to power, and not the people who voted them in or the country’s most pressing causes.

In this and a succession of columns ahead, we will look at the underlying issue of a leadership deficit today from a conceptual point of view, and attempt to develop a meaningful holistic framework for aspiring Sri Lankan politicians, party machines and their respective leaderships, and voters in general as well.

The goal is to take cognisance of the need for a more representative, accountable, inclusive, pluralistic, and inter-relational style of transparent accountable leadership (despite empirical evidence to the contrary and the experience of decades indicating otherwise) – a new model that is (despite its theoretical underpinnings) a planned, purposeful, practical, and principle-oriented – not a personality-oriented – one.

Red notice to Sri Lanka Rugby from World body

The Annual General Meeting (AGM) of Sri Lanka Rugby, which is scheduled for 8 October, is set to be one of the most significant in recent times as it will decide the future leadership of the sport for the 2025-27 term. The meeting will be held at the Duncan White Auditorium at the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports which will kick off at 3 p.m. If this is failed Sri Lanka is assured of being banned plus no international rugby for the athletes.

National Olympic Committee President Suresh Subramaniam was notified of the seriousness of the AGM to be completed by 8 October without any further delays. This warning was issued at the World Rugby Forum which took place in Dublin, Ireland where the Working Task Force headed by SDIG M. Lateef and his committee was not able to send a representative from Sri Lanka. World Rugby gave ample notice where the WTF refrain from sending Sri Lanka Rugby Rugby Director Inthi Marikar and nominating Nalin De Silva who too could not make it where the reason was not clear.

Former Sri Lanka skipper CR and FC and national player Pavithra Fernando will face off against Lasintha Gunaratne another former Royal, national CR player and former SLR President and Vice President.

However, early signs suggest that Fernando may hold the upper hand. With the majority of members of his team being elected uncontested but with CH and Kandy backing Lasitha anything could be possible which is on the cards. Pavithra nomination came from CR and FC, and it was seconded by Sri Lanka Police SC.

On the other hand, Gunaratne, who was nominated by CH and FC and seconded by Kandy SC, is preparing for a tough battle. A veteran administrator, he has already held the presidency and is keen to reclaim the position, although the numbers at present appear to favour his younger opponent. The shocking episode of the former Sri Lankan player Pradeep Basnayake nomination was rejected without a clear reason.

The election process itself is being overseen by a five-member Election Committee. Voting rights at the AGM will be crucial in shaping the outcome. The powerful clubs and services teams carry the following entitlements: Kandy SC (6 votes), CR and FC (6), CH and FC (6), Havelocks SC (6), Police SC (7), Army SC (7), Air Force SC (7), Navy SC (7), Sabaragamuwa Province (2) and University (1).