The football team that won over the nation

Monthongwittaya School’s big match. …

Monthongwittaya School's big match.
Monthongwittaya School’s big match.

Monthongwittaya School’s 7-a-side football team from Bang Nam Priao district of Chachoensao is now among Thailand’s most inspiring underdog stories, capturing national attention with their remarkable run in the 2025 7HD Football Champion Cup.

The small secondary school’s team, nicknamed the “Celtic of Bang Nam Priao” owing to its green jersey, has stunned Thai football fans with its fairy-tale run to the national final. The team fits its underdog image — no reputation, no ranking. Only a few expected the team to achieve much in a national tournament. Yet they defied the odds spectacularly.

Starting in the qualifying round of 503 teams on Oct 6, the team stunned the nation by defeating powerhouse teams such as Nakhon Ratchasima Municipality Sports School, Assumption Thonburi, Debsirin School, and Assumption College Sriracha.

Even though the team lost 2–1 to Chainat Provincial Administrative Organisation School in the final, they won the hearts of fans, businessmen, politicians, and influencers who rallied behind them. Their final match on Nov 8 at Supachalasai National Stadium drew around 30,000 fans while Channel 7HD reported a peak of 4.2 million concurrent viewers during the live broadcast.

Why did this grassroots football story become so popular? Because Monthongwittaya’s journey was not paved with rose petals, they travelled to matches in an old truck nicknamed Rot Khon Fun (the Dream Transport). This symbolised their perseverance, humble beginnings and their unexpected fighting spirit.

Of course, I’m one of the legion of fans and followed the team’s progress on social media. I watched interview clips of Sakon Kliengprasert, the team’s renowned youth football coach, who has developed some players for the Thai national team.

Now, in retirement, Coach Sakon has guided Monthongwittaya School to its first-ever appearance in the 7HD Football Champion Cup final. He is widely known as a “coachbuilder”. More than coaching on how to play and win, he instils discipline and moral values in his players.

Through social media, I have been able to follow these young footballers closely. From their interviews, it’s clear that they are determined and full of dreams — to become professional footballers and better people.

Some players in the team openly admit that they come from poor families; football for them is more than a hobby, but is seen as a passport to a better life. Such hope drives them to be disciplined, hard-working and clinical when they play. Like world-class athletes, they dream, even in their waking hours, of becoming champions.

I believe that their victories across so many games, defeating major schools along the way, were not the result of coincidence or luck. Rather, it was the outcome of passion, hard work, and grit under the guidance of Coach Sakon that brought them to this point.

What I found even more inspiring was how the team’s journey dominated national attention. Politicians, regardless of their political hues, influencers, and fans alike, were drawn to their performance, proving that football can unite, drive community, and create pride in the country.

Who stepped in to help them along their journey? Thai Smile Bus donated a 4.5-million-baht electric bus to replace their old truck, ensuring the team could travel safely and sustainably to future matches.

Pimradaporn Benjawattanapat, aka Pimrypie, the famous YouTuber and online seller, posted on her Facebook page after the final match on Nov 8 that Coach Sakon will receive 10,000 baht per month for life as a gesture of support.

Additionally, Deputy Prime Minister and Agriculture and Cooperative Minister Capt Thamanat Prompow donated 150,000 baht from his foundation to Monthongwittaya. He also ordered improvements to the school to encourage and support young athletes. It could not help but be noticed that Capt Thamanat’s actions have been perceived as a political move ahead of next year’s general election.

But Monthongwittaya’s rise offered a rare chance to bridge politics, community, culture, and sport in a single narrative. By helping the team, these figures are tapping into a national mood of hope, solidarity, and admiration for the underdog.

Monthongwittaya have become more than a football team. They have become a stage for Thailand’s leaders and opinion-makers to demonstrate empathy, relevance, and connection to the people. Their story reminds us that football is not just a game — it is a mirror reflecting society’s struggles and aspirations.

World nears climate tipping point

File photo dated May 10, 2024 shows …

File photo dated May 10, 2024 shows Sommay Singsura, a fisherman, is seen close to bleached corals near Chao Lao Beach, Chantaburi province, Thailand. (Photo: Reuters)
File photo dated May 10, 2024 shows Sommay Singsura, a fisherman, is seen close to bleached corals near Chao Lao Beach, Chantaburi province, Thailand. (Photo: Reuters)

The consequences of climate tipping points are almost too big to imagine. The thought that, over the course of a few decades, the Amazon rainforest could become a savannah, or coral reefs could become extinct, seems like science fiction. Given how many people have been lulled into a false sense of control over the environment, it is perhaps even harder to grasp that incremental changes in temperature and rainfall irreversibly reorganise planetary-scale systems.

But data from ever-more advanced Earth system models indicate that these tipping points are fast approaching or may, in the case of coral reefs and the West Antarctic Ice Sheet, already be in the rear-view mirror. And it is not at all clear that climate interventions could make the problem go away.

Institutions at all levels are not prepared to manage such possibilities. The current processes for synthesising climate science into policy recommendations are stronger for global-scale changes than they are for the local insights that a city planner in Jakarta, a finance minister in Brazil, or a farmer in the Sahel needs. That is because these processes are better equipped to highlight the areas of agreement than they are to map the terrain of uncertainty.

Most infrastructure plans, policy frameworks, financial markets, and risk-management strategies do not recognise the possibility of crossing climate tipping points, which are foreseeable but not predictable. This makes it difficult to weigh investments in immediate needs against the future effects of such spending.

The lack of capacity to respond to climate tipping points must be addressed now. Reducing the risk of crossing them poses a global collective-action problem, especially because they cover different domains. For example, many factors contribute to coral reef collapse, including global warming, ocean acidification, ecosystem loss, pollution runoff, and overfishing. And yet climate science, biodiversity research, pollution monitoring, and resource management are consigned to separate silos, leaving nobody responsible for monitoring and mitigating tipping dynamics.

Building the institutional architecture for tipping-point governance comes down to three essential tasks. The first is continuous tracking of tipping dynamics — including human and social dimensions — and the development of a shared, actionable understanding of them. The second is increased recognition of the risks, which means ensuring that they are central considerations in government and business decision-making. Lastly, it is important to establish the capacity for timely, coordinated response across policy domains, sectors, and scales.

In a concept note for the Global Tipping Points Report 2025, we show how these capacities can be developed through regional Tipping Element Monitoring and Response Facilities (TEMRFs) which would share information and coordinate action as needed. Each TEMRF would focus on a specific tipping element and be regionally grounded — but globally networked. These facilities could weave together existing regional frameworks for cooperation, including networks of scientists, policymakers, city governments, Indigenous peoples, and diplomats.

TEMRFs can learn from other initiatives that have developed new ways of synthesising climate science for decision-makers, such as the World Climate Research Programme’s My Climate Risk Lighthouse Activity, the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme, the Science Panels for the Amazon, the Congo Basin, and Borneo, and the Amazon Regional Observatory. These programmes have demonstrated how to represent systemic risks in a tangible way that is tailored to different stakeholders. TEMRFs should follow their example by aggregating information from a wide range of sources — such as quantitative models, satellite data, and indigenous knowledge — and creating a comprehensive picture for various audiences.

Political and business leaders, with their focus on election cycles and quarterly earnings, need contextual frameworks that recognise and incorporate the risks of crossing climate tipping points. To that end, TEMRFs will have to consider decades-long time horizons and ensure that tipping elements are a part of policy frameworks for infrastructure planning, financial regulation, and development policy. Tough trade-offs — between short-term growth and long-term resilience, and between preserving the status quo and adapting to new realities — will be unavoidable.

Lastly, TEMRFs must organise responses at a scale and pace that matches the urgency of the situation. The Amazon rainforest spans nine countries, and ocean currents connect continents; both have tipping dynamics with local to global impacts unfolding over complicated time scales. This requires institutions capable of coordinating action across jurisdictions, bridging the public and private sectors, and responding flexibly to changing conditions.

Regional bodies are well positioned to achieve these objectives because they are close enough to see the effects of crossing tipping points, and large enough to devise and implement coordinated cross-border measures. Organisations like the Nordic Council of Ministers or the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organisation could play important roles in developing this architecture, drawing on their experience of navigating evolving concerns with incomplete mandates. Regional development banks and alliances around shared interests such as the International Coral Reef Initiative can also be good starting points.

There is a deeper imperative for strengthening regional capacities. Global efforts often falter under the weight of profound inequities and lingering mistrust — both between and within countries — about whose interests are really being served. In this context, Earth system tipping points can easily be framed and perceived as yet another agenda pushed from the Global North to discipline development elsewhere. TEMRFs chart a different course: creating space for regions to claim their voice, cultivate their own scientific capabilities and grounded insights, and work with stakeholders across scales to shape development pathways rooted in their own geographies and the Earth systems that sustain them. TEMRFs offer a way to connect global ambition with regional realities — on terms defined by those who live them. ©2025 Project Syndicate

How many must perish?

The deaths of at least tw…

How many must perish?

The deaths of at least two Thais in Cambodia’s Poipet in the past week attest to the fact that the transnational call centre networks remain active and strong, as the government in Phnom Penh shamefully fails to keep its commitment to uprooting this heinous criminality.

The two, Suda Chonlaket and Sarawut (surname not released), were said to be working for one of these networks. The bruises on their bodies suggest they were tortured for failing to meet network revenue targets.

A rescue organisation believes that five people might have been murdered by the network in recent weeks. At print time, Suda’s husband, also a network employee, remains unaccounted for.

Meanwhile, another 14 Thai citizens who claimed they were lured into working for scam syndicates in Cambodia were rescued and repatriated earlier this week by a joint rescue team.

However, like the cases of Suda and Sarawut, there are no reports of crime bosses, said to be members of a Chinese mafia, being arrested in the operation.

It’s an open secret that Cambodian authorities, from top to bottom, have allegedly been paid under the table by the crime bosses.

Allegedly, the ill-gotten gains systematically go to those in government, as the grey business has expanded extensively, so much so that Cambodia has earned the reputation of being one of the largest online scam hubs in the world.

Some high-profile bosses, like Yim Leak — a wealthy businessman blacklisted by the US for his grey businesses — have close connections with the influential Hun family in Cambodia. There are also allegations that Yim Leak, as well as his fellow tycoons, also had strong ties to politicians and businesspeople in Thailand.

More than just a few young Thais working for these networks have died over the past years. There have been no investigations, as Cambodian authorities have just claimed the workers plunged to their death or had heart failure, a very unusual cause of death for people of working age. Yet, it’s reported that Thai authorities have received hardly any cooperation from their Cambodian counterparts — even when relations were warm and cordial — in cracking down or conducting probes into those unusual deaths.

Unlike the case of the South Korean student who was abducted and killed by gangsters in Cambodia, which triggered global attention last month, those unusual deaths of the Thai citizens largely faded from public attention. But such irregularities must not be allowed to go on.

Phnom Penh must be reminded of its obligations to crack down on transboundary scam networks. In fact, it’s one of the four prerequisites it agreed to before entering into the peace deal with Thailand last month.

Thailand must reinforce its efforts to combat transboundary crime and keep the global community engaged, taking Cambodia to task for failing to dismantle criminal networks as promised.

At the same time, Thai authorities must clean up Thailand’s own backyard by accelerating operations against scam networks so that no criminal bosses escape the law.

Asean regains footing despite setbacks

Malaysian Prime Mi…

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim speaks as US President Donald Trump watches during the signing of a ceasefire agreement between Thailand and Cambodia at the Asean Summit in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on Oct 26. (Photo: New York Times)
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim speaks as US President Donald Trump watches during the signing of a ceasefire agreement between Thailand and Cambodia at the Asean Summit in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on Oct 26. (Photo: New York Times)

It is timely to take stock of last month’s Asean-related summits as the first year of US President Donald Trump’s second term comes to a close. A key question is whether “Asean centrality” — the notion that the bloc anchors regional diplomacy and convenes leaders to promote peace and prosperity — still holds sway. While Asean has suffered setbacks amid ongoing adversity, there are signs that its longstanding status as a glass “half-empty and leaking” since 2012, when Cambodia’s chairmanship blocked a joint statement on the South China Sea, may again be shifting toward “half-full”.

The 2025 summit season, held amid intensifying US-China rivalry and Mr Trump’s blatant economic nationalism, allowed the ten-member grouping to regain measured traction and initiative. Asean not only weathered Mr Trump’s threats and pressure but also admitted Timor-Leste as its 11th member, reaffirmed the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) on Myanmar’s civil war and looming sham elections, and deepened the China-Asean Free Trade Agreement. Brazil’s President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Canada’s Prime Minister Mark Carney also joined the proceedings, reflecting a broader effort by middle powers to build coalitions with Asean beyond the US-China structural binary.

In the event, Asean’s most recent summitry opened as a contest between Asean centrality and Mr Trump’s transactional approach. Mr Trump conditioned his attendance on the signing of a peace agreement between Thailand and Cambodia, part of an effort to burnish his credentials for a Nobel Peace Prize. As Asean chair, Malaysia needed Mr Trump to show up because he was the most powerful among the participating leaders. Yet Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul also had pragmatic incentives to let Mr Trump preside over the signing, since both sought to finalise trade and tariff deals with Washington. Ultimately, the two leaders inked a “peace accord”, with Mr Trump and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim witnessing the ceremony.

Despite the uneasy Thai-Cambodian truce and the risk of renewed military conflict, Asean held its ground. It is plausible Mr Trump would not have attended had he failed to secure the symbolic agreement he wanted. His ceremonial appearances at the Asean-US Summit and the East Asia Summit underscored that his real priorities were trade and investment packages with Japan and South Korea. To the US leader, Asean was a sideshow as he set the agenda and extracted what he sought during a weeklong Asia trip. In this sense, Asean appeared to have bent to accommodate and appease him.

Yet Asean also gained from Mr Trump’s presence. He attended both summits and finalised trade deals with Malaysia and Cambodia, while Thailand and Vietnam secured framework agreements. More importantly, Asean forged ahead with its broader diplomatic agenda. The bloc held substantive meetings with Japan, the European Union, Brazil, and Canada, among other dialogue partners, and discussions on a potential EU-Asean trade pact progressed. Asean also convened a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) leaders’ meeting and upheld the 5PC by continuing to bar Myanmar junta chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing from all top-level summits. After Mr Trump left Kuala Lumpur, the remaining meetings conjured up an image of a “world minus one”, as Southeast Asia deepened cooperation on security and trade with other partners in the US’s absence.

A more cohesive Asean is in every member state’s interest. A strong bloc gives Southeast Asian states leverage to maintain strategic autonomy vis-à-vis China, whereas a weak grouping allows Beijing greater influence. China has played a divisive role in Asean since 2012, but even smaller, heavily indebted states such as Laos and Cambodia have little desire to rely exclusively on Beijing. A weakened Asean reduces the region to a mere geographic expression rather than a political-security, economic and socio-cultural community, leaving it more vulnerable to outside manipulation from the superpowers.

At the same time, Asean states do not want a US-China military confrontation and conflict. The US is Asean’s largest export market, while China is its biggest economic partner. Asean centrality provides a collective platform to navigate this rivalry. For small economies like Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, and now Timor-Leste, Asean is indispensable, without which their leaders would hardly have opportunities to engage directly with presidents like Mr Trump or Xi Jinping. Asean remains Southeast Asia’s primary diplomatic vehicle and its only meaningful platform on the world stage.

For the US, Asean unity is not inherently problematic because the bloc sees Washington as a necessary “offshore balancer” against China. Yet Mr Trump, unlike Barack Obama and Joe Biden, has adopted a divide-and-rule approach by negotiating bilaterally rather than with Asean collectively, mirroring China’s tactics. Southeast Asian states fear domination by either superpower, though China’s geographic proximity makes the threat feel more immediate. Mr Trump’s tariffs and protectionist measures amount to their own form of pressure and dominance over the region. This dynamic explains why Asean continually hedges between the two giants and seeks “third-way” partners. Japan is a preferred alternative pole of leadership, which helps explain Indonesia and Thailand’s interest in the Japan-led CPTPP. Indonesia’s membership entry into Brics+ earlier this year, alongside partnerships by Malaysia, Thailand, and Vietnam, reflects a desire to expand strategic options beyond the US-China competition. Asean’s growing outreach to the Global South — including deeper cooperation with China and the Gulf Cooperation Council — follows the same logic. Brazil’s active participation in this summit cycle may pave the way for new Southeast Asia–Latin America linkages. Overall, the region is increasingly frustrated with Mr Trump’s heavy-handed approach and remains wary of China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea and Mekong region.

For Asean, the logic of staying united is straightforward and logical. Its members have more incentive to hang together than risk being “hanged apart”. Without Asean, Southeast Asia would be far more exposed to superpower rivalry and the destabilising effects of a US-China conflict. The bloc may continue to frustrate analysts who expect more decisive action or institutional depth, but the fear of disintegration keeps member states committed. They have no viable alternative framework for collective diplomacy or economic coordination. As the Asean chair rotates to Manila and then Singapore in 2026–27, the 2025 summit cycle offered renewed hope and intention that the grouping remains resilient and relevant, even within its limitations.

Thitinan Pongsudhirak

Senior fellow of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Chulalongkorn University

A professor and senior fellow of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Political Science, he earned a PhD from the London School of Economics with a top dissertation prize in 2002. Recognised for excellence in opinion writing from Society of Publishers in Asia, his views and articles have been published widely by local and international media.

Caraga, Northern Mindanao workers to receive pay hike

Mayen Jaymalin – The Philippine StarNovember 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — Minimum wage earners in Northern Mindanao and Caraga are expe…

Mayen Jaymalin – The Philippine Star

November 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — Minimum wage earners in Northern Mindanao and Caraga are expected to receive an increase in their daily pay as their regional wage boards set public hearings for the wage adjustment.

The Regional Tripartite Wages and Productivity Board (RTWPB) in Caraga invited stakeholders and interested parties to attend public hearings on wage adjustment in Agusan del Sur on Nov. 24, Agusan del Norte on Dec. 27, Surigao del Sur on Nov. 25 and Surigao del Norte on Dec. 1.

The National Wages and Productivity Commission said the RTWPB would also conduct public consultations in Misamis Occidental and Lanao del Norte on Dec. 1 and 2, respectively.

Similar activities will be conducted in Bukidnon on Dec. 9 and Cagayan de Oro City on Dec. 10.

Workers and household workers  or kasambahay in other regions  such as Ilocos and Western Visayas as well as the National Capital Region have started receiving a wage increase.

Informant killed in Rizal gun attack

Ed Amoroso – The Philippine StarNovember 21, 2025 | 12:00am

CAMP VICENTE LIM, Laguna, Philippines — A police informant was shot dead by a suspected…

Ed Amoroso – The Philippine Star

November 21, 2025 | 12:00am

CAMP VICENTE LIM, Laguna, Philippines — A police informant was shot dead by a suspected drug trafficker in Rodriguez, Rizal before dawn on Wednesday.

The body of the victim, identified only as Kevs, was found at past 9 a.m. by his sister at his home in Barangay San Isidro.

Probers said the victim could have been asleep when the assailant barged in and shot him at close range.

Police said the assailant may have known that the victim was a police informant.                                                             

2 nabbed for illegal firecrackers

Ramon Efren Lazaro – The Philippine StarNovember 21, 2025 | 12:00am

NORZAGARAY, Bulacan , Philippines  – Two men were arrested for allegedly m…

Ramon Efren Lazaro – The Philippine Star

November 21, 2025 | 12:00am

NORZAGARAY, Bulacan , Philippines  – Two men were arrested for allegedly manufacturing firecrackers without necessary permits in this town on Wednesday.

The suspects were reportedly caught manufacturing kwitis in a makeshift factory in Barangay Partida, according to Lt. Col. Ismael Gauna, acting chief of the Norzagaray police.

Aside from several bundles of kwitis, police seized from the suspects firecracker fuses, threads and tape dispensers.     

Detour opened on damaged Bukidnon road

Rainier Allan Ronda – The Philippine StarNovember 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — A temporary detour along a collapsed road section in Que…

Rainier Allan Ronda – The Philippine Star

November 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — A temporary detour along a collapsed road section in Quezon, Bukidnon has been opened to motorists, according to the Department of Public Works and Highways.

The DPWH said the opening of the temporary road in Barangay Palacapao allows limited passage for motorists and residents while repair is ongoing along the Bukidnon-Davao Highway.

Public Works Secretary Vince Dizon ordered the installation of the temporary trail and access steps to ensure that transportation, livelihood  and movement of goods and commodities are not disrupted.

Discaya fleet? HPG seizes 7 unregistered luxury cars in Bulacan

Evelyn Macairan, Mark Ernest Villeza – The Philippine StarNovember 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines —  Seven luxury vehicles found parke…

Evelyn Macairan, Mark Ernest Villeza – The Philippine Star

November 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines —  Seven luxury vehicles found parked at a gas station along the North Luzon Expressway (NLEX) in Marilao, Bulacan were seized by authorities after they were found to have no license plates or were carrying improvised ones, the Highway Patrol Group said yesterday.

HPG spokesman Lt. Nadame Malang said the operation, conducted with the Land Transportation Office and led by LTO chief Markus Lacanilao, was launched on Nov. 17 following a tip from a concerned citizen.

“Our operatives validated that the report was true – these seven luxury cars had improvised plates, and some had no plates at all,” Malang told reporters.

The vehicles – a Ferrari sports car, two Nissan GTRs, a Toyota Supra, a Toyota FJ Cruiser, a Toyota Land Cruiser and a BMW – were also later found to be unregistered. The LTO has taken custody of all seven units while their records are being verified further.

Malang said investigators are also looking into whether the vehicles are among the luxury cars reportedly linked to the Discaya family, whose alleged tax and customs violations are under review by multiple agencies.

He said the HPG has received reports that luxury cars tied to the family are being moved and disposed of in various parts of the country.

“Nationwide, we are monitoring information that these luxury cars are being dispatched. We are checking whether taxes were paid and whether these passed Customs,” he said.

The seized cars were found parked at the gas station for about one to two hours, unusually long for what their drivers claimed was just a group gathering, Malang said.

“That is one angle we are considering, whether there was a transaction, possibly a sale,” he said.

All seven drivers, aged 26 to 46, were issued violation tickets, including for reckless driving, as operating unregistered vehicles is a punishable offense under Republic Act 4136.

The HPG has reportedly validated at least 12 luxury cars from a previous inspection of the Discaya residence, while an estimated 30 to 40 more vehicles remain under verification with Customs and other agencies.

Last Monday’s operation came days after a separate anti-colorum campaign in Southern Luzon, where the HPG and LTO confiscated three unregistered commuter vans plying routes from Turbina to Calamba, Batangas and Tagaytay. The drivers were fined between P200,000 and P10 million.

3 cars sold for 38 million

Meanwhile, only three of the seven luxury cars of the Discayas offered at an auction by the Bureau of Customs (BOC) have been sold, earning P38 million for the government. The target proceeds from the sale of the seven vehicles stand at P103 million.

Simplex Industrial Corp. placed the highest bids for two of the cars – black matte Mercedes-Benz G63 AMG (2022) sold for P15,611,710 and red Mercedes-Benz G500 (2019) Brabus (15.5 million). Lesentrell Jewelries acquired the Lincoln Navigator for P7.1 million. Simplex issued manager’s checks for its acqusitions, while Lesentrell paid in cash.

Deputy chief of staff of the Office of the Commissioner Chris Bendijo said in an interview over dzBB the auction took a longer time because they had to count the P7 million paid in cash placed inside a backpack.

Ladislao Matawa, who represented Lesentrell at the auction, said that they joined the auction because of the “history” of the luxury vehicles. The owner intends to use the Lincoln Navigator but might later sell for a higher price.

The Mercedes-Benz G500 Brabus bagged by Simplex attracted five bidders.

The floor price was P7,843,239.43 but Simplex, a leading distributor of rubber sealing products, paid almost twice the price with P15,500,00.

There were no bidders for the four other Discaya cars – black Rolls Royce Cullinan (2023), blue Bentley Bentaya (2022), orange Toyota Sequoia (2023) and red Toyota Tundra (2022).

Bendijo said their public auction committee would reconvene to recompute the floor price for the four unsold vehicles. – Rainier Allan Ronda, Alexis Romero

Teachers set November 28 protest vs corruption

Evelyn Macairan – The Philippine StarNovember 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — Classes in some public schools might be suspended on Nov. 28…

Evelyn Macairan – The Philippine Star

November 21, 2025 | 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines — Classes in some public schools might be suspended on Nov. 28 as the Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT) expects thousands of educators to hold an anti-corruption protest.

Instead of a regular lecture, some teachers will discuss accountability, justice and systemic changes in the education sector and the government, the group said yesterday.

Other forms of protest will be initiated by the group’s regional formations and school chapters.

“As educators, it is our fundamental duty to enlighten the youth and defend the future of education and the nation. We will hold classroom discussions to expose the rotten system and educate students about accountability, justice and genuine change,” said ACT chairperson Ruby Bernardo.

Referring to the flood control controversy, the ACT lamented how state officials and contractors “swim in billions” while schools and communities remain submerged in floods.