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Siminalayi Fubara, governor of Rivers State, has expressed satisfaction with the pace and quality of work at the Creek Road Market in Port Harcourt, assuring that it will be completed by January 2027.

A statement by Onwuka Nzeshi, Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, on Friday said Fubara stated this on Friday during an inspection visit to the project site.

Fubara said the visit was prompted by his meeting with SETRACO, the construction firm, handling the resurfacing of roads in the old Port Harcourt Township.

He said SETRACO had identified the Creek Road axis as a major cause of delay in its road rehabilitation works, as traders have virtually taken over the road, making it difficult for the contractor to work.

The governor noted that relocating the traders to the new market remained the only solution to freeing the road for the resurfacing work to be done successfully.

Despite the challenges encountered since the commencement of the project, Fubara said he was impressed with what he saw on site, commending the contractor for the quality of the job done so far.

He disclosed that the first phase of the market comprises about 700 stalls and shops, covering both wet and dry sections, which he said is sufficient to accommodate most of the women trading along Creek Road and ultimately restore free flow of traffic along the route.

The governor assured the contractor handling the market project that the State Government will play its part to ensure the project continues as agreed, including addressing the issue of funding in order to guarantee its timely delivery.

Speaking on the benefits of the market, Fubara said the project goes beyond providing trading spaces, as it is also aimed at restoring sanity, decency and a healthy environment in the Old Port Harcourt Township, which he described as home to many aged people and ‘aborigines’ of the city.

He lamented that the situation of the old market forced traders onto the streets, turning the Creek Road and adjoining streets into an open market.

Governor Fubara observed that the current situation of trading along the streets could create serious environmental and health hazards, noting that many diseases are caused by overcrowding, dirt and uncleanliness.

He reiterated his administration’s commitment to improving the health and well-being of Rivers people, stressing that he is happy not just as head of the current administration, but as a citizen of the State to see a project that will return the old Port Harcourt Township to its cherished status as a clean and orderly city.

Akin Osuntokun’s latest intervention, titled ‘Atiku Abubakar Cannot Heckle His Way to the Presidency,’ published in THISDAY on October 16, 2026, is a curious mixture of selective history, political prejudice and recycled allegations masquerading as informed commentary. It is remarkable that at a time when Nigerians are grappling with unprecedented economic hardship, insecurity and growing uncertainty about their future, Osuntokun considers it more important to excavate alleged private conversations from over two decades ago in an attempt to disqualify former Vice President Atiku Abubakar from seeking the presidency.

Of particular interest is his resurrection of a story attributed to former Cross River State Governor Donald Duke, who claimed that former military President Ibrahim Babangida once told President Olusegun Obasanjo that Atiku could not rule Nigeria. This is precisely the sort of tale by moonlight that should have no place in serious political analysis.

According to the account, Babangida allegedly pretended to have forgotten his keys, returned to Obasanjo’s private study and whispered a warning about Atiku. We are then invited to treat this extraordinary recollection of a supposed private exchange as a definitive assessment of Atiku’s presidential suitability.

But where is the independent corroboration? Has Babangida publicly authenticated those precise words? Even assuming, without conceding, that the conversation occurred exactly as narrated, since when did an alleged private judgment made over twenty years ago become a permanent disqualification from democratic leadership?

The irony is that Osuntokun chooses to dwell on what Babangida allegedly said in private while conveniently sidestepping what Obasanjo subsequently declared in public. On October 11, 2018, Obasanjo openly endorsed Atiku for the presidency. He acknowledged their past disagreements, reconciled with his former deputy and offered an unambiguous assessment of his leadership credentials. His words deserve to be recalled: ‘You surely understand the economy better.’ Obasanjo went further, praising Atiku’s business experience, national and international reach, accessibility and capacity to provide leadership superior to that of the incumbent administration.

These were not anonymous whispers behind closed doors. They were public declarations made before political leaders, religious figures and the Nigerian media. Indeed, Obasanjo acknowledged that there had once been an understanding for Atiku to succeed him. That documented admission is considerably more relevant than Osuntokun’s speculative reconstruction of conversations from another political era. One would have expected a commentator concerned with historical accuracy to reconcile these facts rather than cherry-pick episodes that reinforce his preferred conclusion.

As for Babangida, any serious examination of his assessment of Atiku must account for the full history of their political relationship, including subsequent engagements, rather than elevate an uncorroborated remark into an eternal verdict. Neither Obasanjo nor Babangida holds a hereditary franchise to determine who may govern Nigeria. Whatever they may have thought about Atiku at different points in their political lives, the final authority belongs to the Nigerian electorate.

Osuntokun also suggests that Atiku’s age and repeated presidential contests should persuade him to surrender his ambition and become a mentor to younger politicians. This argument is as selective as it is unpersuasive. If age, experience and repeated electoral contests are legitimate subjects of political scrutiny, they must apply equally to all candidates, including President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. They cannot suddenly become disqualifying considerations simply because the candidate under examination is Atiku Abubakar.

Age does not confer competence, but neither does it automatically extinguish it. The appropriate questions concern judgment, capacity, policy, integrity and the ability to assemble a credible governing team.

Atiku has offered Nigerians his experience in public administration, economic management, enterprise development and national leadership. These credentials are open to legitimate scrutiny, just as Tinubu’s performance after more than three years in office must be subjected to rigorous examination.

On zoning, Osuntokun advances the argument that another northern presidency would violate an expectation that power should remain in the South for eight years. Regional balance is important to national cohesion. But zoning is a political arrangement, not a constitutional prohibition against qualified Nigerians seeking elective office. More importantly, it cannot become an instrument for shielding an incumbent from accountability.

Nigerians are entitled to consider regional equity alongside competence, performance, national security and economic survival. It is for voters, not columnists, to decide how these considerations should influence their ballots.

Osuntokun’s attempt to portray Atiku as the principal architect of opposition fragmentation is equally simplistic. The crisis within the opposition cannot credibly be attributed to one individual while ignoring the ambitions, choices and conduct of other political actors. Political parties are collective institutions, and responsibility for their successes and failures must be assessed accordingly. Atiku has participated in efforts to build a broader opposition coalition and now leads the ADC presidential ticket alongside Rotimi Amaechi. Whether that coalition persuades Nigerians is a matter to be settled democratically, not through predetermined assertions about his supposed unelectability.

Then there is Osuntokun’s fascination with Atiku addressing the President as ‘Bola.’ When did addressing a public official by his given name become a constitutional offence or a measure of political desperation? Bola is the President’s name, not an insult. Those who regard its use as an affront should explain why the substance of public accountability matters less to them than presidential titles.

The real political pollution is not calling a president by his name. It is the growing tendency to treat legitimate criticism of public officeholders as an act of disrespect. What Nigerians require from political commentators is a searching examination of governance. How have the administration’s economic policies affected household incomes? What has happened to the purchasing power of wages? How secure are communities? What measurable relief has reached ordinary Nigerians?

These questions deserve more attention than an alleged conversation about misplaced keys in Aso Rock more than twenty years ago. Osuntokun is entitled to his preferences, prejudices and political conclusions. He is even entitled to believe that Atiku should not be President. What he is not entitled to is the pretence that his personal judgment constitutes the verdict of the Nigerian people. In a democracy, presidential ambition is neither granted nor extinguished by the approval of political columnists.

On January 16, 2027, Nigerians will have the opportunity to examine the competing candidates, evaluate their records, consider their proposals and exercise their constitutional right to determine who governs them. They will not be required to consult Osuntokun’s preferred political history before casting their ballots. Atiku Abubakar does not require Akin Osuntokun’s permission to seek the presidency, any more than Bola Tinubu requires his endorsement to pursue re-election.

Both must submit themselves to the sovereign judgment of Nigerians. Ultimately, Atiku’s presidential fate will be determined by the votes of Nigerians, not by Akin Osuntokun’s biases, recycled anecdotes or tales by moonlight. That is democracy. And that is the verdict that matters.

ýýMonday Okpebholo, governor of Edo State, has terminated the appointment of Nicholas Odamah as Regent of Ikpeshi/Egbegere Clan in Akoko-Edo Local Government Area of the state, barely 11 months after his appointment.

ýBusinessDay reports that the governor had, on November 13, 2025, removed Zaiki Luckman Momodu Odamah III, the erstwhile traditional ruler of the clan and appointed Nicholas Odamah as regent.

ýA statement issued at the time by Umar Musa Ikhilor, the Secretary to the State Government, said the removal of Luckman Momodu Odamah III followed a review of the circumstances surrounding the ongoing disputes over traditional leadership in the clan and kingdom.

ýIkhilor added that the action was taken in the interest of peace, stability and due process.

ýHe subsequently announced the appointment of Nicholas Odamah as regent of Ikpeshi/Egbegere Clan with immediate effect, pending the determination of the rightful occupant of the throne.

ýThe statement said the regent was expected to oversee the affairs of the clan pending further decisions.

ýHe was also mandated to oversee the clan’s affairs in a custodial capacity and ensure full compliance with government directives.

ýHowever, more than 11 months after the appointment, the state government, in a letter dated October 20, 2026, announced the termination of Nicholas Odamah’s appointment and the restoration of Zaiki Luckman Momodu Odamah III as the traditional ruler of Ikpeshi/Egbegere Clan.

ýThe letter, signed by Ikhilor, said the decision followed appeals from concerned indigenes of Akoko-Edo and the subsequent confirmation that the dispute over traditional leadership in the clan was already before a competent court of law.

ýAccording to the letter, the government decided to review and rescind its earlier decision in view of these developments.

ýThe statement read in part: ‘Consequently, the State Government hereby terminates the appointment of Mr Nicholas Odamah as Regent of Ikpeshi/Egbegere Clan and restores the status quo ante his appointment.

ý’All security agencies have been duly notified of this development and directed to maintain peace, law and order, as well as ensure the protection of lives and property in the affected communities.

ý’The Edo State Government remains committed to upholding fairness, justice and the rule of law, while preserving the state’s traditional institutions and values’, he said

ýThe government urged all parties to remain calm, exercise restraint and allow the judicial process to run its course.

ýIt would be recalled that the removed traditional ruler, Zaiki Luckman Odamah III, had petitioned Governor Monday Okpebholo and the Edo State House of Assembly, urging them not to confirm Roland Otaru as a commissioner in the state cabinet over alleged bias in the chieftaincy dispute.

ýOtaru, the current Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in the state, is an indigene of the clan.

ýIn a petition addressed to the governor on August 29, 2025, the monarch argued that confirming Otaru would effectively place him in a position to judge his own case.

ýOdamah III alleged that Otaru had opposed his ascension to the throne following the death of his father on September 11, 2011.

ýAccording to him, ‘Otaru has, since the death of my father, HRH Momodu Odamah II, been working tirelessly against my nomination, traditional installation, and eventual appointment by the state government as a successor to my father.

ý’From 2012 till date, Otaru has been acting and continues to act as counsel to the Akoko-Edo traditional council that unsuccessfully challenged my appointment.

ý’To this end, he unsuccessfully opposed the suit I filed before the High Court, Igarra, which now has a pending appeal at the Supreme Court.

ý’In addition, in December 2020, Otaru, who is from the Emegbe family of Igun kindred, raised one Joseph Shuru Uduagbamen from his kindred and sought to impose him as the Zaiki of the Ikpeshi/Egbigere Clan. To carry out this plot, they filed a case before the Igarra High Court to set aside the gazette/declaration regulating the appointment of the traditional ruler.

ý’The suit was dismissed on March 16, 2022, and the Emegbe family proceeded to the Court of Appeal, Benin. From 2012 to date, Otaru has consistently opposed the position of the Edo State Government, the Attorney-General of Edo State, and the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs in all court cases concerning my ascension to the throne, from the High Court to the Court of Appeal and now the Supreme Court.

ý’Thus, his membership of the State Executive Council will ultimately put him in a position that makes him a judge in his own case, that is, to supplant the lawful position of the Edo State Government that has never filed or accepted any contrary position to that contained in the chieftaincy declaration gazette,’ he added.

ýThe traditional ruler said his petition was intended to present the facts to the governor before Otaru assumed office as a commissioner.

ýHe added that the petition was aimed at ensuring that appointments of traditional rulers in the state complied fully with the relevant gazette or declaration enacted into law by the government.

ýIt would also be recalled that Governor Okpebholo had, on April 30, 2025, removed three traditional rulers in Edo North Senatorial District.

ýThe affected rulers were: Umoru Inusa Umoru, the Aidonogie of South Ibie; Lukman Akemokue, the Okuokpellagbe of Okpella; and George Oshiapi Egabor, the Okumagbe of Uwano Kingdom.

ýThe governor said that their removal was due to irregularities in their appointments, violations of customary succession laws and alleged involvement in kidnapping and insecurity.

ýHe subsequently reappointed Aliyu Kelvin Danesi as Aidonogie of South Ibie and appointed Michael Eshioronoya Sado as Okuokpellagbe of Okpella following his selection by the kingmakers.

ýThe appointment to the stool of Okumagbe of Uwano Kingdom was still pending at the time but has since been filled by Francis Alimikhena, a former senator who represented Edo North Senatorial District following the death of George Oshiapi Egabor.

Valentine Onyeka Ogunaka, Nigerian storytelling diplomat, poet, and development communications professional, has introduced a new framework aimed at transforming how refugees and vulnerable communities are represented in development communications, while warning that today’s narratives could become tomorrow’s artificial intelligence biases.

Speaking at the Communications for a Better World Conference, which was held in New York and virtually, Ogunaka presented Framing for a Cause (FFAC), a framework developed through his work with Ecrafti and years of field documentation in displacement and migration contexts.

His presentation, ‘Development Narratives Diplomacy: The Framing for a Cause Framework for Dignifying Refugee Portfolios and the Future of Storytelling as AI Listens,’ argued that many humanitarian narratives continue to portray vulnerable populations primarily through crisis, dependency, and need, often overlooking their capabilities, aspirations, and contributions.

‘People should not have to trade their dignity to be seen,’ Ogunaka told participants. ‘Behind every refugee portfolio or displacement story is a person with identity, agency, skills, and dreams.’

Developed from field experience across Nigeria, FFAC is built around four pillars: identity, agency, contribution, and possibility. The framework encourages communicators to move beyond deficit-focused storytelling and present refugees and vulnerable communities as active participants in shaping their own futures.

A central theme of the presentation was the growing impact of artificial intelligence on global communications.

‘If our development narratives consistently portray vulnerable populations through deficit, crisis, and dependency, what happens when machines learn those narratives and reproduce them at scale?’ Ogunaka asked.

The question resonated with ongoing global conversations around AI ethics, representation, and responsible communication.

He currently serves as Communications Coordinator for the ARRIVES Project at the International Trade Centre (ITC) and has contributed to communications initiatives involving migration, displacement, and refugee communities, including work connected to UNHCR. He is also internationally recognised for using poetry and storytelling as tools for social change and development advocacy.

The New York presentation marks a significant milestone for Ecrafti, bringing a framework developed from African field realities into international discussions on development communications, human dignity, and the future of AI-informed storytelling.

As institutions increasingly seek ethical approaches to communication, Ogunaka believes the challenge is no longer simply telling stories about vulnerable populations, but ensuring those stories reflect the full humanity of the people at their centre.

‘How we frame people today may shape how societies and AI understand human dignity tomorrow,’ he concluded.

Nigeria’s continued reliance on imported palm oil is highlighting the need for greater investment in local agriculture, as private-sector initiatives seek to attract more Nigerians into farming to strengthen domestic production.

Nigeria spent N23 billion importing palm oil in the first quarter of 2026, according to figures cited by Reftop AgroField Limited.

David Assogba, group chief executive officer of Reftop Homes Limited, said the palm oil sector had been neglected despite the crop’s historical importance to West Africa. He argued that changing public attitudes towards farming was essential to unlocking its economic potential.

‘Every Nigerian should consider going back to farming because farm is the next oil,’ he said.

Assogba noted that many Nigerians had grown up viewing farming as an occupation for the poor or uneducated, despite growing global interest in agricultural land. He said agriculture could become a more attractive investment option as countries seek to strengthen food production and reduce dependence on imported commodities.

One approach being explored is agro-real estate, which combines agricultural land ownership with professionally managed farming.

Emmanuel Oluwatosin, chief operating officer of Reftop Homes Limited, said the company’s PalmCrest initiative had allocated 2,700 acres of land to subscribers across its first two phases, with plantation development also underway.

PalmCrest is marketed by Reftop Homes Limited and managed by Reftop AgroField Limited. The initiative allows subscribers to own designated agricultural land while the company oversees plantation development and farm operations.

However, its contribution to Nigeria’s palm oil supply will depend on crop yields, plantation maturity and the capacity to process harvested palm fruit.

Assogba called on the government to support agricultural development through access to fertiliser, mechanised equipment and improved security for farmers.

Nigeria’s challenge extends beyond attracting investors. Increasing local palm oil production will require productive plantations, efficient processing facilities and sustained support for farmers.

Whether private investment can help reduce import dependence will ultimately depend on how effectively agricultural land is converted into commercially productive farms.

Brazil would on October 25, 2026, take the hand of Nigeria to political school, the second in one month. The first one, like in kindergarten, Brazil showed the world, nay, Nigeria, that it is possible for a developing country to conduct an election without rancour, vote buying, and violence.

Coming closely to the time Nigeria is about to go to the polls in January, 2027, there is no reason to give excuses by Nigeria. The first round of the presidential election in Brazil took place on October 4, 2026; in that election, the incumbent President, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Flávio Bolsonaro locked horns looking for a fair share of the 158.7 million votes from voters, in the end, no ballot box snatching, no burning of results sheets, and results were known same night, while the runoff was rescheduled for October 25.

With a population of approximately 213.8 million to 214.2 million people in 2026, according to Worldometer Brazil tracker, Nigeria’s own population hovers around same figures.

Indeed, Nigeria and Brazil share a lot in common: large population, diverse federation, high inequality, and history of military rule. Brazil has over 158.7 million voters while Nigeria has over 103 million registered voters. Such high volume of voters in Brazil is as a result of the fact that Brazil made voting compulsory for every adult citizen, unlike Nigeria where voting is optional.

The first round of election in Brazil has come and gone, with so many lessons, however, the issue is, if a country like Nigeria is ready and humble enough to learn without feeling too big.

Election in Nigeria has become a four-yearly national political event which keeps testing the nation’s strength, maturity, civility, unity, among other indices of civilization, sometimes it appears the nation will simply break away, but in the end it will not, some see it as a game, some see it as serious business, while still it is seen as a necessary end because there is no other credible alternative to democracy.

Indeed, Nigeria’s democracy continues to go by the baptismal name, nascent, in another it is still a young adult, since independence and its republican stage from there up to the present Fourth Republic. Many a time, the nation’s elections are characterised by violence, rigging, cutting corners, many a time election are rigged before the actual voting, many a time, constituencies are delineated to favour a political party, codenamed gerrymandering, sometimes it comes in the form of appointments of the members of electoral commission, they tell them that they are independent, when they are not really.

Again, they make sure they make the judiciary beggarly by appointing their cronies as those in charge of the judiciary so that what they need is for the electoral umpire to pronounce them winners, the rest would be handled by the judiciary, you don’t need to call them, already they know what to do. The pre-election rigging did not exclude those that make laws as they continually create loopholes for manipulation to favour the highest bidders, depending if the election is at state or National level. As in Nigeria, we talk about using paper to right result when there is network issues, but Nigerians have argued that such clause has no meaning, that if bandits, terrorists and kidnappers in the remotest forests can make videos of their activities and there is no network issues, that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, should do better by finding solution so as to make the election in Nigeria truly electronic, because technology doesn’t lie. As it is Brazil has been using complete electronic means to conduct election since 1996.

Of course, that is the bane of Nigeria’s electoral system. From the First Republic down the line, election in Nigeria has never come without complaints. The one that remains indelible in the minds of the people is the 1993 election, adjudged to be the freest and fairest in Nigeria, but what happened, the then military president, General Ibrahim Babangida annulled the election.

It took the doggedness and patriotic stubbornness of the then Chairman of the Electoral Commission, the late Professor Humphrey Nwosu to declare that result, and of course, the military authorities never liked what he did, in fact Prof Nwosu, it was who made it possible for Nigerians to know that the election was won by the accountant-turned businessman, socialite and philanthropist, Moshood Abiola.

That election, if you noticed, is also indicative of lack of accountability in our nation. In a twinkling of an eye, General Babangida cancelled years of planning, sleeplessness, dreams, party engagements, public and individual spending and all of that went down the drains. How much was spent in that 1996 election? The parties that took part in the 1993 general election spent between N120 million to N1 billion.

Even looking at it, it is not for want of good laws, but it is the potentialities of the politicians to cut corners, because they know that this is a game where there is no second position, the nation also practices winner-takes-all, so, it becomes a do-or-die affair, especially when that politician has either not done his homework and assignment well, he wants a shortcut by all means.

Obviously, Brazil used 100 percent electronic voting machines, which they have started using since 1996. No paper ballot to snatch, no ink to smear. All that was needed was, you press, it records, it transmits encrypted to the electoral court (TSE) and Result of the election was in 2-3 hours.

In contrast, for Nigeria, BVAS/IReV is good progress, but still depends on manual collation and upload, which creates loopholes.

In the Brazil presidential election, because no one got 50percent + 1, the two presidential contenders are now expected to go to a runoff on October 25, 2026, to decide the winner. That’s where the real lesson for Nigeria is.

In the Brazilian Election the whole votes were counted same day with electronic machines, by TSE, no ballot snatching. What is TSE? The Brazil’s Tribunal Superior Eleitoral or Superior Electoral Court in English, is not just an organiser, it is a court. It can arrest, fine candidates, remove fake news within hours, but in Nigeria, INEC is administrative. It still needs police and courts to enforce. Brazil shows that when the electoral umpire has judicial power, impunity drops.

Another lesson is that voting is compulsory in Brazil, 53percent of voters are women. Civic education starts early. People see election as duty, not do-or-die. In Nigeria, there is still voter apathy and thuggery, voting is also optional.

In Brazil no godfather control of ballot materials. Also in Brazil, there is no ‘collation centre chaos’ because there is almost nothing to collate physically. Logistics failure is near zero because machines are deployed weeks ahead and tested publicly.

There is swift punishment for electoral violence, and in Brazil, trying to disrupt election is a federal crime with immediate arrest. In Nigeria, ballot snatchers often walk the street free, and top politicians usually what happens to voting from their mansions.

If we want Brazil-like elections, we must move from human-managed to system-managed elections, make BVAS work offline and transmit automatically, give INEC prosecutorial powers like Brazil’s TSE, and punish electoral offenders on election day, not 3 years after.

Brazil proved that even a deeply polarized country, son of jailed ex-president vs sitting president can be in contest without violence as the system makes violence useless.

Nigeria must learn from international best practices even as it concerns election. The will of the people must be upheld in all election, just as Brazil has just demonstrated.

Idris Shuaibu, Kaduna-born politician contesting the ADC governorship position in his state, said: ‘The current general election taking place in Brazil is a test case for democracy especially Nigeria. As usual, it’s a cycle that’s usual after every 5 years. It’s a contest between the two ideological divides of the left and the right. Current President Lula Da Silva and his long-standing rival Flavio Bolsonaro of the left and the right of the centre respectively. Lula scored about 46 percent while Flavio scored 47percent of the votes cast.

For Adetokunbo Pearse, no country in the world is perfect. ‘No democracy is without flaws’, he said.

He further said: ‘You notice even though they would say there is corruption in Brazil, the electoral commission would do the right thing; if he doesn’t do the right thing, they would kill the national chairman, they would burn his house down. In France, 6000 people arrested, over 200 schools shut down, 20 schools burnt, teachers, parents, students’ unions, on the streets asking for good education’ as the people protest.