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Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla said Monday he would ask 204 new employees who were hired in July to reapply so that they would not be considered ‘midnight appointees.’

At a press briefing, Remulla said he has also ordered a review of the Office of the Ombudsman’s admission and hiring process.

‘Unfortunately, last July, there were 204 new hires in the Office of the Ombudsman, and I will ask these 204 people to reapply because they are still under [a] six-month probationary period. I will ask them to reapply lest they become or be treated as midnight appointees,’ he told reporters.

‘That’s in good faith. I hope they’re all in good faith also. They can reapply, and some of them [should] probably hand in courtesy resignations just to show good faith. You don’t want to be arriving in a place [where] all the empty seats you expected for your companions were suddenly filled up,’ Remulla added.

The former justice secretary also said they have asked the Civil Service Commission (CSC) to assist his office in evaluating these cases.

CSC assistance sought

‘The CSC is very forthcoming. And they have communicated to us their willingness to help us with this issue of midnight appointees,’ Remulla said.

A midnight appointment refers to an appointment to a political office that is made during the ‘final hours’ of the appointing official’s term.

Remulla’s predecessor, former Ombudsman Samuel Martires, retired on July 27. The former associate justice of the Supreme Court was appointed to the post in 2018 by then-President Rodrigo Duterte.

Remulla, on the other hand, was named by President Marcos as the new Ombudsman on Oct. 7.

New policy on SALNs

A week after he took over, the Office of the Ombudsman lifted restrictions on public access to the statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth (SALNs) of government officials, reversing the policy imposed by Martires.

Remulla’s Memorandum Circular No. 3, which reopens public access to SALNs, will take effect 15 days after its Oct. 14 publication.

All SALNs, according to the guidelines, can be accessed, except if the Office of the Ombudsman is not the official repository, the SALN is not on file, or the request is for an unauthorized commercial purpose.

Access will also be restricted if the requesting party has a derogatory record of misuse, the request is linked to a pending case to influence or harass, there is evidence of extortion or safety threats, the identity of the requesting party is fictitious, or the purpose is contrary to law, morals, or public policy.

Access to SALNs was previously restricted under Martires through Memorandum Circular No. 1, Series of 2020.

The memorandum required anyone requesting a copy of a SALN to present a notarized letter of authority from the declarant, effectively barring the public and the media from obtaining the documents unless permitted by the official concerned.

In nations with minimal social trust and dismal confidence in state institutions, even the most well-intentioned efforts at fighting corruption can either boomerang or deepen social discontent. The more corruption is exposed, the less trust there is in ongoing investigations. And opportunists are always ready to hijack the political moment.

From the late President Benigno Aquino III in the early 2010s to the Dilma Rousseff administration in the mid-2010s, numerous reformist presidencies paid a heavy price in spite of their sincere commitment to good governance. What corruption scandals did was open a Pandora’s box of political risks, which often tended to either degrade existing institutions or empower the darkest forces.

The three elements of credibility, competence, and communications are key to any successful anticorruption initiative. Specifically, the incumbent should be beyond reproach, the investigations should inspire public confidence, and, ultimately, the manner and speed of anticorruption initiatives should be deftly communicated to the public.

Sadly, politically successful anticorruption initiatives tend to be those that are most performative and weaponized, namely targeted against political opposition and independent voices amid a climate of fear and disinformation. Think, for instance, of how Chinese President Xi Jinping transformed from a term-limited president into a paramount leader by skillfully eliminating all his rivals, as well as the most notorious crooks under his anticorruption drive a decade ago. Tens of thousands of ‘flies,’ namely low-to-mid-level officials, as well as a few ‘tigers,’ including the vivaciously ambitious Bo Xilai, were ‘disciplined.’

‘We must uphold the fighting of tigers and flies at the same time, resolutely investigating lawbreaking cases of leading officials and also earnestly resolving the unhealthy tendencies and corruption problems which happen all around the people,’ Xi declared in a bombastically populist speech in 2013, shortly after assuming power. Within less than a decade, he had eliminated all rivals and independent centers of power, while bolstering his image as a no-nonsense and sincerely communist leader.

In the curious case of President Marcos’ anticorruption initiative, we neither see brute weaponization nor the ‘triple c’ package of credibility, competence, and communication. The ongoing investigations have, so far, been patchy, while the Marcos dynasty’s dark legacy would always cast a shadow of doubt over the incumbent’s credibility.

As for communications, Mr. Marcos has been more defensive than offensive, thus allowing the Duterte camp to either deflect from their own shady track record or, worse, steal political momentum. The traction of Cavite Rep. Kiko Barzaga’s opportunistically demagogic antics only proves my point. The President’s significant drop in the latest satisfaction rating surveys has laid bare the inherent risks of his quixotic embrace of good governance in the twilight years of his office.

Next month, according to a few uber insiders, could end up even more challenging for the incumbent. A major religious organization, they fear, could muster a massive rally that may have nothing less than replacing the current President in favor of another Duterte in Malacañang. As a sweetener, allegedly, a certain legislator-seen as a legal luminary by illiberal forces but instead a punchline among progressives and critical thinking folks-may get the vice presidency on a platter.

Even if such rumors were true, sedition would be a tall order, especially since the defense establishment is neither interested in political intervention nor in nurturing a Beijing-friendly commander in chief after years-long rehabilitation of strategic ties with the West on the heels of former President Rodrigo Duterte’s disastrous foreign policy. Secessionist destabilization attempts, however, would still be a win for them-and their foreign patrons.

Against this backdrop, the progressives have a historic opportunity to break the deadlock. As the de facto ‘third force,’ the crystallization coalition of church leaders, civil society organizations, progressive celebrities, and statesmen can collectively safeguard our democratic institutions while also pressuring the incumbent to sincerely crack down on corruption just short of political collapse.

The next two years can also serve as a runway for building a robust good governance movement led by credible, competent, and communicatively savvy progressive-liberal figures. It’s not enough for us to put a good candidate in Malacañang in 2028. We need to reform our entire political system by contesting and reforming elected offices and democratic institutions at all levels of governance. For this, we need a robust and inclusive movement, not just another savior. Nevertheless, the progressive opposition needs a clear leader to carry the mantle for the movement. We can’t wait until the 11th hour. The battle is before us.

Senator Loren Legarda called for major reforms in the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) during a Senate Finance Committee hearing on the proposed budget of the agency.

She pointed to years of overpricing and lack of transparency in how infrastructure projects are planned and carried out.

‘We are uprooting a system that has been left to worsen, not just in past years, but decades,’ Legarda said, acknowledging the challenges faced by the agency while pressing for immediate action.

‘The changes must not be a mere change of face, but must be a change in systems.

Legarda highlighted the lack of a clear, science-based way to distribute infrastructure funds among legislative districts.

Legarda gave examples of provinces with small populations and land areas getting much larger budgets than needed, while other areas with greater needs received less.

She called for a clear formula so that if anyone asks why their district gets a certain amount, there is no resentment because the process is based on facts, not on arbitrary decisions.

DPWH Secretary Vince Dizon admitted that the agency could not fully explain the current formula and committed to scrapping it entirely in 2027.

He outlined guiding principles for the new system, such as need, environmental risk, and readiness or absorptive capacity.

‘We will make the formula simpler, more straightforward, and will really be responsive to the needs of the community, thereby making it more equitable. That is our commitment to the Senate and to the people.’ Dizon said.

Legarda welcomed the commitment but stressed that reform must begin now.

‘We still have time to correct the 2026 budget before plenary. Let’s not wait for 2027. We are only halfway through the process,’ the four-term senator said.

She also addressed systemic overpricing in DPWH projects, citing recent corruption revelations and long-standing inflation in unit costs.

‘How can we in conscience work on the budget or affix our signature on an overpriced budget?’ she asked. ‘Let’s treat a 25-30% reduction across all DPWH line items as a cleansing step.’

Legarda stressed that lowering overpriced infrastructure costs would free up funds for urgent needs like classroom construction and could help address long-standing education backlogs.

The senator further pressed the agency to open its internal monitoring platforms to the public.

‘There should be public access to DPWH’s internal monitoring tools. I asked the agency to make these dashboards available to the public, so people can track progress and participate in oversight.’

Legarda concluded by reaffirming her commitment to institutional reform and public accountability.

‘We want you to keep your jobs and help us get the job done well. But the budget must reflect integrity and the real needs of our people. That’s the only way we restore trust.’

Another aftershock, this time measured at magnitude of 4.4, shook Bogo City, Cebu on Tuesday afternoon, according to the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs).

The aftershock stemmed from the deadly magnitude 6.9 earthquake that rocked the city on Sept. 30.

According to Phivolcs, the epicenter of the quake was located 25 kilometers northeast of Bogo City, Cebu and was recorded at exactly 5:07 p.m.

The earthquake was tectonic in origin and had a depth of focus of 10 kilometers.

Phivolcs said the following Instrumental intensities were recorded

Intensity III – Villaba, Leyte

Intensity I – Kawayan, Biliran; Danao, Talisay, Moalboal, Cebu; Isabel, Leyte; Cebu City; Ormoc City

Phivolcs said no damage and aftershocks are expected. /gsg

La Salle entered the season without its MVP, then lost two key cogs somewhere along the way to the end of the first round. University of Santo Tomas hardly earned attention during preseason discussions on the favorites for the UAAP Season 88 men’s basketball tournament.

If the Archers are somehow still in the mix of the title hunt and the Tigers are somehow among the leaders of this season’s tournament, there’s no need to look too far for reasons.

The top of the statistical points (SP) race at the end of the first round holds the answers.

Mike Phillips leads everyone in the SP race, tallying an average of 84.429 as the Green Archers are above .500 at 4-3, even with its star Kevin Quiambao leaving after last season and two key cogs in Mason Amos and Kean Baclaan winding up with knee injuries in different stages of the round.

‘He has the propensity to step up [but knows when to] take a back seat, somewhat like when KQ (Quiambao) made a decision to return last year,’ Robinson said, talking to the Inquirer about Phillips. ‘Like this season when Mason went down, he immediately took the team leader’s role.’

Phillips, a 6-foot-8 high-motor forward, has stepped up in offense for Robinson and the Archers with Quiambao gone, shooting just a shade over 13 points per game while averaging 15.7 rebounds as La Salle stayed in the thick of the Final Four race despite losing Amos and Baclaan.

The Growling Tigers, meanwhile, have been the collective surprise of the tournament.

‘A blessing’

After struggling to make the playoffs last season and bombing out as the No. 4 seed, the Tigers are at second with a 5-2 slate behind the leading National U Bulldogs, and coach Pido Jarencio basically has three standouts to thank.

‘He’s a blessing for choosing to come over to UST,’ Jarencio told the Inquirer over the phone on Monday after the stats race was released to the media, referring to rookie Collins Akowe, who trails Phillips narrowly with an 84.286 SPs average.

The 6-foot-10 rookie center has been the big difference for Santo Tomas, which had two other guards in the top 10 of the SP race.

Though Akowe won’t be eligible to win the season MVP, should he top the SP race at the end of the eliminations, he will win the Foreign Student-Athlete of the Year award.

But Santo Tomas is not just about Akowe, as Nic Cabañero and Forthsky Padrigao made it to the elite list, a 1-2-3 punch that Jarencio expected even before the season started.

‘Those two (Cabañero and Padrigao) want to prove a point being graduating players,’ Jarencio went on in Filipino. ‘They want to leave the university with a championship. They have been working very hard because they want to repay the trust of UST and the community.

‘Still, being in the Top 10 (of the SP race) is just a by-product of how we play as a team.’

Robinson said that La Salle’s immediate target is the Final Four, which is why its 72-69 win over University of the Philippines on Sunday was a big one as the Archers grabbed a tie for third heading into the second round.

‘There’s a realistic chance that both (Amos and Baclaan) can return if we make the Final Four,’ Robinson added. ‘The team knows that and it will be a collective effort for us to get there.’

Making the list

Second year Far Eastern University gunner Janrey Pasaol ranks third with 80.429 SPs, averaging 18.29 points, 6.57 assists, 4.0 rebounds, and 2.14 steals while helping the Tamaraws to two wins.

Precious Momowei of the University of the East is fourth with 80.0 SPs, though only one FSA can be included in the Elite Team, with Bulldog Jake Figueroa rounding out the top five with a 77.429 average after posting 15.43 points, seven rebounds, 3.14 assists, 2.14 steals and 1.14 blocks per game.

Cabañero is running sixth with an average of 76.571 after norms of 19.43 points, 6.29 rebounds, 2.29 assists and 1.71 steals, with Padrigao completing the Top 10 with 63.667 despite missing the Tigers’ first game because of a suspension carried over from last year.

Bargain hunting snapped the local bourse’s three-session losing streak on Tuesday, with the benchmark stocks index approaching the elusive 6,100 barrier.

By the closing bell, the Philippine Stock Exchange Index added 0.16 percent or 9.46 points to end at 6,093.53.

Meanwhile, the broader All Shares Index shed 0.11 percent or 4.07 points to close at 3,657.85.

A total of 1.31 billion shares worth P5.24 billion changed hands, stock exchange data showed.

Luis Limlingan, head of sales at stock brokerage house Regina Capital Development Corp., said investors mostly hunted for lower-priced blue chips as a result of the bourse’s recent stay in the red territory.

Selling pressure

However, he noted there was still some selling pressure as the peso depreciated against the US dollar.

International Container Terminal Services Inc. was the most actively traded stock after bouncing back by 2.04 percent to P550 per share. It was followed by Ayala Land Inc., down 2 percent to P22; JG Summit Holdings Inc., up 3.75 percent to P24.90; BDO Unibank Inc., down 0.43 percent to P138; and Manila Electric Co., up 1.93 percent to P581 each.

Others were SM Investments Corp., down 1.34 percent to P735; SM Prime Holdings Inc., up 0.65 percent to P23.25; DigiPlus Interactive Corp., down 3.72 percent to P22; Bank of the Philippine Islands, up 1.01 percent to P109.70; and Aboitiz Equity Ventures Inc., down 2.4 percent to P28.50 per share.

Losers outnumbered gainers, 127 to 84, while 47 companies closed flat, stock exchange data also showed. INQ

Public Works Secretary Vince Dizon, who arrived by helicopter on Tuesday despite intermittent rains, personally inspected the collapsed section of the Bukidnon-Davao road in Sitio Kipolot, Barangay Palacapao here, popularly known as ‘Overview.’

The collapse, which occurred on Saturday night, October 18, caused a massive portion of the six-lane national highway to give way and plunge into a deep ravine, rendering the vital route impassable to all vehicles.

Dizon was joined by OIC-Undersecretary for Convergence and Technical Services Lara Marisse Esquibil, along with officials from the DPWH Central Office Bureau of Design, Region 10, Bukidnon 2nd District Engineering Office, and representatives from the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), as well as provincial and local officials.

He was met by Bukidnon Gov. Neil Roque and Quezon Mayor Pablo Lorenzo III.

Dizon said his visit aimed to personally assess the extent of the damage and identify measures to speed up the repair and reopening of the highway, in line with President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr.’s directive to immediately restore road access in the area.

‘The situation cannot be resolved easily. It requires a thorough investigation to determine the proper course of action to address the damage on this major road that connects Bukidnon, Davao City, and Cagayan de Oro,’ Dizon said.

‘We must find a concrete and sustainable solution to ensure the safety and stability of this critical infrastructure.’

Dizon stressed that the Bukidnon-Davao eoad is a crucial economic corridor connecting the Northern Mindanao and Davao regions, facilitating the transport of goods and movement of people between provinces.

He also ordered the immediate conduct of a full geotechnical investigation to support the design and construction of a detour road that will temporarily ease traffic flow while rehabilitation works continue.

‘Our priority is a fast but high-quality restoration of this vital road network,’ Dizon said, noting that the DPWH will coordinate closely with the Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB) under the DENR to address soil instability not only in the landslide area but in nearby sections of the highway.

Lorenzo earlier expressed concern over the landslide’s impact on local commerce and mobility.

‘The highway is cut off, and although there are temporary adjustments, the supply chain-especially goods bound for Davao and vice versa-is heavily disrupted,’ he had said.

The DPWH has yet to release an official estimate of the damage or a timeline for the full restoration of the collapsed section of the highway.

The Kim Yoo-jung and Kim Young-dae-led ‘Dear X,’ a K-drama screened at the 2025 Busan International Film Festival, is set to premiere on HBO Max on Nov. 6.

The streaming service announced the release date of ‘Dear X,’ marking the first K-drama to be be screened on the platform across the Asia-Pacific region.

Based on the Van Zi-un-helmed webtoon of the same name, the 12-episode K-drama tells the story of Baek Jin-ah (Yoo-jung), a successful actress who rises to the top through manipulation and intimidation. Her twisted efforts are covered up by her partner, Yoon Jun-seo (Young-dae), who has long been supportive of her successful career.

The upcoming drama is the first series marking the strategic partnership between South Korean giant entertainment CJ ENM and Warner Bros. Discovery, which gives the former’s owned platform TVING its own hub on HBO Max. Through this partnership, it promises more South Korean co-produced content for global distribution on HBO Max.

Yoo-jung started her entertainment career as a child actress at the age of four until she transitioned to teen and adult roles later on. She is best known for her lead roles in the hit K-dramas ‘Queen Seondeok,’ ‘Dong Yi,’ ‘Moon Embracing the Sun,’ ‘Love in the Moonlight,’ ‘Backstreet Rookie’ and ‘My Demon.’ She also took the lead roles in the films ’20th Century Girl’ and ‘The 8th Night.’

Meanwhile, Young-dae is notable for his lead appearances in ‘Extraordinary You’ and’The Penthouse: War in Life.’ /ra

The Philippine infrastructure sector is currently drowning in one of the most staggering corruption scandals in decades, revealing a deeply entrenched system of ghost projects, overpricing, underdelivery, and substandard construction.

Roads, bridges, flood control systems, and school repairs-many of which were allocated substantial budgets-have either not been built, were poorly executed, or were falsely declared as completed.

The scale of the deception is systemic: projects are repeated across locations, contract amounts are duplicated, and some infrastructure ‘repairs’ consist merely of repainting or shallow manhole work costing millions.

In Quezon City alone, 66 flood control projects from 2022 to 2025 were found to have incorrect or missing coordinates, making them impossible to verify. Of these, 35 projects could not be located at all, and 305 out of 331 were misaligned with the city’s drainage master plan

The corruption extends beyond technical fraud-it is political and financial. Funds earmarked in the General Appropriations Act (GAA) are often inserted through midnight amendments by bicameral lawmakers, only to be diverted or withheld.

President Marcos himself ordered a freeze on ?60 to ?80 billion in infrastructure funds in August 2025, citing inconsistencies and congressional insertions that lacked alignment with the Philippine Development Plan

Despite budget allocations, many communities report that the funds were never released, or worse, ‘nawala ang pondo.’ This raises the question: where did the money go?

Evidence from Senate hearings and whistleblower testimonies point to a network of contractors, district engineers, and lawmakers who split kickbacks-locally termed tongpats-in cash, not through traceable banking channels.

A single contractor group reportedly secured ?207 billion worth of projects from 2016 to 2025, with multiple firms linked to the same individuals bagging contracts under different names

The Department of Justice has described this as a ‘conspiracy’ involving auditors, agency heads, and legislators.

The funds, instead of reaching communities, were funneled into private accounts, casinos, and luxury assets, leaving behind unfinished dikes, collapsing bridges, and flooded barangays.

The economic toll is immense. The Department of Finance estimates that corruption in flood control alone cost the economy ?118.5 billion ($2 billion) from 2023 to 2025.

Greenpeace suggests the figure may be closer to $18 billion, especially when factoring in climate-related infrastructure fraud

The public outrage, now manifesting in mass demonstrations and legal action-including a Writ of Kalikasan filed against multiple government agencies-signals a turning point.

The people are demanding not just accountability, but reparations and systemic reform.

The massiveness of corruption in Philippine infrastructure is not merely a failure of governance-it is a betrayal of public trust. The budget was never lost; it was captured, diverted, and weaponized by those entrusted to serve. The challenge now is to unmask the full architecture of plunder and to build a new one.

The layered architecture of corruption in Philippine infrastructure and public spending

Based on the latest investigations, whistleblower disclosures, and budget audits from 2022-2025, we can now estimate the layered architecture of corruption in Philippine infrastructure and public spending.

The breakdown of the types of corruption, their mechanisms, and estimated monetary values, based on official reports and coalition intelligence is shown below:

Layered Corruption in Philippine Public Infrastructure (2022-2025)

Total Estimated Loss (2022-2025): ?623.5 billion Equivalent to nearly 10% of the 2025 national budget and more than the entire education budget.

The P1 Trillion Controversy

The ?1 trillion figure is tied to the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) allocation in the 2025 national budget, which has become the epicenter of controversy due to massive bicameral insertions and pork barrel schemes.

The 2025 General Appropriations Act originally proposed a ?6.252 trillion national budget. Of this, ?1.1 trillion was allocated to DPWH, making it the single largest budget item, even surpassing education-despite constitutional mandates prioritizing the latter.

Senators Ping Lacson, Rodantw Marcoleta, and Vicente ‘Tito’ Sotto III have publicly criticized the budget, calling it ‘mangled beyond recognition’ and ‘scandalous’ due to: Last-minute bicaminsertions worth ?142.7 billion. Flood control and infrastructure projects inserted without proper vetting or alignment with national plans. Budget cuts from DepEd and DOH to fund these insertions

Senator Lacson is known for scrutinizing pork barrel practices and flagged the DPWH’s bloated budget as unconstitutional and misleading. Marcoleta has been vocal about budget transparency and has questioned the logic behind allocating more to roads than to classrooms or hospitals.

Pqsig Mayor Vico Sotto,has been cited in discussions due to his influence in local governance and his public statements supporting budget accountability.

Where Did the Money Go?

Documents obtained by watchdogs like Vera Files and media outlets like Politiko show:

Bulacan received over ?12 billion , Sorsogon (home province of Sen. Chiz Escudero)

got ?9.1 billion , Mindoro, Batangas, Davao, Cavite, Cebu each received ?4-8 billion in infrastructure projects

These allocations were inserted during the bicameral conference committee, bypassing standard budget deliberations. Critics argue this enabled contractor collusion, ghost projects, and tongpats (kickbacks) at scale.

Greenpeace’s Estimate Is 9x Higher Than DOF’s

The Department of Finance estimates that corruption in flood control alone cost the economy ?118.5 billion ($2 billion) from 2023 to 2025. Greenpeace suggests the figure is closer to $18 billion, after factoring climate-related infrastructure fraud:

There is huge discrepancy between the Department of Finance’s ?118.5 billion ($2 billion) estimate and Greenpeace’s $18-19 billion projection. The difference isn’t just numerical-it reflects two different lenses on corruption: one focused on direct losses, the other on systemic and hidden costs.

Department of Finance (DOF) Estimate – ?118.5B ( $2B). This is based on audited flood control projects from 2023-2025 . It Included direct financial losses from ghost projects, overpricing, and underdelivery

It excluded climate adaptation failures , health impacts from flooding ,lost productivity and displacement, environmental degradation ,opportunity costs of misallocated funds.

Greenpeace estimate of $18-19 Billion (?1.089 Trillion) is based on data from the National Integrated Climate Change Database and Information Exchange System (NICCDIES). It Included: Ghost projects (?560B in 2025 alone),Substandard infrastructure, Climate-tagged funds diverted to corruption,Reduced resilience to typhoons, floods, and heatwaves ;Health risks from stagnant water, mold, and vector-borne diseases, Economic losses from delayed recovery and damaged livelihoods ,Environmental costs from failed reforestation and mining-linked erosion

Greenpeace warns that only 30-40% of climate budgets reach actuql implementation, with the rest lost to graft, contractor collusion, and political insertions.

Greenpeace Philippines’ analysis of climate-tagged corruption from 2023-2025 included the hidden costs-those indirect but devastating economic impacts not captured in official audits. This new accounting of corruption that included health burdens, livelihood disruption, environmental degradation, and lost resilience The results are shown below :

Total Cost of Climate Corruption (2023-2025)

Total Estimated Cost:

?1.649 trillion ( 29.1 billion)

The analysis reveals a staggering ?1.649 trillion ($29.1 billion) in corruption losses from 2023 to 2025-far beyond the Department of Finance’s conservative ?118.5 billion estimate.

This figure includes ?560 billion in direct costs (34%) from ghost projects, overpricing, and contractor collusion, as well as ?1.089 trillion in hidden costs (64%):health burdens, livelihood disruption, environmental degradation, and lost resilience.

The direct costs stem from climate-tagged infrastructure projects-especially flood control-under the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH). Of the ?800 billion DPWH climate budget in 2025, Greenpeace estimates that ?560 billion was potentially lost to corruption.

These include 24,764 projects, many of which were either non-existent, misaligned with climate plans, or executed with substandard materials.

But the deeper damage lies in the hidden costs. Corruption has left communities vulnerable to intensifying typhoons, heatwaves, and sea-level rise.

It has robbed farmers of harvests, displaced families, and overwhelmed hospitals with preventable diseases. It has diverted funds from schools, clinics, and agroecology hubs-crippling the nation’s ability to adapt and thrive.

Greenpeace campaigner Jefferson Chua calls this ‘obscene plunder,’ warning that the theft of climate funds is not just financial-it is existential. ‘They’re not just plundering government coffers,’ he said. ‘They’re crippling the ability of millions of Filipinos to survive in the face of an escalating climate crisis’.

This expanded accounting demands a new response: criminal prosecution, asset recovery, and a shift to nature-based, community-led climate solutions. Because every peso stolen is a life endangered-and every project corrupted is a future erased.

It demands asset recovery, criminal prosecution, and a shift toward nature-based, community-led climate solutions. Because in the face of climate collapse, every peso stolen is a life endangered.

Catholic bishops and priests from the Southern Luzon Tagalog Region (SoLTaRe) banded together to call for accountability within the government amid corruption scandals.

In a video posted by the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines, bishops and priests from the region called on the government to ‘prosecute all the corrupt forthwith.’

‘Paring SoLTaRe says no to corruption, no to dynasty,’ the bishops and priests said.

Catholic bishops and priests from Southern Luzon Tagalog Region (SoLTaRe) release a video message calling for accountability amid corruption issues in the government. pic.twitter.com/gUbZT25xjb

– CBCPNews (@cbcpnews) October 21, 2025

The group was formed by bishops and priests from the Archdiocese of Lipa in Batangas; Diocese of Lucena, Diocese of Gumaca, and the Prelature of Infanta in Quezon; the Diocese of Boac in Marinduque; the Vicariate of Calapan and Vicariate of San Jose in Occidental Mindoro; the Diocese of Imus in Cavite; and the Diocese of San Pablo in Laguna.

Their call comes amid several corruption scandals involving infrastructure projects in the government, the most damning being the issue of flood control, where multiple projects turned out to be non-existent despite billions of allocation in government funds.

Many lawmakers were directly implicated in the alleged corruption, some being accused of accepting kickbacks in exchange for infrastructure deals. /gsg