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Senior Presidential Advisor on Defence and Security Gen Caleb Akandwanaho aka Salim Saleh has distanced self from alleged land grabbing acts in Uganda, a narrative he describes as ‘unfortunate and untrue when linked to his industrious program possibly misunderstood by politicians both in the opposition and several within the ruling NRM government.’

The retired UPDF general, who is also President Museveni’s powerful brother and is attached to the Namunkekera Industrial Park – one of Uganda’s largest – in Nakaseke District, has dismissed recent remarks by opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, describing them as ‘misinformation and propaganda’ meant to confuse the public over unresolved land ownership issues.

Addressing a group of top CEOs during a meeting at Namunkekera Industrial Park on October 17, 2025, Gen Saleh said: ‘I have a dilemma because NRM does not understand me, and NUP does not understand me,’ he said.

‘If NRM understood me, they would be campaigning for me that I’m not a land grabber – instead of letting others suspect me to be one. You saw my friend Kyagulanyi recently saying that I’m a land grabber,’ he added.

‘We both owned beaches, mine at Garuga and Bobi Wine at Busabala but I sold mine in Garuga and moved to Kapeeka. In terms of land grabbing, he might even be a bigger land grabber than me,’ he said.

Bobi Wine was not immediately available for comment as he continued his electoral campaign trail.

Gen Saleh said Uganda’s political class suffers from a ‘disconnect,’ arguing that many leaders are out of touch with realities on the ground between local governments and the investment community.

He accused them of spending too little time with ‘the productive forces’ driving the economy.

‘You should spend more time with the productive forces, not with people who are paid to attend your political rallies,’ Gen Saleh said, in a veiled rebuke of politicians he accused of doing little to rally the population toward productive work or to raise awareness about ongoing government programmes.

‘Chaapa loan’

Addressing a group of CEOs, including leading bankers, retired Gen Saleh highlighted Uganda’s ongoing land challenges, linking them to delays in the Chaapa loan, land acquisition loans, and the planned land fund, which he said partly underpins unrest over land in parts of the country.

‘The Chapa loan is the most liberating tool that banks could offer the country, given the contradictions in the land governance system. We have landlords with conflicted land and citizens who lack possession,’ Gen Saleh held.

He urged private sector leaders to commit more to national development.

Earlier, Deputy NRM Secretary General Rose Namayanja Nsereko explained why the CEOs had convened under the Presidential Forum and outlined their role in the ongoing mobilization of citizens for economic progress.

Bank of Uganda Deputy Governor Prof Augustus Nuwagaba and Presidential CEO Forum Chair Emmanuel Katongola presented papers on Uganda’s economic progress and the private sector’s contribution to national industrialization. ‘We are on the right track as Uganda because President Museveni has set strong pillars for the industrialization of the economy,’ Prof Nuwagaba emphasized.

The land question remains one of Uganda’s most intractable challenges. Despite repeated calls by President Museveni for adherence to the Land Act, incidents of land grabbing and forced evictions persist. The president has indicated that part of the solution will involve the roll-out of a land fund, financed by revenues from Uganda’s oil production, expected to start in 2026.

Proceedings in the long-running case in which nine men are accused of fabricating sodomy claims against Pastor Robert Kayanja, the head of Rubaga Miracle Centre Cathedral, took a new twist when one of the accused abruptly changed his testimony format.

Isreal Wasswa a land broker and resident of Makerere Kavule in Kampala had earlier informed court that he would give a sworn testimony.

However, after observing the intense cross-examination of his co-suspect Alex Wakamala, he immediately changed his mind and opted to give unsworn evidence.

Appearing before Grade One Magistrate Adams Byarugaba at Mwanga II Court on Friday, Wasswa introduced himself as a Land broker and businessman dealing in wholesale and retail goods.

‘I own wholesale and retail shops. I was brought to this court without being summoned by police to make a statement,’ he told court, adding that: ‘The investigating officer is my village mate in Sebina Zone, yet he never called me to record a statement at police.’

Wasswa denied claims that he had ever impersonated a lawyer or presented himself as an advocate of the Uganda Law Society.

‘I have never represented myself as a lawyer at Old Kampala Police Station or claimed to represent my co-accused. I never showed anyone any identification to that effect,’ he said.

He further denied allegations that he followed the alleged sodomy victims to Mulago Hospital and Nsambya hospital for examination saying: ‘I never followed any of the alleged victims to hospital.’

Wasswa told court that the accusations against him were intended to damage his name.

‘The allegations are meant to spoil my name for reasons that I am not aware of. I have learnt of further allegations while here in court,’ he said.

He distanced himself from the other accused persons except Kanene, whom he said he only knew from church.

‘I only know Kanene because we pray in the same church. I saw the rest of the co-accused here in court,’ he told the magistrate.

Wasswa also dismissed earlier prosecution claims that he coerced fellow suspects to implicate Pastor Kayanja.

‘It is not true that I forced co-suspects to record statements framing Pastor Kayanja,’ he said, adding: ‘I have never been at any hotel in Old Kampala organising youths to make allegations against him.’

He further denied holding any press conference at Kolping Hotel, as prosecution alleges.

His testimony followed that of defence witness number six, Wakamala, a 30-year-old boda boda rider, who faced lengthy cross-examination by Chief State Attorney Jonathan Muwaganya. Wakamala is among the nine accused of making false claims against the pastor.

In an earlier session, Wakamala alleged that Pastor Kayanja had sodomised him but struggled to give specific dates, times, or evidence under questioning.

Prosecutors say the nine men unlawfully entered Rubaga Miracle Cathedral on September 17, 2021, and later falsely reported to Kawempe Police Station that the pastor had sodomised them.

The case – rooted in allegations first made in 2009 – has drawn public attention for its longevity and the high profile of the complainant.

The hearing was adjourned to October 23 for continuation of the defence case.

Sighting a lion in one of Uganda’s national parks has become a matter of luck. Visitors still travel from across the world to see the ‘king of the jungle’ in its natural habitat, but their chances are slimmer than ever.

Once roaming freely across the country from Buganda to Karamoja, lions have disappeared from most regions. They are confined today to just three major savannah ecosystems: Murchison Falls National Park, Queen Elizabeth National Park, and Kidepo Valley National Park.

As a matter of fact, Uganda’s lion population, once estimated at more than a thousand individuals, now stands at fewer than 300.

That grim reality, according to the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA), is the result of decades of human-wildlife conflict, habitat loss, poaching, and natural causes. Yet, even amid this decline, UWA says there is renewed hope.

A coordinated recovery plan is now in motion-one that aims to give lions another chance to thrive in the Pearl of Africa.

What numbers are we looking at here?

The African lion is more than just a tourist attraction; it is a keystone species that keeps the ecosystem balanced by preying on sick and old herbivores. In Uganda, however, the roar has grown faint.

The numbers tell a sobering story: between 1977 and 2024, lion populations in key parks have declined by more than 80 percent.

In Queen Elizabeth National Park, only about 40 lions remain, down from 400 in the late 1970s. Even the famous tree-climbing lions of Ishasha, which once drew global attention, are vanishing.

Kidepo Valley, once a stronghold for the species, now has barely a dozen individuals.

‘Lions are facing immense pressure from surrounding human activities. They need wide ranges to roam and breed, but most of their migration corridors have been blocked by farms, settlements, and urbanisation.

This limits their survival and breeding opportunities,’ says Dr James Musinguzi, UWA’s executive director.

Why the drop? The reasons for the lions’ disappearance are complex but largely human. Retaliatory killings remain the single biggest threat. When lions attack livestock, herders often poison or trap them in revenge.

Mr Bashir Hangi, UWA’s spokesperson, explains that most of the lion deaths recorded today are due to conflict with livestock owners. ‘We’ve seen incidents where entire prides were wiped out after preying on cattle,’ he says.

In the Queen Elizabeth and Kidepo ecosystems, cattle keepers have historically viewed lions as enemies rather than national treasures. Between 2006 and 2007, at least 15 lions were poisoned near Queen Elizabeth by landless herdsmen defending their cattle.

Similar incidents were reported in 2010 and again in 2021, when six lions were killed and mutilated for their body parts.

Beyond human conflict, lions also face natural and ecological pressures. Disease, limited prey, and competition from other predators such as hyenas and leopards all take their toll.

In some cases, male lions kill cubs sired by rivals as a way of asserting dominance and ensuring their own genes prevail. In Kidepo Valley, entire prides have been gored to death by herds of buffalo that gang up during hunts.

The spread of invasive plant species has worsened the situation by shrinking open grasslands, reducing the grazing grounds for herbivores and, in turn, the food available to lions. The combined effect of these pressures has pushed Uganda’s lions to the brink. But for UWA, the story does not end there.

Really? Are the proverbial green shoots of recovery popping up?

They are. Despite the challenges, Uganda is determined to bring back its lions. UWA has embarked on an ambitious Lion Population Recovery Programme, combining scientific management, law enforcement, and community engagement to rebuild the pride of the savannah.

The programme includes reintroducing lions into areas where they have disappeared and establishing controlled breeding enclosures within protected parks. These breeding sites will allow cubs to grow safely without the threat of rival predators or territorial males.

Dr Musinguzi says such measures are designed to ‘boost the small populations that exist while ensuring the cubs reach maturity in safe environments.’

UWA is also addressing one of the lions’ greatest challenges, the lack of prey. To improve the food chain, the Authority has begun reintroducing herbivores such as the Uganda kob into Kidepo Valley National Park. ‘The kob multiplies faster and provides an easier prey base than buffaloes,’ Dr Musinguzi explains. ‘A stable prey population gives lions the best chance to recover naturally.’

What else is being done?

Alongside this, UWA is working to restore degraded habitats. Efforts are underway to clear invasive plant species from key landscapes to open up grasslands and allow herbivore populations to rebound. Reconnecting fragmented rangelands will also give lions more room to roam, reducing inbreeding and inter-pride conflict.

Human-wildlife conflict, which has long been the lion’s biggest threat, is being tackled through practical community-based interventions.

UWA is promoting the construction of stronger kraals and installing predator-deterrent lights around livestock enclosures. The Authority is also fencing off sections of park boundaries, particularly those bordering livestock-rearing communities, to minimise encounters between lions and domestic animals.

Another key step has been the enforcement of compensation for farmers who lose livestock to lions, as provided for under the Wildlife Act.

This measure, according to Hangi, ‘is helping to reduce retaliatory killings because communities now know that their losses will be addressed through lawful means.’ Community engagement remains central to UWA’s recovery efforts.

The Authority is intensifying awareness campaigns to sensitise people living near protected areas about the ecological and tourism value of lions.

‘Conservation cannot happen without the communities,’ Hangi emphasises. ‘We want people to see that lions are not enemies, but part of our shared national heritage.’

To complement these conservation measures, UWA has also strengthened its law enforcement and intelligence units.

Anti-poaching patrols have been reinforced, and specialised teams are investigating cases of poisoning and illegal trade in lion parts. Offenders now face harsher penalties under the amended Wildlife Act, which imposes heavy fines and long prison terms for wildlife crimes.

Why are lions so important to Uganda?

Beyond their ecological importance, lions are central to Uganda’s tourism economy. After gorillas, they are the most sought-after species by tourists visiting the country’s parks.

Their presence draws thousands of visitors annually, creating jobs and sustaining livelihoods around conservation areas. ‘Protecting lions isn’t just about biodiversity,’ says Dr Musinguzi.

‘It’s also about livelihoods. A single pride in Queen Elizabeth can attract thousands of visitors every year. If we lose the lions, we lose a part of Uganda’s identity and a critical pillar of our tourism economy.’

The message is clear: lions are not just wildlife; they are a national asset whose survival affects communities, ecosystems, and the broader economy.

Can Uganda bring back its roar?

Reviving lion populations is not an overnight task. It will take years of consistent protection, funding, and trust-building between UWA and surrounding communities. Yet UWA remains optimistic that the tide can turn.

‘Our vision is to see lions restored to healthy, stable populations in all major savannah parks,’ says Mr Bashir Hangi, UWA’s spokesperson. ‘It’s a long road, but we have the science, partnerships, and will to make it happen.’

For a full decade, Joshua Cheptegei mastered the art of winning the two track long-distance events.

He barely skipped championships and scooped almost every piece of silverware available and the world records too, over the 5000 metres and the 10000 metres.

So when the 29-year-old chose not to compete at the Tokyo World Athletics Championships in Japan, the country seemed unsettled.

Indeed, Uganda departed Tokyo empty-handed with extra reasons but in part, because Cheptegei and Jacob Kiplimo weren’t there.

Kiplimo won the Chicago Marathon in the USA a week ago and now, Cheptegei faces the familiar weight of expectation again when he lines-up for the Amsterdam Marathon in the Netherlands on Sunday.

‘Just landed in Amsterdam and ready for the TCS Amsterdam Marathon this weekend!’ Cheptegei posted on his social media platforms.

An elite marathoner ideally can compete in two marathons in a calendar year so the body can perfectly recover. Cheptegei came ninth at the Tokyo Marathon with a personal best mark of two hours and 5:59 minutes on March 2.

It was only his second career 42km event in a space of 16 months and since, the marathon intensified. ‘His preparations went well, much better than Tokyo,’ said his coach Addy Ruiter. ‘Slowly but surely Joshua is becoming a marathoner,’ stated his manager Youri Verbaas.

After Tokyo, Cheptegei went ahead and won the Bengaluru 10K in April as an attempt to improve his speed.

Cheptegei could have competed at the Antrim Coast Half-Marathon in Northern Ireland in late August but he pulled out of that competition.

Regardless, Cheptegei has raised his mileage and he is ready and is aiming to win his first marathon in the Dutch capital. ‘A finish below 2:04 hours, hopefully a win and a course record,’ Ruiter laid out today’s goal.

‘In Tokyo it was 2:05 hours, we are aiming to take another step down,’ said Verbaas. ‘His positivity towards the marathon and his mindset changed.’

The plan targets to beat the Amsterdam Marathon course record which stands at 2:03:38 set by Ethiopian Tamirat Tola four years ago.

It is projected that the pace makers comprising Kenyans Edwin Kiptoo, Mike Chematot, Jonathan Kamosong and Stephen Kipkoech will push Cheptegei and the elite field to a time of 61:45 minutes at the halfway stage.

After the 25km mark, Cheptegei will be tested by Kenyan Enock Kinyamal whose personal best of 2:06:28 came from victory at the 2024 Eindhoven Marathon in the Netherlands.

Then, there is also Tanzanian Gabriel Geay who is 2:03:00 performer, Ethiopians Getaneh Molla at 2:03:34, Tsegaye Getachew at 2:04:49 and Bute Gemechu at 2:04:51 to test the Ugandan.

CHEPTEGEI AT A GLANCE

Date of birth: September 12, 1996

Major Races: Half-Marathon, Marathon

Personal Bests: 21km (59:21), 42km (2:05:59)

Coach: Addy Ruiter

International Manager: Youri Verbaas

Kit Sponsor: Nike

CHEPTEGEI IN 2025

Apr 27: Bengaluru 10K (1st, 27:53)

Mar 2: Tokyo Marathon (9th, 2:05:59)

CHEPTEGEI IN 2024

Oct 20: Delhi Half Marathon (1st, 59:46)

Sept 22: Dam tot Damloop (2nd, 45:18)

Aug 2: Paris Olympics 10000m Final (1st, 26:43.14)

May 30: Bislett Games 5000m (9th, 12:51.94)

May 17: LA Grand Prix 5000m (3rd, 12:52.38)

Mar 30: World X-Country (6th, 28:24)

Mar 16: Laredo 10K (2nd, 25:53)

CHEPTEGEI IN 2023

Dec 3: Valencia Marathon (37th, 2:08:59)

Aug 20: Budapest Worlds 10000m Final (1st, 27:51.42)

June 30: Lausanne DL (2nd, 12:41.61)

Jun 2: Florence DL (4th, 12:53.81)

Mar 19: New York Half-Marathon (2nd, 1:02:09)

Feb 18: World X-Country (3rd, 29:37)

Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s family member and a cardiologist who attended to him at a hospital in India have recounted desperate attempts to save his life in the final moments.

As Kenyans were preparing to report to their workplaces on Wednesday morning, the Devamatha Hospital in Kerala, Southern India was buzzed with urgency. Odinga, Kenya’s former Prime Minister, had just been wheeled into the facility after suffering a cardiac arrest during a morning walk at about 8.30 am (6am Kenyan time).

By his side were his personal doctor and security personnel Maurice Ogeta. The two had just administered cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR).

Odinga remained unresponsive, prompting them to rush him to the facility, which was the nearest private hospital. They were tensed but focused to save the veteran politician.

An Indian police official said Odinga had been on a morning walk, accompanied by his sister Ruth, daughter Winnie, a personal doctor, and Indian and Kenyan security officers, when he collapsed.

At the facility, a team of doctors rushed, and immediately took over the resuscitation efforts. At the time of admission, Odinga had no pulse or measurable blood pressure upon arrival, the doctor said.

‘Former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga was brought to our casualty emergency wing with a history of sudden collapse during his morning walk,’ a cardiologist, only identified as Dr Alphons said.

‘They had already started CPR. His doctor and security personnel were with him. We continued CPR and performed emergency intubation – inserting a tube into the respiratory system – and continued CPR along with other resuscitative measures,’ she said.

She explained, ‘After stabilising him with IV fluids, we administered an injection to dissolve any possible clot in the coronary arteries.’

When in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU), the medics in the room momentarily detected a heart rhythm. The beeping then faltered, followed by heartbeat flat line on the screen.

Odinga had breathed his last some minutes before 10am. The medics also observed swelling in his lower right leg. His personal physician informed them that he had a history of diabetes, hypertension, and chronic kidney disease.

He had previously been treated for deep vein thrombosis. He had an inferior ven cav filtered inserted in the vein.

‘Recently, he had a thin subdural hematoma, which was detected last Saturday,’ the cardiologist said.

Odinga’s elder brother, Dr Oburu Oginga, also revealed that Odinga was in good health until Tuesday. He disclosed that they had a conversation that night.

‘I informed you before that he was well and kicking about and that he would be back in the country. That was not a lie; it was the truth,’ Dr Oburu said.

‘He was very well until last night – I spoke to him. He was vibrant, up and kicking. It is very unfortunate that this morning he suffered shock, which is suspected after the postmortem to be a heart attack,’ he said.

According to Dr Mohamed Hasham Varwani, an interventional cardiologist at the Aga Khan University Hospital, Nairobi, what follows a cardiac arrest is a sudden collapse, loss of consciousness and stoppage of breathing.

‘Without quick action especially CPR (cardiopulmonary resuscitations that mainly entail chest compressions) and use of a defibrillator which can apply an electric shock to the heart, a cardiac arrest can cause death within minutes,’ said Dr Varwani.

‘Acting quickly can make the difference between life and death. Every minute without CPR or defibrillation reduces the chances of survival by about 10 per cent.’ On October 11, Dr Oginga had told the media that the latter was ‘a bit indisposed, just like every human being sometimes becomes indisposed’.

‘He went for check-ups, it’s finished, he’s now just recuperating. Very soon, he will be back; up and about, kicking,’ he said.

That was not to be.

Also, this was not the first time Dr Oginga was discussing his younger brother’s hospitalisation. In 2020, when Odinga went to Dubai for treatment, it was his elder brother who spoke to the media about the swirling rumours. ‘

Jakom (Raila) is out of the country for a minor surgical operation on his back. It is not a serious health issue, but just a minor one. So, he’s okay,’ Dr Oginga told journalists in June 2020.

Later, in an interview with Nation, Odinga revealed that he had an issue with his spine.

‘The doctors told me it is called Spinal Canal Stenosis,’ he said, referring to a condition that causes the narrowing of the spaces within the spine and which can be painful in some instances.

‘What they did for me in Dubai is a minor procedure. It’s called lumbar decompression and fusion.The operation itself takes some few hours and then you need time to recuperate,’ he added.

In March 2021, Dr Oginga was also in the news after responding to talks about his brother’s hospitalisation. He denied that Odinga had contracted Covid-19, but the fact was later confirmed.

A decade earlier, in 2010, when Odinga was the Prime Minister, he underwent a surgery at the Nairobi Hospital to remove fluid on his brain.

Neurosurgeon Oluoch Olunya described the operation as ‘minor’ and which was meant to relieve pressure that had built up outside Odinga’s brain.

Odinga’s burial plans

Raila Odinga is to be given a state funeral with full honours.

President William Ruto has declared seven days of national mourning, with flags at half mast.

Burial is scheduled for October 19, 2025. The burial site is Opoda Farm, Bondo in Siaya County, his home area.

When Uganda struck oil in 2006, it ignited a spark of national hope. Citizens envisioned better roads, modern hospitals, and rapid transportation. Oil was seen as a pathway to lift millions out of poverty and fuel inclusive, sustainable growth.

Yet, as production timelines shifted from 2010 to 2015, then to 2022, and now to 2026, optimism has often given way to scepticism.

For every Ugandan, one question now matters most: Will this finite resource create lasting wealth that benefits multiple generations, or will it follow the path of so many oil-rich nations where resources disappear without long-term progress?

This is the challenge that Parliament addressed through the Public Finance Management Act of 2015. The law lays out a deliberate approach to managing oil revenues. Under this framework, petroleum revenues flow in two directions:

The Consolidated Fund, which finances immediate priorities such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure. The Petroleum Revenue Investment Reserve (PRIR), Uganda’s sovereign wealth fund, designed to save a portion of petroleum revenues annually and invest them for the long term.

Through the Consolidated Fund, a mother in Kabale might access life-saving treatment at a newly equipped clinic, while a trader in Mubende could move goods faster on improved highways, raising household incomes.

At the same time, the PRIR is expected to ensure that oil wealth will continue to benefit Ugandans long after the oil itself is depleted. By investing in diversified global assets, the PRIR could convert a temporary windfall into a permanent national endowment.

By 2050, when reserves may be exhausted, the PRIR should still be generating returns, potentially funding scholarships, powering innovation hubs, and maintaining the infrastructure that underpins daily life. The guiding principle is simple but powerful: short-term spending must be balanced against long-term wealth creation.

Excessive immediate spending risks leaving future generations without resources and undermining the very foundation of economic stability.

Here, the Bank of Uganda’s dual role becomes vital. As manager of the PRIR and steward of monetary policy, the Central Bank must balance competing pressures.

These include maximising long-term investment returns while ensuring price stability and protecting the economy from oil-related volatility.

Too little immediate spending risks neglecting today’s pressing development needs. Too much could compromise future economic resilience. The BoU’s mandate allows it to plan for the long term, preserve macroeconomic stability, and safeguard resources for future generations.

Uganda has genuine institutional advantages. The BoU has a strong record of professional monetary management, having kept inflation relatively low and the currency stable through varied economic cycles. The Ministry of Finance has established clear investment guidelines for the PRIR, while Parliament provides oversight.

Equally important, Uganda is a committed member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, a global standard that promotes accountability in resource management. This strong commitment to best practices lays the groundwork for public and investor trust in how oil revenues will be managed as flows begin.

However, strong institutions alone will not be sufficient. Oil prices are inherently volatile, as seen in the 2020 collapse. Investment returns are never guaranteed.

Even well-structured systems can be strained under political or economic pressure. The difference between success and failure will often depend on whether citizens remain engaged, vigilant, and insistent on accountability.

The PRIR must not only preserve wealth but also support Uganda’s sustainable development agenda. Ultimately, the success of Uganda’s oil wealth will depend not only on sound institutions but also on active citizen participation.

The success of Uganda’s oil wealth will depend not only on sound institutions but also citizen participation.

Police in West Nile are investigating the circumstances under which a 24-year-old man, said to be an employee of Balaam Music Events, drowned during presidential campaigns in Obongi District.

Police said Yusuf Musasizi who works for the company owned by events promoter and the State Minister for Gender, Labour, and Social Development in charge of Children and Youth Affairs, Mr Balaam Barugahara Ateenyi, drowned on October 18, 2025, en route to Adjumani District during a presidential campaign activity event in the area.

President Museveni who has been in power for four decades is in West Nile sub region canvassing for support as he seeks to extend his rule in the 2026 General Election.

‘It is alleged that on October 18, 2025, at approximately 0930 hours, Yusuf Musasizi, along with colleagues from Balaam Music Events, travelled from Obongi District to Adjuman District following a presidential campaign event in Obongi. Upon reaching the Obongi ferry, the group crossed safely, leaving behind another group. They arrived at Sinyanya Landing Site in Adjumani District and stopped to relax while awaiting the remaining members still in Obongi,’ said Mr Collins Asea, the police spokesperson for North West Nile Region.

Musasizi is said to have left his friends and approached the riverbank, where he attempted to swim, thus drowning.

‘He removed his sandals and clothes to bathe. While bathing, Musasizi moved into deeper waters and began swimming, believing the water was shallow. Tragically, he drowned and was swept away by the current of the Nile River,’ Mr Asea said.

Rescue efforts were initiated, and divers from Obongi District assisted in recovering the body approximately 200 meters downstream in the Nile River.

‘The body has been transported to Adjumani General Hospital for a postmortem examination,’ the police publicists said.

Police say they have opened a death investigation file under reference ADJ. DEF 53/2025, and a team of scene of crime officers and homicide detectives from Adjumani Central Police Station (CPS) assigned to further probe Musasizi’s death.

“We appeal to everyone to prioritize their safety and the safety of others, especially during this time of heightened activities,’ he said.

Our efforts to get a comment from the minister were futile after one of his aide said he was busy and couldn’t answer phone calls.

However, SP Asea urged the public to be vigilant and take necessary precautions when engaging in water activities.

As Uganda heads toward the 2026 General Election, the increasing number of party-leaning Independents is emerging as a serious challenge for both the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the main Opposition party, National Unity Platform (NUP).

In several districts across Uganda, many disgruntled NRM and NUP aspirants who lost the party flag have already announced their intentions to contest the upcoming elections as Independent candidates.

These politicians cite a range of grievances, including alleged irregularities, voter bribery, and manipulation during the party primaries, which they claim undermined the credibility of the nomination process.

The move by these Independent aspirants is already stirring debates about the future of party cohesion, the role of internal dispute resolution, and the impact on Uganda’s broader electoral dynamics. The problem is not limited to the ruling party. In Opposition strongholds, especially within the NUP, several aspirants who failed to secure the flag have also opted to run as Independents, accusing party leaders of favouritism and lack of transparency.

NUP recently unveiled its much-anticipated list of parliamentary flag-bearers ahead of the 2026 General Election. The list, which has sparked mixed reactions across the political spectrum, saw several of the party’s well-known incumbents lose their positions to new faces.

In Wakiso District’s Busiro East constituency, long-serving legislator Medard Lubega Sseggona was replaced by Mathias Walukagga, a popular musician-turned-politician.

Similarly, in Mityana District, Woman MP Joyce Bagala, who has been among NUP’s most outspoken female legislators, lost the party flag to Proscovia Mukisa.

The reshuffle continued in Kampala, where Makindye East MP Derrick Nyeko was replaced by Ali Kasirye Nganda Mulyannyama, and Allan Ssewanyana of Makindye West lost to Zahrah Maala Luyirika.

In Lubaga South, Aloysius Mukasa bows out for Nassolo Euginia, while Kazibwe Bashir, the outspoken Kawempe South MP, ceded his position to Fred Nyanzi Ssentamu, a senior brother to party president Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine).

Winds of change

In the 2021 elections, NUP made a historic breakthrough by capturing 57 parliamentary seats, the majority of them from Buganda region, with only two seats won outside the region. This stronghold, however, has also exposed the party to internal pressures as it balances loyalty, merit, and public perception among its growing support base.

Mr Moses Mukiibi, a political analyst, says this trend reveals a deep crisis of internal democracy within Uganda’s political parties.

‘When defeated candidates contest as independents, they divide the party’s voter base and weaken its collective bargaining power. It also shows that parties are struggling to manage disputes arising from flawed primary processes.’

The number of Independent MPs in Uganda’s Parliament has been steadily growing over the years, reflecting both the internal weaknesses of political parties and the increasing confidence of individuals to contest outside traditional party structures.

For instance, in 2006, Parliament had 284 members, with the NRM dominating at 191 MPs, followed by the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) with 37, and 36 Independents, the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) with nine, and the Democratic Party (DP) with eight. By 2011, the size of Parliament had increased to 350.

The NRM maintained a commanding lead with 250 MPs, while FDC held 34, DP had 12, and UPC had 10. Elsewhere, the Independents rose slightly to 41. In 2016, the number of legislators further grew to 426, with the NRM securing 298 seats, FDC 36, DP 15, UPC six.

The Independents, meanwhile, jumped to 66, a significant rise. The 2021 Parliament, which expanded to 529 MPs, continued the trend. The NRM retained majority control with 336 MPs, followed by NUP with 57 seats. FDC had 32, DP and UPC nine apiece, whereas Independents reached 74.

This steady growth in the number of Independents points to a broader trend in Uganda’s politics, where discontent with party primaries, internal disputes, and personalised local politics increasingly drive candidates to contest outside formal party lines.

It also underscores how party loyalty is often secondary to individual popularity and financial strength at the constituency level. The coming weeks are expected to test the party’s unity, as some of the displaced incumbents weigh their political options.

Mr Patrick Masika, a political analyst, says the spike in the number of Independents reflects growing frustration among party loyalists.

‘The NRM primaries have increasingly become a source of conflict rather than unity,’ said Mr Masika. ‘The aftermath often weakens the party’s cohesion at the grassroots level, as those who lose turn their supporters against the official flag bearers.’

Going round in circles?

According to the Electoral Commission (EC), nominations for MPs are scheduled to take place on October 22 and 23.

Monitor has learnt that more than 210 MPs from the ruling party who lost out in the NRM’s recent primaries have announced plans to contest as independent candidates, rejecting calls from the NRM secretariat to step aside. ‘President Museveni went to Luweero, and people died because he was fighting vote rigging.

Unfortunately, vote rigging has followed him into his political party. He knows what happened in our constituencies; that is why he formed the Election Tribunal.

We will campaign for him because he isn’t the one who rigged us out; the people know who did,’ Mr Barnabas Tinkasimiire, the Buyaga West lawmaker, said, adding that the general election would give them ‘a safer chance’ to reclaim voter trust, unlike the primaries which he described as ‘a sham where one person votes ten times, they count the child on the back, the womb, everything but the actual voter.’ Mr Richard Wanda, the Bungokho Central lawmaker in Mbale District, equally questioned the authority of the NRM secretariat to block Independents.

‘If the party had organised credible primaries, it would have the moral right to stop members from running as independents. But since it failed, the Constitution gives us the right to contest,’ Mr Wanda argued.

Candidate Museveni, the NRM presidential flag-bearer, has cautioned the party’s lawmakers who lost in recent party primaries against contesting as independent candidates in the forthcoming elections.

‘Where there are NRM and opposition candidates, I wouldn’t advise you to come as Independent, because if you do and things go wrong, you will be the one to blame. Where there are only NRMs in the race, even there I would prefer you use the law, so that you don’t confuse our people,’ Mr Museveni said this week.

He added: ‘In this case, if you are annoyed and stand as an independent, and then the other flag-bearer is there, what if now you divide the vote and the opposition takes the constituency? How will you forgive yourself?’ Mr Museveni cited the last election in Buganda where the NRM lost over 21 seats due to vote-splitting between party candidates and independents. The NRM chairperson further advised that any candidate who believes they were cheated should pursue legal action.

Mr Theodore Ssekikubo, the Lwemiyaga County lawmaker, who was among the Independents who met Mr Museveni confirmed that the NRM chairperson ‘promised to investigate the election irregularities that marred the NRM primaries.’

Political observers say these investigations will barely move the needle. If anything, they warn that the growing wave of independents could split the NRM vote in several constituencies, giving opposition candidates a potential advantage.

Monetisation

The competition for elective positions in Uganda has become increasingly intense, with tension mounting across most districts as more individuals enter the political arena. According to political analysts, the surge in interest for elective offices is largely driven by the growing monetisation of politics. Analysts further note that the huge financial benefits attached to political positions-including high salaries, allowances, and influence over government contracts-have made politics one of the most lucrative ventures in the country.

As a result, even those with little public service experience are increasingly drawn into the race, seeing elective office as a fast route to wealth and social status.

For instance, during Uganda’s first election under NRM in 1996, there were only 900 elective positions across the country, from presidential to local government roles. Today, that number has increased to about 3.3 million elective positions across 146 districts, underscoring the heightened competition.

It doesn’t help matters that lawmakers are remunerated well. They are entitled to a base monthly salary of Shs25m, a one-off vehicle allowance of Shs150m, a subsistence allowance of Shs4.5m per month, a town running allowance of Shs1m, medical allowance of Shs500,000 and a plenary sitting allowance of Shs150,000, among others.

Fissures

Mr Ronald Kyagulanyi, a senior lecturer at Muteesa I Royal University, said when a candidate fails to go through the party primaries, it often means that the party no longer favours that individual or believes there is someone more suitable for the flag. This is without consequences.

‘Each candidate has their own supporters, and at the end of the day, they end up sharing votes between the official flag bearer and the Independent candidate,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said. While Opposition parties like NUP have fences to mend, the ruling NRM appears to be most affected.

Dr Juma Kakuba Sultan, a lecturer in the Department of Political Science at Kyambogo University, told Monitor that the deepening divisions within NRM following its recent primary elections stem from a combination of procedural grievances, political ambition, and broader questions about internal democracy.

‘The lack of strong internal party democratic institutions has made many NRM candidates who were defeated in the party primaries claim that the process was marred by irregularities such as vote rigging, biased returning officers, and manipulation of voter registers. Such claims reflect a lack of confidence in the NRM Electoral Commission,’ he opined.

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), has said the ongoing divisions within the NRM reveal a serious decline in the party’s internal democracy. ‘What’s happening inside the NRM right now tells us a lot about how weakened its internal democracy has become,’ Mr. Chemonges said.

‘These are not just isolated cases of politicians refusing to concede defeat-they point to a deeper loss of trust in the party’s own systems.’

According to him, the elections have turned into contests of influence rather than fairness, where loyalty is often rewarded over legitimacy. ‘In the end, the NRM’s internal elections now mirror the same problems that plague our national politics-limited transparency, patronage, and the sense that rules only apply when they suit those in control,’ he concluded.

Farmers do not necessarily have to spend all their time in their crop fields or ranches. They are expected to rest sometimes and to even spare some time to visit the local club for a drink and to socialise.

However, every good farmer must allocate sufficient attention and time to the farm just as he should to his wife and children. Some people divide their attention and time between the farm and some other activities, such as taking up employment in a private company, or in government, or in politics, only to go to the farm maybe late in the afternoon, or during the weekend and some public holidays.

It is always important to spend enough time with your animals and birds. Devote sufficient time to the inspection of the crops. Let your animals and crops know you, and make sure you also know them and their condition each passing week. There ought to be a close relationship between the farmer and his crops, animals, and birds. When they are attacked by drought or disease, or any other calamity, the farmer should be the first to know.

We must remember the writing in John 10: ‘I am the good shepherd; I know my sheep and my sheep know me.’ It is good to have a farm manager and to trust him, but in the Bible, it is written that a hired hand abandons the flock when danger appears. Yet the good shepherd is willing to lay down his life for his sheep, demonstrating a sacrificial and protective love.

We must also remember the English saying: ‘The sole of the farmer’s boot is the best manure on the farm.’ You have to walk to every nook and cranny of your farm to do inspection.

It is your farm. It is you who raises financial and other resources to run it, whether through savings or borrowing. It is your responsibility to do the planning regarding the acquisition of inputs such as fertilisers, feeds, tools, medicines, acaricides, pesticides, and herbicides.

It is you who ensures that the machines on the farm – the water pump, the pipes, the spray pumps – are in good working condition. You face all the business risks involved – floods, pests, bush fires, and farm thefts. You must take care of the farm records and ensure that your labourers are promptly paid. You have to worry about marketing and the prices of your farm products.

Erotic literature sells. I made my own bones in poetry by writing some rather explicit stuff. That means if I ever run for President, I might need to lie that Dr Stella Nyanzi hacked my account and made me err on the side of eroticism. That’s after picking up all the royalty cheques, of course.

Sex in literature indeed sells. In Uganda’s case, erotic literature is enjoyed from its explicit descriptions to the subtle ones. However, it’s all about time and place. In the secrecy of one’s home, Ugandans love the explicit sexual content. In public, it’s a whole different ball of wax, so to speak.

Ugandans prefer more subtle eroticisms when it public, eroticisms tinged with witticisms and innuendo. While reading this variant of sexual content, they are also likely to condemn the explicit use of language as un-African and Nyanzified to a degree sure to raise rancour where quiet appreciation would do. Poets and writers in Uganda have not yet understood sex scenes and sexual come-ons as revelatory of a deeper purpose, revealing character and emotion rather than focusing on titillation. Our literati are thus shock jocks when it comes to writing about carnality. Yet the possibilities with sex spill over into their utility as symbols for larger concepts like relationships or societal dynamic. Beyond the pelvic thrusts and pillow talk, there’s ‘real talk.’

This is what Kenyan author David G Maillu understands and thereby transmits this understanding to his book, After 4:30. He wrote and published it in 1974. That does not stop it from making references to computers instead of typewriters, an evident attempt at revising and updating the book that fell flat. The language is graphic, racy and swelling with the libido of the ages. However, it is also a social critique attempting to address (in full psychic undress) and specifically sensitise the upcoming urban and working girl with regard to women’s rights within the imported predatory capitalist social structure.

The title After 4:30 was based on the office working time before Saturday was abolished as a working day for civil service. Kenya’s independence was barely 10-years-old from the British colonial administration that came to an end in 1963. Following a prolonged cultural plunder lasting 70 years. In After 4:30, Maillu creates a dramatic story played mainly by four characters. The first player is an underpaid single mother in her struggle for living. She is haunted by her broken love affairs and her subsequent relations with the so-called modern man. The second player is the educated sister of the first character and works as a secretary.

She is subjected to seduction to subscribe to her boss’ infidelity. Also on the stage is the wife of the boss, demanding her conjugal rights. The book is told within the turbulent background of the new nation’s struggle for identify, resurrection and restoration of African values that had been thrown overboard by the 70-year-old colonial ships which had carried Kenyans, apparently from somewhere to nowhere. The result was the freedom fighters hijacked the ship and commandeered it to be docked. When the ship docked in no-man’s land, the victims rushed out and ran offshore looking for where, once upon a time, they had been taken as captives by the British.

In the telling of this story, written in verse, we see personal relations and relationships as microcosms of a wider society. Sex is expressed, as well as sublimated by the characters day-to-day interactions with one another and their context, both overarching enough to bestir gasps of panic and propriety. Most importantly, the story draws you in and burns something into your conscience that will make you question your own idea of what is right and what is wrong.