Azerbaijan’s energy giant gets closer to Italy’s consumers

SOCAR is implementing a cap on petrol and diesel prices at stations within the Italiana Petroli (IP) network. The Azerbaijani state energy company, which took control of the Italian group last May, has decided to address the rising fuel costs by imposing a limit on the prices charged by filling stations.

The mechanism will be rolled out gradually, starting with the IP-branded network.

For further notice, SOCAR has not yet specified what the maximum price at the pump will be. In a statement released on Sunday, it explained that the level of the cap will be determined by considering various needs and the economic sustainability of the supply chain.

On its face, it is a pricing decision by a fuel retailer responding to high costs. In practice, it hands Giorgia Meloni’s government a politically convenient way out of imposing a windfall tax that energy companies have spent months lobbying against.

Diesel at Italian highways approaches pound 2.50 per liter; the self-service fuel price averages were pound 2.377 for diesel and pound 2.159 for gasoline on September 27th, and pound 2.459 for diesel and pound 2.254 for gasoline on the highways, according to the Fuel Prices Observatory of the Ministry for Business and Made in Italy. It was Eni, Italy’s major energy company, which launched the price cap first. The Minister for Foreign Affairs Antonio Tajani had called on companies to make this move at the beginning of September. This price cap comes as the second, and in some sense more important, domino piece to fall, important because SOCAR is no longer just a foreign oil supplier for Italy, but since May, the owner of one of the biggest Italian fuel distribution networks.

SOCAR acquired 99.82% of Italiana Petroli from API Holding on May 8th for an estimated pound 3bn (reports claim the enterprise valuation to be closer to $3.27bn), thereby acquiring an asset that was established 90 years ago, comprising some 4,500-4,600 filling stations, two refining facilities with a combined capacity of about 10 million tonnes per year, and a total of 8.5m tonnes of retail and 7.3m tonnes of wholesale fuel sales, as mentioned by Fitch Ratings with Italiana Petroli’s adjusted EBITDA being estimated at pound 616m. SOCAR triumphed over Switzerland-based Gunvor and UAE-based Bin Butti Group for this asset, with assistance from Intesa Sanpaolo, and the deal received clearance from the European Commission in February, after being deemed non-problematic in terms of competition within the European Economic Area.

Now, this is truly a move that reflects a strategic change in direction. SOCAR has been known to be active in the supply sector for the past two decades, supplying crude oil through the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline as well as natural gas through the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline, the last stage of the Southern Gas Corridor project. In both capacities, SOCAR has always left the potentially more profitable segment of the supply chain, such as the refining and retail segments, with Western firms. With this acquisition, however, this is going to change drastically. Azerbaijani state oil company is now not only a supplier to the Italian energy infrastructure but also a stakeholder in the prices that Italian consumers pay at the fuel station.

Soft power at the pump and on the pitch

In the bigger scheme of things, the voluntary price cap, aligned with Eni’s parallel initiative, serves as a vital political lifeline for Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government by easing public frustration over skyrocketing fuel costs. There has been mounting political pressure on Meloni’s coalition to implement what is colloquially known as a *tassa sugli extraprofitti* (windfall tax) on energy producers taking advantage of high prices, a measure that enjoys popular support amidst rising inflation while being unpopular in the same industry that Rome does not want to antagonize before the next elections. Voluntary price capping by Eni and now by SOCAR lets the government take the credit for cheaper gas at the pump without allocating a single euro of tax revenue, while avoiding antagonizing two of Italy’s largest energy firms. The exact price cap level has not been announced yet by SOCAR, which stated that it would take into account “different needs and the economic sustainability of the supply chain.”

This logic of profit-making goes hand in hand with a strategy of soft power, which is no less tangible but certainly harder to measure. As it was stated by the company on the same day when it was announced that there will be a price cap, SOCAR has become the global energy partner for both the men’s and women’s national football teams of Italy for the period between January 2027 and December 2030, with an extension period of two years. Combining a benefit for the consumer with the support of the national team is not a coincidence, but rather a very deliberate move to increase SOCAR’s visibility in Italy.

This, of course, comes with its risks for Baku. There is hardly anything to hide when selling through a pipeline in crude terms, but much more is revealed when selling through retail networks and a shirt-sponsorship contract. Every price increase, staff problem and outage at IP in the coming years will come with an Azerbaijani flag on top of the story in Italian media outlets which was not the case with BTC crude supplies. It seems like SOCAR has estimated the reputational benefits – being liked by Tajani, being credited for alleviating the cost-of-living pressure and becoming a part of Italy’s most popular sport – as more than making up for this risk. Whether or not it will provide any meaningful savings or just slow down the price increases using better rhetoric will only be seen when SOCAR finally releases its number. But in any case, its announcement has served its purpose politically – it has given Giorgia Meloni one less justification for imposing a windfall tax and it has given SOCAR one more chance to be perceived as part of the solution not as a part of the problem by Italians who were unaware of its existence four months.

Sibol faces unfamiliar test

NAGOYA-The Philippine esports team Sibol take on an Asian Games challenge without the benefit of playing beyond the realms of the Southeast Asian region.

The team plunges into the Mobile Legends: Bang Bang (MLBB) on Tuesday at the Aichi Sky Expo with head coach Allec Alvarado acknowledging that launching their Group C run against Jordan at 2 p.m. and Kazakhstan at 5 p.m. presents unique challenges due to the unfamiliarity of non-SEA styles.

‘Against Jordan and Kazakhstan, there could be new meta heroes, unfamiliar play styles, and strategies we’ll need to adapt to on the fly,’ Alvarado noted ahead of the opening matches.

‘Especially since we haven’t had the chance to scrimmage against teams outside of the SEA region, Day 1 will definitely test us,’ he added.

Despite the opening-day hurdle, Sibol enters the tournament aiming for a top-podium finish to extend the Philippines’s dominance after capturing the last six MLBB world titles. Alvarado emphasized that the team is embracing the immense expectations as fuel rather than pressure.

‘I think that’s just part of being at the top,’ Alvarado added. ‘We just have to embrace it, use it as motivation, and learn to see the pressure in a positive way.’

Sibol features a star-studded lineup anchored by two-time M-Series World Champion Karl ‘KarlTzy’ Nepomuceno.

The 22-year-old superstar, the only player to win world titles under two different organizations (Bren Esports at M2 in 2021 and ECHO at M4 in 2023), is joined by Team Liquid PH teammates Sanford ‘Sanford’ Vinuya, Alston ‘Sanji’ Pabico, Dave ‘Teddy’ Viana, and Jaypee ‘Jaypee’ Gonzales.

Completing the roster is veteran gold-laner Duane ‘Kelra’ Pillas of ONIC Esports, who previously suited up for Execration, Omega Esports, and ONIC Philippines.

Fani-Kayode on Atiku: Separating claims from the record

Chief Femi Fani-Kayode has written a lengthy polemic against Atiku Abubakar. Length, however, is not evidence. Nor does repetition transform opinion, disputed recollection or allegation into fact.

There are several claims in his opinion article that require correction or, at the very least, proper context.

The ‘seven attempts’ argument

It is correct that Atiku has sought the presidency in different political cycles since 1993. But Fani-Kayode blurs an important distinction for the purposes of mischief.

Atiku was not a presidential candidate in a Nigerian general election in 1993, 2011 or 2015. Those were contests for party nominations. He was actually on the presidential ballot in 2007, 2019 and 2023. Having emerged as the ADC candidate for 2027, the coming election will be his fourth general-election presidential candidacy, not his seventh.

This matters because Fani-Kayode then compares Atiku with politicians from other countries by counting their actual presidential-election candidacies while counting Atiku’s unsuccessful party primaries as presidential elections. That is not a like-for-like comparison.

Abdoulaye Wade, for example, contested Senegal’s presidential election in 1978, 1983, 1988 and 1993 before winning on his fifth attempt in 2000. He subsequently won again in 2007 and lost in 2012.

More fundamentally, Nigeria’s Constitution does not disqualify anyone because of the number of times he has unsuccessfully sought election. Section 137 bars a person who has already been elected President twice; it does not impose a limit on how many times an eligible Nigerian may contest.

The decision whether persistence represents experience, ambition or something else belongs to voters, not to Fani-Kayode’s theology.

Seven political parties? Not quite so simple

Fani-Kayode also claims that Atiku has belonged to seven political parties.

That calculation apparently treats the People’s Front of Nigeria (PFN) as a political party. It was, in fact, one of the political associations formed during the Babangida transition. It was never registered as a political party. The military government rejected the associations and created the SDP and NRC instead. The PFN tendency subsequently moved into the SDP.

Political movement between parties is certainly a legitimate subject for scrutiny. But Fani-Kayode is an unusual person to present changing parties as evidence of peculiar moral failure. He himself joined the APC, returned to the PDP in 2014, repeatedly denounced the APC afterwards and declared in 2019 that he would rather die than join it – only to return to the APC in September 2021.

Party switching may be criticised. But the standard should apply consistently.

Chief Femi Fani-Kayode has written a lengthy polemic against Atiku Abubakar. Length, however, is not evidence. Nor does repetition transform opinion, disputed recollection or allegation into fact.

There are several claims in his opinion article that require correction or, at the very least, proper context.

The ‘seven attempts’ argument

It is correct that Atiku has sought the presidency in different political cycles since 1993. But Fani-Kayode blurs an important distinction for the purposes of mischief.

Atiku was not a presidential candidate in a Nigerian general election in 1993, 2011 or 2015. Those were contests for party nominations. He was actually on the presidential ballot in 2007, 2019 and 2023. Having emerged as the ADC candidate for 2027, the coming election will be his fourth general-election presidential candidacy, not his seventh.

This matters because Fani-Kayode then compares Atiku with politicians from other countries by counting their actual presidential-election candidacies while counting Atiku’s unsuccessful party primaries as presidential elections. That is not a like-for-like comparison.

Abdoulaye Wade, for example, contested Senegal’s presidential election in 1978, 1983, 1988 and 1993 before winning on his fifth attempt in 2000. He subsequently won again in 2007 and lost in 2012.

More fundamentally, Nigeria’s Constitution does not disqualify anyone because of the number of times he has unsuccessfully sought election. Section 137 bars a person who has already been elected President twice; it does not impose a limit on how many times an eligible Nigerian may contest.

The decision whether persistence represents experience, ambition or something else belongs to voters, not to Fani-Kayode’s theology.

Seven political parties? Not quite so simple

Fani-Kayode also claims that Atiku has belonged to seven political parties.

That calculation apparently treats the People’s Front of Nigeria (PFN) as a political party. It was, in fact, one of the political associations formed during the Babangida transition. It was never registered as a political party. The military government rejected the associations and created the SDP and NRC instead. The PFN tendency subsequently moved into the SDP.

Political movement between parties is certainly a legitimate subject for scrutiny. But Fani-Kayode is an unusual person to present changing parties as evidence of peculiar moral failure. He himself joined the APC, returned to the PDP in 2014, repeatedly denounced the APC afterwards and declared in 2019 that he would rather die than join it – only to return to the APC in September 2021.

Party switching may be criticised. But the standard should apply consistently.

Yanga and GU embroiled in a who-did-what contest

Young Africans have reportedly filed a counter-complaint against Gaborone United (GU) with the Confederation of African Football (CAF). ‘Yanga,’ as the team is known, accuses GU of mistreatment during the first leg of their CAF Champions League tie in Botswana.

The Tanzanian club’s complaint comes after GU submitted a complaint to CAF over what the Botswana champions described as poor treatment during the second leg in Tanzania on September 12.

GU lost the match 2-1 at the Azam Complex in Dar es Salaam, with Yanga progressing 3-2 on aggregate after the first leg ended 1-1 in Gaborone. According to reports, Yanga’s counter-complaint includes allegations about events surrounding the first leg in Botswana. The Tanzanian club is also reported to have raised concerns over activities on the pitch before the match, which it considers to have been unsanctioned.

The complaint reportedly relates to incidents that attracted attention before and during the September 5 match at the National Stadium in Gaborone. Yanga had earlier spoken about concerns over the pitch and preparations for the game.

Yanga coach Manqoba Mngqithi said after the first leg that weather and pitch conditions affected his team’s preparations. Heavy rain and thunderstorms had also disrupted the Tanzanian side’s plans to hold its final training session at the match venue before the game.

There were also reports and social media footage of GU players gathering on the pitch before kick-off and sprinkling powder on the playing surface. The latest development has now turned the CAF Champions League tie into a who-did-what contest, with a possible disciplinary hearing looming to decide claims by both sides.

GU’s complaint followed the second leg in Tanzania, where the Botswana club alleged that members of its delegation were harassed and denied access to parts of the stadium.

GU head of operations Herbert Letsebe told Mmegi Sport that the club had raised concerns about the treatment of its delegation. The allegations included claims that security personnel denied access to dressing rooms to members of the kit, security and medical teams and that the club was prevented from carrying out a routine pitch inspection.

GU also alleged that members of its delegation were assaulted before the match. The club said the incidents included an alleged attack on its coach and other members of the travelling party. These remain allegations contained in GU’s complaint.

The two clubs had a competitive tie on the field. GU took the lead in the first leg through Ambrosius Amseb before Yanga equalised late to secure a 1-1 draw. In the return match, Peter Shalulile gave Yanga an early lead before the Tanzanian side eventually won 2-1.

GU’s elimination ended its CAF Champions League campaign, while Yanga moved into the second preliminary round. As of late September, there is no publicly released final CAF disciplinary ruling on the reported complaints from either club. The allegations by both sides should therefore be treated as claims until CAF completes its process and issues an official decision.

The latest counter-complaint adds another chapter to a tie that has continued beyond the final whistle, with both clubs now seeking CAF’s consideration of events surrounding their two matches.

Farmers incur more than ?6B in losses due to El Niño

El Niño has begun wreaking havoc on local farmlands, with the value of losses due to the dry spell surging to more than P6.8 billion, according to the Department of Agriculture (DA).

In its latest bulletin, the DA noted that El Niño ravaged crops across various plantations worth P6.87 billion. The weather phenomenon affected 223,214 farmers.

Nearly 250,000 hectares of land have been damaged by the dry spell, with 77 percent or 192,766 hectares still having a chance to recover.

Production losses were already pegged at 163,812 metric tons (MT) across 14 regions, with the corn sector suffering the brunt of the dry spell’s impact, damaging 126,883 MT of output worth P4.9 billion.

This was followed by rice at 25,196 MT, with losses valued at P1.53 billion. High-value crops also recorded damages at 11,720 MT worth P396.93 million.

The domestic livestock and poultry industry was not spared by El Niño, as it affected 6,394 heads of various animals worth P36.94 million.

Citing state weather bureau Pagasa, the DA noted that the ongoing El Niño phenomenon would continue until the first half of 2027. It is projected to reach a ‘very strong’ state by the end of this year.

To address the dry spell’s effects on the farm sector, the agency said it has rolled out P10.96 billion worth of interventions for the affected farmers.

This includes P10.53 billion worth of assistance for production support, such as farm inputs like seeds, fertilizers, and soil conditioner, among others.

It also distributed 23,459 native chickens to 78 groups of farmers and 246 farmer individuals through the Philippine Native Animal Development (PNAD) Program and Animal Production and Distribution (APAD).

The DA said it conducted cloud seeding operations in collaboration with other government agencies in agricultural and watershed areas in Cagayan Valley, including Magat Dam.

It also installed 338 water pumps to enhance water supply in Cagayan Valley, Central Luzon, Calabarzon, Mimaropa, Bicol Region, Western Visayas, and Zamboanga Peninsula.

The Philippine Crop Insurance Corporation (PCIC) has also allocated indemnification checks worth P427.07 million to 42,383 farmers as compensation.

Beyond Personal Recognition: Tunde Rahman and the Reward for a Life of Purposeful Work

There are honours that decorate a career. There are others that explain a purposeful one.

The Fellowship of the Nigerian Guild of Editors conferred on Tunde Rahman belongs to the latter category.

Its significance is not simply another distinction attached to a distinguished name. It represents something deeper: years of deadlines met, difficult stories interrogated, pages edited, colleagues guided, institutions served, mistakes absorbed, reputations tested and responsibilities carried.

For younger journalists, professionals and emerging leaders, that may be the most important part of this moment.

Success rarely arrives as one spectacular event. More often, it accumulates quietly.

One deadline met.

One difficult assignment completed.

One more qualification earned.

One relationship handled with integrity.

One disappointment survived without bitterness.

One opportunity treated as a responsibility rather than an entitlement.

Then, many years later, what once looked like ordinary working days begin to resemble an extraordinary career.

Benjamin Franklin captured the principle in five enduring words: ‘Well done is better than well said.’

Tunde Rahman’s journey gives those words contemporary resonance.

He came through the demanding world of Nigerian newspaper journalism. His professional journey included the old Daily Times, The Punch, where he rose through editorial positions to become Group News Editor, and THISDAY, where he occupied senior editorial roles, including leadership of its weekend titles.

His career later expanded into newspaper entrepreneurship, strategic communication and public affairs. Today, he serves as Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.

Yet the most useful way to read that journey is not through the politics of any administration.

It is through the professional habits that allowed one career to keep evolving across decades.

The deeper story is about craft.

Learning.

Adaptability.

Resilience.

Credibility.

Service.

And the discipline required to remain useful as the world around you changes.

Before the recognition came the apprenticeship

Every distinguished career has a period the public rarely sees.

The apprenticeship.

The years when the title is modest, the assignments are demanding and the applause is almost nonexistent.

Newsrooms provide a particularly unforgiving apprenticeship.

There are deadlines that will not move because you are tired.

There are editors who will question every loose sentence.

There are facts that must be checked again.

There are stories that collapse after hours of work because one crucial element cannot be established.

There are corrections that teach humility more effectively than praise ever could.

There are days when the reporter gets the story and someone else receives the recognition.

Yet these are often the years when professional character is formed.

Consider a young reporter sent to cover what appears to be an insignificant event.

She can attend, collect the prepared statement, return to the office and file what everybody expects.

Or she can listen more carefully.

Check a number.

Ask one additional question.

Call another source.

Notice what others missed.

Perhaps nobody congratulates her that evening.

But if she repeats that discipline for ten years, something begins to happen.

Editors trust her.

Sources respect her.

Colleagues seek her judgement.

Responsibility follows.

That is how careers are built.

Not from one extraordinary performance, but from hundreds of ordinary assignments approached with uncommon seriousness.

Booker T. Washington captured this beautifully when he spoke of doing a common thing in an uncommon manner.

That remains one of the most practical definitions of excellence.

The extraordinary career is often assembled from very ordinary tasks done exceptionally well.

Write the report properly.

Check the figure.

Return the call.

Prepare before the meeting.

Correct the error.

Read beyond the brief.

Keep your word.

Help the colleague who knows less than you.

Do the work when nobody important is watching.

These things rarely trend.

But they compound.

Competence must keep moving

Rahman’s academic journey offers another powerful lesson.

Alongside his first degree in Political Science and postgraduate study in Communication, he later completed an MBA at the University of Leicester, decades after beginning his professional career.

That matters.

Here was not a young graduate simply accumulating qualifications before entering professional life.

This was an established practitioner returning to structured learning after years of experience.

That is lifelong learning in practice.

It speaks directly to the young executive who thinks graduation completed his education.

Keep learning.

It speaks to the mid-career professional who fears she is too established to acquire another discipline.

Keep learning.

It speaks most urgently to the senior leader surrounded by people who already call him an expert.

Especially you, keep learning.

Never allow today’s competence to become tomorrow’s complacency.

Technology changes.

Audiences change.

Organisations change.

Business models change.

Professions change.

What worked brilliantly ten years ago may be inadequate tomorrow.

The professional who wishes to remain useful must keep expanding capacity without surrendering principle.

Nelson Mandela famously observed: ‘Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.’

Education, however, is larger than certificates.

It is curiosity.

It is humility.

It is having enough confidence to admit what you do not know.

It is entering a room containing people younger than you and recognising that they may understand something you do not.

It is remaining teachable after success has given you every temptation to stop listening.

The long road still matters

We live in an age fascinated by speed.

Rapid visibility.

Rapid promotion.

Rapid wealth.

Rapid influence.

Rapid recognition.

Social media can make accomplishment appear instantaneous because the public usually sees the announcement, not the apprenticeship.

We see the promotion.

We do not see the years of preparation.

We see the award.

We do not see the nights when the work went unnoticed.

We see the title.

We do not see the mistakes corrected quietly along the way.

A Fellowship tells a different story.

Some things still have to be earned over time.

Professional credibility is one.

Judgement is another.

Trust is certainly one of them.

Theodore Roosevelt once described one of life’s great rewards as ‘the chance to work hard at work worth doing.’

There is dignity in that idea.

But hard work should never be romanticised for its own sake.

Exhaustion is not excellence.

Being constantly busy is not the same thing as being useful.

A diary crowded with meetings does not automatically signify a life crowded with impact.

The deeper challenge is to find work worth doing and then to do it exceptionally well.

A young accountant who refuses to alter a figure because a superior finds the truth inconvenient is building something.

An engineer who insists that a safety check must be completed despite pressure to meet a deadline is building something.

A business development executive who follows up professionally after ten unanswered calls rather than becoming careless on the eleventh is building something.

A lecturer who prepares properly for students even after teaching the same subject for years is building something.

What are they building?

Reputation.

And reputation is one of the few professional assets that takes years to construct and minutes to damage.

Resilience is part of the qualification

Long careers inevitably contain disappointments.

Not every application succeeds.

Not every promotion arrives when expected.

Not every idea receives support.

Not every professional relationship lasts.

Not every season produces applause.

This is why resilience matters.

A career spanning decades cannot be understood only through appointments and achievements. It must also be understood through the moments when someone had to continue without knowing what came next.

Professional resilience is not pretending that disappointment does not hurt.

It is refusing to allow one disappointment to become a permanent definition of your capacity.

The journalist whose story is rejected can improve the story.

The entrepreneur whose first idea fails can learn what the market was trying to say.

The executive passed over for promotion can deepen capability rather than allowing resentment to become a strategy.

The graduate facing rejection after rejection can continue acquiring evidence that makes the next application stronger.

Resilience is not stubbornly repeating what failed.

It is learning, adjusting and continuing.

That distinction matters.

A meaningful career is rarely a straight line.

Sometimes the detour develops a capability the original route never would have produced.

Sometimes what feels like delay is preparation.

Sometimes an uncomfortable assignment becomes the experience that later distinguishes one candidate from everybody else in the room.

Young professionals should therefore be careful about judging their entire future from one difficult season.

The story is still being written.

Journalism is a profession of consequence

Journalism is not merely a profession of words.

It is a profession of consequence.

What is published can illuminate or distort.

It can expose wrongdoing or deepen confusion.

It can improve public understanding or reward sensationalism.

It can protect a reputation or destroy one unfairly.

That responsibility has become even more demanding in an age of artificial intelligence, manipulated images, synthetic audio and information travelling at extraordinary speed.

Imagine an editor receiving a convincing video of a public figure making an inflammatory statement.

Thousands of people are already sharing it.

Competitors are preparing to publish.

The temptation to move first is enormous.

But what if the video is fabricated?

In that moment, speed is no longer the highest professional virtue.

Verification is.

The editor who pauses, checks and refuses to publish what cannot be established may lose a few minutes of online traffic.

But that decision protects something far more valuable.

Trust.

This is one reason professional credibility matters more, not less, in an age where almost anybody can publish.

Technology can distribute information.

It cannot manufacture earned credibility.

That must still be built through behaviour.

Experience should travel

Rahman’s professional journey has crossed journalism, editorial leadership, media entrepreneurship, strategic communication and public service.

Those roles are different.

Their obligations are different.

Their pressures are different.

The useful lesson is not political.

It is professional.

Knowledge becomes more valuable when it can travel.

A journalist who understands institutions becomes a stronger analyst.

A communicator who understands journalism becomes more sensitive to evidence and scrutiny.

A political scientist who understands management sees organisations differently.

An experienced editor who understands business can appreciate why good ideas still require viable institutions to survive.

Specialisation should give us depth.

It should not imprison us intellectually.

The professional of the future will increasingly need both.

Depth in something.

Curiosity about many things.

Character travels farther than a CV

There is something no degree can confer and no appointment can guarantee.

Character.

Martin Luther King Jr. said: ‘Everybody can be great, because everybody can serve.’

That thought deserves far greater prominence in professional life.

Leadership is often presented as the art of occupying important positions.

Its harder expression is usefulness.

Can colleagues depend on you?

Can younger professionals learn from you?

Can people trust your word when there is nothing written down?

Can you disagree without destroying a relationship?

Can you exercise influence without humiliating people who possess less of it?

Can you remain grounded when access, money and recognition increase?

These questions ultimately matter more than the size of an office.

Imagine three executives with identical qualifications.

The first walks past struggling junior colleagues because mentoring is not in his job description.

The second notices talent, gives feedback and creates opportunities.

The third habitually takes credit for the work of the people beneath him.

Their CVs may initially appear similar.

Their legacies will not.

One conversation can redirect a young professional’s career.

One recommendation can open a door.

One piece of constructive criticism can prevent a costly mistake.

One introduction can eventually produce a business that employs hundreds of people.

Impact is not always dramatic.

Sometimes impact is simply what continues happening in other people because you took the trouble to help them.

That is why the movement from experience to mentorship is so important.

A profession loses something whenever accomplished people carry decades of knowledge into retirement without deliberately passing it on.

Experience should not merely accumulate.

It should circulate.

Excellence must eventually become service

Professional achievement reaches its deepest meaning when personal success creates value beyond the individual.

That is where nation building becomes practical.

Not only in presidential villas, parliaments and ministries.

Nation building happens in ordinary places every day.

It happens when a newsroom checks a claim before millions of people read it.

It happens when a lecturer refuses to lower academic standards because doing so would be easier.

It happens when an entrepreneur chooses to pay employees fairly.

It happens when a doctor gives the same care to an unknown patient that she would give to someone influential.

It happens when a public servant refuses to change an inconvenient fact in a report.

It happens when a chief executive develops talented younger colleagues instead of seeing them as threats.

It happens when a young professional decides that competence will be his answer to mediocrity.

These are not small acts.

Countries are ultimately shaped by millions of choices made when there is no television camera present.

Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote: ‘Nothing great was ever achieved without enthusiasm.’

Enthusiasm matters.

But lasting nation building demands disciplined enthusiasm.

Passion must acquire competence.

Ambition must acquire ethics.

Influence must acquire responsibility.

Education must acquire usefulness.

Leadership must acquire service.

From success to significance

There is a profound difference between success and significance.

Success asks, ‘How far have I gone?’

Significance asks, ‘Who is better because I went there?’

Imagine an editor who retires after four decades with awards, influence and photographs with powerful people.

Now imagine another editor with similar achievements who deliberately mentored 20 younger journalists.

Some become editors.

One creates an investigative platform.

Another becomes an outstanding broadcaster.

Several carry his insistence on accuracy into newsrooms he will never enter.

The second career keeps working long after the final office has been vacated.

That is what purpose does.

It multiplies achievement.

The banker who only closes transactions may be successful.

The banker who also develops ethical professionals, finances productive businesses and expands opportunities for others has begun converting success into significance.

The lecturer who merely delivers slides has completed a task.

The lecturer who helps a hesitant student discover intellectual confidence may alter the trajectory of a family.

The entrepreneur who builds personal wealth has achieved something.

The entrepreneur who also creates dignified work, develops people and solves a genuine societal problem has created impact beyond the balance sheet.

Purpose does not necessarily require doing something enormous.

It requires understanding why what you do should matter beyond you.

The Fellowship beyond the Fellowship

Perhaps this is the most meaningful way to understand Tunde Rahman’s recognition.

Fellowship carries prestige.

But prestige is the smaller part.

The greater part is stewardship.

Experience should become mentorship.

Networks should become bridges.

Lessons acquired through deadlines, mistakes, pressures, difficult assignments and changing professional seasons should become wisdom available to another generation.

A Fellow becomes part of the institutional memory of a profession.

In that sense, Fellowship is not simply an award for yesterday.

It is an obligation to tomorrow.

That is why this recognition reaches beyond one individual.

For the young journalist wondering whether painstaking work will ever be noticed, keep doing the work properly.

For the young executive tempted to substitute visibility for competence, build substance.

For the professional disappointed that progress appears slower than expected, keep learning and keep moving.

For the leader surrounded by younger talent, develop it.

For the person contemplating another course, another qualification, another challenging assignment or another unfamiliar responsibility, remain teachable.

For those fortunate enough to rise, remember those still trying to find their first opportunity.

And for everyone building a career, remember that the real measure of ascent is not simply how high you climb.

It is what becomes possible for other people because you climbed.

Tunde Rahman’s Fellowship deserves celebration for precisely that reason.

It recognises a long professional journey.

But its greater value may lie in what that journey can teach another generation.

Work matters.

Learning matters.

Resilience matters.

Character matters.

Service matters.

Purpose matters.

And excellence, pursued patiently and deployed purposefully, can become something greater than personal recognition.

It can become contribution.

Contribution can become example.

Example can awaken possibility in somebody else.

And when that possibility strengthens people, professions, institutions and communities, a career becomes something far more enduring than a collection of titles.

It becomes a legacy.

That is the reward for purposeful work.

And that is how professionals help build nations.

Sondhi campaign off to slow start

Sondhi Limthongkul has returned to the political stage, but his latest mobilisation has yet to generate the mass response associated with his earlier campaigns.

The former leader of the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) has joined Panthep Puaphongphan, chairman of the Yam Fao Phaendin Foundation; activist and lawyer Nitithorn Lamluea; and Pichit Chaimongkol, leader of the Network of Students and People for Reform of Thailand, under the campaign “Take Back Our Thailand”.

The campaign began outside the Israeli embassy on Sept 10, where they raised concerns over foreign nominee businesses and land holdings before moving to the Election Commission (EC) on Sept 25.

At the EC, the grievance shifted to institutional accountability. The group questioned the majority decision not to refer politicians serving on the Bhumjaithai Party executive committee for prosecution in the Senate election-rigging case and demanded the disclosure of individual commissioners’ opinions.

The issue carries particular weight because Bhumjaithai leads the coalition government under Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul.

But Sondhi’s group has framed the dispute primarily as a question of whether the EC is exercising its constitutional powers independently, transparently and in accordance with the rule of law.

That gives the campaign a clear target. The harder task is turning that institutional grievance into a broad public cause.

Sathitorn Thananithichot, a political scientist at Chulalongkorn University, believes the EC remains the movement’s main pressure point.

He sees a possible next step in intensifying scrutiny of the commission and pursuing legal or constitutional avenues that could eventually affect the government or lead to a fresh election.

But he considers that route difficult. The EC has already acted in the Senate case, leaving those who disagree with its decision to pursue complaints and legal challenges rather than relying solely on street mobilisation.

The political system still provides avenues for contestation through the National Anti-Corruption Commission, courts and Parliament.

Unlike in the 2006 and 2014 protests, the institutions under challenge have not become paralysed or produced the kind of political deadlock that helped create conditions for military intervention.

Sondhi’s political history helps explain why his return immediately invites comparisons with 2006 and 2014. PAD-led protests in 2006 became a major confrontation with the Thaksin Shinawatra government before the military coup that year.

In 2014, the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) led months of large street protests against the Yingluck Shinawatra government, with the prolonged political crisis ending in another military coup.

Those earlier protest movements developed amid deep political polarisation, sustained street mobilisation and growing institutional deadlock. Mr Sathitorn points to the scale of the Yellow-shirt and PDRC movements as the level of street pressure capable of fundamentally changing the political equation.

That scale is absent today. The Senate case, the EC’s performance and concerns over foreign nominee businesses may resonate with particular groups, but Mr Sathitorn believes they have not created a sufficiently powerful shared grievance to bring large numbers of people onto the streets.

For him, the problem is not simply who leads the movement. Sondhi has a recognisable history in Thailand’s street politics, but leadership cannot substitute for an issue that generates widespread public identification.

The government’s handling of contentious issues has also reduced opportunities for opponents to turn individual decisions into a broader political confrontation.

Mr Sathitorn points to signs the Bhumjaithai-led administration has taken a more measured approach to foreign nominee businesses and concerns over concealed foreign ownership.

Issues involving Israel and China may resonate with particular constituencies, but the government has responded rather than leaving them entirely unanswered.

Another crucial difference from the political environment preceding the coups of 2006 and 2014 is the absence of a visible rupture between the government and the military, he said. The government continues to support the military’s work, and no confrontation between the two sides has emerged as a defining political fault line.

That does not make military intervention impossible under every conceivable circumstance. But for the current movement to alter that equation, protests would first have to expand dramatically and develop into a crisis that existing political mechanisms could no longer contain.

Sondhi’s more immediate role is one of political pressure rather than removing the government. Petitions, demands for documents, scrutiny of independent organisations and public campaigning can keep contentious issues in the political conversation without requiring a mass occupation of the streets.

Whether the campaign’s support base can be expanded is separate from whether it can trigger a political crisis. The first requires sustained public engagement; the second would require a far more dramatic change in the political environment.

So, “Take Back Our Thailand” is best understood as an attempt to build political pressure and scrutinise institutions rather than as the beginning of another large-scale protest movement like those of 2006 and 2014. Its trajectory will depend on whether its grievances can attract support well beyond its current base.

Barcode claims put to test

The Constitutional Court is due to deliver its ruling on Monday on whether the use of barcodes and QR codes on ballot papers in the Feb 8 general election breached the constitutional requirement for voting to be secret.

The case was brought to the court through the Ombudsman which received 22 complaints over the Election Commission’s decision to use the codes on ballot papers.

Those codes could make it possible to trace ballots and identify voters, meaning the election may not have been conducted by secret ballot as required by the constitution.

After hearing witnesses and examining the evidence, the court set out the issues to be considered and scheduled a vote, with the ruling due at 2pm.

Three scenarios

Legal scholar Manit Jumpa, a lecturer at Chulalongkorn University’s law faculty, said the purpose of secret voting is to protect voters’ freedom to choose without others knowing how they vote.

There are three possible outcomes.

The first would be to rule that the use of barcodes does not violate the principle of secret voting. In that case, the petition would be dismissed and the matter would end there.

The second would be to find that the barcodes affected the secrecy of the election because ballots could potentially be traced after voting. The court could draw a comparison with the 2006 election, when polling booths were positioned in a way that allowed people outside to see how voters marked their ballots.

If the court rules that the 2026 election is invalid, a new election would have to be held. The consequences would extend beyond parliament, as the House and the government formed as a result of the election would also be affected, he said.

The third possibility would be for the court to find that using barcodes on ballots could potentially be used to trace voters, but there is no evidence that such tracing actually occurred.

The election would not be declared invalid. Instead, the EC would not be able to use barcodes on ballot papers in future elections unless the law is amended to make their use clear, he said.

Mr Manit said there was no public information before the election indicating the ballot papers would carry barcodes, and there is no evidence that voters are concerned their votes could be traced before going to the polls.

“The fact the possibility of tracing ballots only became a concern after the election could be an important consideration.

“However, there is no evidence that ballots were actually traced back to individual voters. The election could therefore still be considered to have been conducted freely and fairly,” he said.

He said this distinguishes the case from the earlier election, when polling booths were turned to face outwards.

At that time voters had only two party choices, or the option of not voting for any candidate, and people outside the booths could potentially see where a voter marked the ballot and determine how they voted.

A question of intent

Mr Manit said the EC confirmed the barcodes were introduced for the purpose of checking allegations of electoral fraud.

If the court’s examination found ballot boxes had been handled and stored under strict procedures, the decision to use barcodes could be viewed as an administrative decision made in good faith, Mr Manit said.

“There is also no evidence the EC intended to use information obtained from the codes to benefit a particular party.

“Claims that access to such information could give a party an advantage by showing where its supporters were located remain a possibility rather than an established fact,” he said.

Even if the court eventually finds the use of barcodes affected the secrecy of voting, this would not automatically mean the EC members committed an offence by performing their duties unlawfully, Mr Manit said.

The facts available at this stage may still not be sufficient to invalidate the election, he noted.

He said the EC had not used barcodes on ballot papers in the most recent local elections, as far as he was aware.

If the commission still considers barcodes necessary for checking electoral fraud in future, the law should be amended to make clear that their use does not breach the secrecy of voting, he said.

He cited a provision allowing voters with disabilities who cannot mark their own ballots to receive assistance. Such assistance is permitted under the law without being considered a breach of the secrecy of the vote.

Rangsit University’s political scientist Wanwichit Boonprong said the case is unlikely to have an immediate impact on the government.

In practice, there is still no evidence that the barcodes can be used to trace a ballot back to an individual voter and identify which candidate or party they supported.

Once ballots are mixed with millions of others, matching an individual ballot with a particular voter would be difficult unless there is evidence that authorities or another person have access to information that could identify voters, he said.

Mr Wanwichit said this is a political science assessment, while the interpretation of the law and the final consequences of the case remain matters for the court.

Former Democrat MP Thepthai Senapong offered a different view.

He compared the case with two previous elections that were declared invalid in 2006 and 2014.

In 2006, the court ruled the election invalid after polling booths were positioned in a way that compromised voting secrecy. The election had been held on April 2, 2006, and the court issued its ruling on May 8, taking 36 days.

In 2014, the election was held on Feb 2 but could not take place simultaneously nationwide after protesters blocked 28 polling stations. The court ruled the election invalid on March 21, 47 days after voting day.

As for the new case, the court will rule on Monday, seven months and 20 days after the election.

Mr Thepthai said in his view, the 2026 election presents the clearest case of a possible breach of voting secrecy when compared with the two previous elections.

However, the final decision rests with the court, he added.

Beyond the ruling

The case also has wider political significance.

The Senate election case has long been accompanied by claims the EC acted in the government’s interests.

Whatever the court decides, the ruling could be used to reinforce claims that the political system is working in favour of those in power.

The coming no-confidence debate and speculation about a possible cabinet reshuffle, including the possibility of Klatham joining the governing coalition, are adding to the ongoing uncertainty.

If divisions within the governing coalition deepen before the no-confidence debate, the government could come under pressure to dissolve parliament and call a new election.

Taxtakörp Hydropower Plant generates 675.5 million kWh since commissioning

The Taxtakörp Hydropower Plant, built on the Samur River in Azerbaijan’s Shabran district, has generated 675.5 million kilowatt-hours (kWh) of electricity since it was commissioned through September 1, 2026.

According to the Azerbaijan’s Energy Ministry, located on the Taxtakörp reservoir, has been generating electricity since September 28, 2013.

The Taxtakörp Hydropower Plant has a total installed capacity of 25 megawatts (MW) and consists of three hydro units, each with a capacity of 8.33 MW.

Hydropower plants are considered a source of environmentally clean energy because electricity generation from hydropower does not involve direct emissions of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere during operation.

The plant was commissioned 13 years ago as part of Azerbaijan’s efforts to expand its domestic electricity generation capacity and make greater use of its water resources.

Angiosarcoma: Causes and who is at risk

Angiosarcoma is a rare cancer that can develop in different parts of the body and may grow and spread rapidly. Following increased public interest in the disease after the death of Omukama Oyo Nyimba Kabamba Iguru Rukidi IV, Dr Fred Okuku, a senior consultant and oncologist at the Uganda Cancer Institute, explains its symptoms, risk factors, diagnosis and treatment.

What is angiosarcoma, and where in the body does it occur?

Angiosarcomas are a type of sarcoma that arises from connective tissues throughout the body. These include muscles, bones, blood vessels, and cartilage, among others. They are broadly categorised as soft tissue sarcomas, to which angiosarcomas belong, and bone sarcomas. A common example of a bone sarcoma is osteogenic sarcoma, or osteosarcoma.

Angiosarcomas account for less than two percent of soft tissue sarcomas. It is an aggressive cancer that originates from blood vessels or lymphatic channels and commonly occurs in the skin and soft tissues, although it can also arise in any organ of the body. As it grows, it tends to invade and spread to neighbouring tissues.

How common is angiosarcoma, and who is most at risk?

It is a rare cancer, and worldwide data estimates its occurrence at between 0.15 and one case per 100,000 people. Angiosarcoma can occur at any age, but it is more common in older adults.

What causes angiosarcoma?

No definite cause has been found, but there are a number of risk factors thought to be associated with the disease. They include environmental carcinogens, non-cancerous growths in the body such as bone infarcts, exposure to non-environmental radiation and genetic disorders such as congenital retinoblastoma, among others.

What are the early signs and symptoms of angiosarcoma?

The signs and symptoms can be vague and are generally dependent on the part of the body affected. If it is the skin, nodules can appear. If it is in deep organs, there may be pressure symptoms such as pain, a feeling of a mass, abdominal pain, anaemia or internal bleeding.

Angiosarcomas can also originate in the heart muscle, in which case symptoms may be related to the heart. Sometimes, symptoms result from the spread of the tumour, which can move rapidly through the blood to organs including the lungs, liver, bones, soft tissues and brain.

Why is this cancer difficult to detect or diagnose in its early stages?

Because this tumour can begin in any tissue of the body and grows very fast, it can be difficult for an individual to know that they have it because the signs can be vague. Once it has spread, however, it can suddenly lead to multiple symptoms.

Is it possible for someone to have angiosarcoma without obvious symptoms in the early stages?

Yes. An individual can have cancer growing in an area where there is a lot of room for expansion. Symptoms will appear later as the tumour grows, and that is when severe pain may begin. A good example is the chest and abdomen.

How is angiosarcoma diagnosed?

Like any cancer, we use a combination of imaging tests to confirm the location of the tumour, based on the complaints that the individual presents. Some patients may fail to pinpoint the area and, in that case, we employ imaging tests such as CT, MRI and PET scans to locate these tumours before taking a tissue sample, or biopsy, to assist in the definitive diagnosis. A biopsy is a must before a cancer diagnosis can be confirmed.

What treatment options are available for someone with angiosarcoma?

The primary treatment for early angiosarcoma, where the tumours are less than 5cm wide, is surgery. The aim is to remove the tumour without leaving residual cancer cells. If this cannot be achieved, as is the case when the cancer has spread to other parts of the body, we employ multiple treatments such as chemotherapy, radiotherapy and, in some cases, targeted therapy and immunotherapy, which is an active area of ongoing research. In most cases, combination treatments are employed in an attempt to cure patients.

Angiosarcoma is described as an aggressive cancer. What does that mean in practical terms?

An aggressive tumour refers to a tumour that grows fast and has a high propensity to spread to other organs. These developments can happen in weeks or months, sometimes with vague symptoms. This aggressive nature can also be documented on the histopathology report as a high Ki-67 index or a higher grade of tumour.

What factors determine how a patient responds to treatment and their overall prognosis?

Response to cancer treatment is generally determined by multiple factors, with the most important being age. When the body is advanced in age, it may not withstand aggressive cancer treatments such as chemotherapy or surgery.

Others include the grade. The higher the grade of the tumour, the more aggressive it is. Another important factor that corresponds to prognosis is stage, which is the same as the volume of disease. It is generally categorised as stage one to four, with stage four representing a high volume of disease in the body.

Stages three and four are described as advanced cancer, with poor prognosis or outcomes.

Generally, medically speaking, very few people can be cured of stage four cancer. The goal of care in stage four is generally to improve symptoms and prolong survival while optimising quality of life. This sometimes increases the cost of cancer treatment, resulting in what we describe as financial toxicity to the family.

Can angiosarcoma be prevented, or are there steps people can take to reduce their risk?

Since the causes of angiosarcomas are unknown, it is difficult to prevent them because there is no direct cause. The risk factors are multifactorial. For example, cigarette smoking is an established risk factor for 11 different cancers, the most common being lung cancer. Smoking cessation can lead to a reduction in the risk of these cancers.

There are, however, general strategies that may help cut the risk of developing cancers, such as eating a healthy and balanced diet, quitting smoking and alcohol consumption, regular exercise, and reducing high sugar and fat intake. These and many others can help cut the risk of developing cancer.

Individuals with a family history of cancer are normally considered high risk, and regular checks at cancer-based hospitals are advised.

There has recently been increased public interest in angiosarcoma following the death of Omukama Oyo Nyimba Kabamba Iguru Rukidi IV. What would you want the public to understand about the disease beyond this particular case?

It was a shock to us in the cancer field to learn about this, and we commiserate with the family. The country should know that cancer is a unique disease and very challenging to diagnose and treat. Countries all over the world, however advanced, are grappling with a huge number of cancer patients.

The disease requires a high level of advancement in personnel and equipment, as well as an educated population that understands its signs and symptoms.

Many Ugandans are unaware of the kind of investment the Government of Uganda has already made in this area and continues to make. Only those who interface with the system may know something about it. The commitment from government is there, and Ugandans should support these efforts.

Advice

What message would you give Ugandans about recognising and seeking care for symptoms that could potentially be linked to cancer?

With cancer, sometimes there may be no obvious signs or symptoms. The only signs may be unexplained weight loss, bleeding from any part of the body or persistent low energy.

Do not ignore symptoms that persist or do not respond to treatment. Visit an established hospital and ask to be seen by a qualified and registered health practitioner.

Although checking your symptoms on Google may help you understand them, it is important to seek advice from a qualified health professional and, where possible, a specialist in the area related to your symptoms.