Category: Azer News

The United States Department of Defense (DoD) has threatened to end its partnership with Anthropic PBC after the company refused to loosen some limitations on how the Pentagon is deploying its artificial intelligence (AI) tools, AzerNEWS reports.

According to a source familiar with the matter, the Pentagon wants Anthropic to allow it to use the tools for “all lawful purposes,” including weapon design and production, intelligence gathering, and on-site operations. Meanwhile, Anthropic refuses to approve the deployment of its models for weapon work and surveillance. Its AI tool Claude even blocked some applications from working.

The day before, it was reported that the Pentagon used Claude while detaining the deposed Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro. The source noted that, while other options are available, the DoD would find it difficult to replace Claude.

President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev and President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic delivered press statements in Belgrade on February 15, AzerNEWS reports.

The President of Serbia made the statement first.

Statement by President Aleksandar Vucic

– Dear President Aliyev, my dear friend,

Thank you for this visit. I know how important and busy your work schedule is. So I would kindly ask you to feel at home here.

Our Chinese friends say that when it rains like this, it is always a good sign that something big is about to begin. I do hope that, despite the unfavorable weather, we will view this event in the best possible way for ourselves and see what a bright future lies ahead for both Serbia and Azerbaijan. At least when it comes to our bilateral relations.

I would like to express my great respect to the people of Azerbaijan and to you personally, dear Mr. President. I would also like to say to the people of Serbia and, of course, to the people of Azerbaijan that every time I talk to you, I learn a lot, I manage to observe many things from a different perspective of an experienced statesman and a true leader. Therefore, I would like to thank you very much for always sharing your knowledge with me and for establishing such relations with us, from which my country, the country I lead, has a lot to learn.

President Ilham Aliyev and I spoke about all the important issues in the world and in Europe today. We consulted each other and I learned from him. I understood some processes better, and more deeply than before. We have such relations that whenever a crisis occurs, we are open and talk to each other. Our cooperation is developing in every sphere of life. Compared to 2012, our trade in the field of services is 16 times higher, not 16 percent, but 16 times. Also, thanks to the strategic partnership, we have established new relations with Azerbaijan, the closest possible relations. I believe that this is extremely important for the Republic of Serbia and its people.

Our cooperation in various spheres of social life can and should be more important and greater. I do believe that with more work and effort, and indeed with a more diligent approach on our part, we will achieve even better results in the future. So far, we have signed 57 documents, and we can add to this the dozens of other documents we signed today. These documents should serve as a solid foundation for improving our relations in all areas of social life.

We have also discussed participation in the investment forum to be held in Azerbaijan in September, and before that, I will visit Azerbaijan. I believe that this is an opportunity for our business circles, bankers and other representatives to visit Azerbaijan, and this will be an opportunity for our country to present EXPO. Because in the run-up to that, there will be a few months left for EXPO. This event is the largest event that will be held in Serbia in 2027, and it is also the most important event for us. We are grateful to Azerbaijan for confirming its participation in EXPO 2027, and I am sure that they will represent their beautiful country in the best possible way here in Belgrade in 2027.

At the same time, I would like to draw your attention to some facts. The increase in tourism between the two countries and the opening of a direct flight between Belgrade and Baku by Air Serbia on May 3 will make a special contribution to this. I can personally say to all the people of Serbia that Baku is a beautiful city. They can see a lot of innovations there. The city is located on the shores of the Caspian Sea. It is a clean and tidy city. Whenever I visit Baku, I see new wonders, new and beautiful places that President Ilham Aliyev has built together with the Government of Azerbaijan. There are magnificent museums there. There are boulevards, there are friendly people, security is at the highest possible level. So this is an open invitation to Serbian citizens to visit Azerbaijan. I want to invite the people of Azerbaijan to visit Serbia and love this country. Serbia is among the countries with the highest level of security on the European continent. We have brotherly and friendly relations with the people of Azerbaijan. I think that there are many places in our country you can visit. I mean not only Belgrade but also other cities, mountain resorts, lakes and other places.

We talked about economic cooperation and agriculture, as well as the exchange of agricultural products. I really liked when I first tasted tomatoes and cucumbers grown in the settlement of Zira in Azerbaijan, and even before that, when I tasted products from the special region of Azerbaijan, Nakhchivan. I like them very much and I have heard that compared to products from other sources, Azerbaijan supplies them at a significant discount. I wonder if it is possible to provide our people with these products at such a low price? If those sitting in the government have not thought about this, let them think about it. I urge you to solve the issue of providing citizens with quality goods at more affordable prices from our friends in Azerbaijan. At the same time, we should also provide our own goods in this way. So far, this is not happening. I am sure that we can also provide Azerbaijan with many products. However, we have not done this yet and have not approached it carefully enough. This is the attitude. Time passes, but we do not seem to think about anything.

One of the most important issues is the fact that we are entering the era of electricity. I asked President Ilham Aliyev to personally participate in this project to help us. If so, we can finish the work faster. People here may think that electricity existed 20 years ago. But back then you bought fuel in containers. Then electricity was supplied for six hours, and then for the next six hours it was provided with interruptions. As for today, there is discipline that has never been seen in our country before. However, the situation may not be the same tomorrow. The era of electricity is beginning, and we need many sources of electricity. We need to produce more electricity. Azerbaijan will have electricity measuring gigawatts. But the question is: will there be the necessary transmission lines for its import? We have reached an agreement with the Azerbaijani side on important issues. Today, the Serbian gas company and SOCAR held talks on this issue and a cooperation agreement was signed. We will try to resolve each issue within two or three months, so that the project documentation can be prepared and construction can begin immediately after that. The construction will take more than two years. We believe that we will open a gas-fired power plant by 2029. Three sites have been selected around the city of Nis. We are talking about clean energy. The European Union also recognizes this. In short, the construction is expected to take place in Tripale, Krusti, or Niška Banja. However, I think Krusti is the most suitable place. The plant will have a power generation capacity of 500 megawatts. President Ilham Aliyev has promised me that he would personally deal with this issue. You may not believe it, but in two years they managed to create a total power generation capacity of 1,890 megawatts.

The people of Azerbaijan may not know this, these capacities were created in the shortest possible time. Azerbaijani companies will exercise control here. Serbian companies will join the work. Both sides will work with 50 percent. A 500-megawatt gas-fired power plant will be built. This will be a good example. In the future, we should build more gas-fired power plants. Small modular reactors will be installed. There will be data centers and other issues will be resolved. I have started discussions with the Americans, and it would be good if they, starting from the port of Bar in Montenegro, laid oil and gas pipelines, built data centers, carried out these works from Prijepolje through the Zlatibor mountains to Belgrade. Data centers should be created. If we do not use the capabilities of artificial intelligence, we will lag behind as a country. Elon Musk says that in two months everything will change dramatically. It is just that people do not see and do not know this yet. Therefore, the pace of the work should be accelerated, and we are grateful to our Azerbaijani friends for their support.

We have taken up a lot of your time. We have also discussed military and technical cooperation. Cooperation is going well. Consultations are held at the level of our foreign ministries. Agreements and constant support are evident. Even in the most difficult issues, Serbia has been on Azerbaijan’s side, and they have supported us as well. This will continue to be the case in the future. We have resolved very difficult issues. We fully believe in President Ilham Aliyev’s words. I think that he also treats our country with the same sincere sentiments. We will continue this relationship as it is. Today and tomorrow, there will be an opportunity for additional discussions. Tomorrow, we are expected to have a working breakfast, and I am very pleased that we were able to spend so much time with my friend and a friend of Serbia, President Ilham Aliyev. You see, I am not always satisfied with our flexibility. We must work with more enthusiasm and speed up everything. We have been able to do more work than before and have achieved good results. I want to congratulate every citizen of Serbia on the occasion of Statehood Day. Today Serbia celebrates one of the most important holidays on its calendar. This is a great holiday for us. I am grateful for your congratulations.

Dear Mr. President, thank you very much for honoring us with this visit. I do believe that through our joint work we will achieve the best results for the interests of the peoples of Azerbaijan and Serbia. Thank you very much. Long live the Serbian-Azerbaijani friendship!

Dear Mr. President, I am grateful to you, welcome to your home.

x x x

Then, the President of Azerbaijan made the statement.

Statement by President Ilham Aliyev

– Dear Mr. President, my dear friend,

Dear ladies and gentlemen,

Mr. President, first of all, I would like to express my gratitude to you for the invitation and hospitality. It is your national holiday today, Statehood Day, and yet, you are welcoming the Azerbaijani delegation. We view this as a manifestation of the high level of our relations. Serbia and Azerbaijan are two friendly countries that always stand by each other.

Taking this opportunity, I would like to congratulate you and all the friendly people of Serbia on the occasion of Statehood Day. It is not by chance that this holiday is called as such. I am well aware that the Serbian people have always made great efforts and sacrifices to protect and strengthen their state sovereignty. My dear friend, as the President of Serbia, you have always put statehood and state interests above all else. That is why Serbia is developing successfully under your leadership, and your country has gained tremendous respect internationally. At the same time, major reforms have been carried out in the economic and social spheres. As a result, Serbia, a country without natural resources, has been developing economically with great success, relying on its own strength and without receiving assistance from anywhere. In present-day circumstances, especially for a country located in Europe, this should be viewed as a significant factor. I would like to note the very high leadership qualities of President Vucic. As you may know, our contacts have been ongoing for many years. We know each other well, we have sincere conversations, and friendly relations. I know how much President Vucic is committed to the Serbian people, state, and public interests, and it is precisely these factors that underpin the success of any country. Of course, as friends of Serbia, we highly appreciate this and are happy about it.

My dear friend has touched upon the issues we discussed, so I do not want to repeat them. Indeed, many issues were discussed at the first meeting of the Serbia-Azerbaijan Strategic Council today. Before that, we reviewed a wide range of issues in our one-on-one meeting. We also have clear plans for the future, which consist of further strengthening our relations in the political, economic, and energy sectors, continuing to support each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty on international platforms and within international organizations, implementing joint investment projects, taking advantage of newly created opportunities in the energy and transport sectors, and creating a very strong synergy by looking further ahead.

President Vucic has already touched upon the future of the power plant to be built jointly. As the President has said, we have decided to keep this issue under the presidents’ oversight. The process of creating this power plant is based on the investment opportunities that exist in Serbia. Because if the investment climate were not positive, Serbia would not be so attractive to foreign investors. It is precisely as a result of the reforms that many countries, including Azerbaijan, are ready to invest substantially in Serbia.

The construction and reconstruction of power plants, as well as their rehabilitation, pave the way for the future development of any country. In particular, countries without natural resources often fall into dependence. Therefore, the presence of domestic energy and generation capacities ensures the energy security of each country, and I would like to note the special role of President Vucic in the implementation of this project.

In general, our relations in the energy sector are now developing in a diversified manner. Some time ago, we started exporting natural gas to Serbia, and today we decided to increase the volume of our exports. Now Serbia will also convert the gas to be exported into electricity, thereby acquiring clean electricity. This will create opportunities for both the Serbian market and for future exports. Today, Azerbaijan’s export potential in the energy sector is 2 gigawatts. This figure will only increase because we are now engaged in the construction of many renewable energy plants and are ready to cooperate with Serbia in this area.

We will generate an additional 8 gigawatts of energy capacity by 2032, and a large part of it will be exported. To achieve this, we need new and larger transmission capacities because our main export destination is Europe.

As for other issues, let me repeat, my friend has already spoken about them. I do not want to take up too much of your time. I believe that the results of my official visit will not be long in coming. We will meet again in the near future. I have invited President Vucic and members of the Serbian delegation to Azerbaijan. I am sure that we will meet several times this year – both in Azerbaijan and, perhaps, again in Serbia. Both I and, I am sure, the rest of the Azerbaijani delegation feel absolutely at home here. I have been to Serbia many times and have witnessed first hand the development taking place in Serbia under the leadership of President Vucic. Therefore, I would like to once again sincerely congratulate our Serbian friends and join President Vucic in his slogan: Long live Serbia! Long live Azerbaijan! Long live Serbian-Azerbaijani friendship!

A large-scale demonstration was held in Munich on February 14, drawing around 250,000 Iranians, according to German police cited by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, AzerNEWS reports.

The protest, one of the biggest Iranian opposition rallies in Europe in recent years, underscored growing anger within the Iranian diaspora over the situation in Iran.

Protesters carrying Iranian flags were seen arriving continuously throughout the day, with subway stations around Munich filled with chants and slogans calling for change. The demonstration was reportedly called by Reza Pahlavi, the son of Iran’s last shah, who was also said to be present at the rally.

Speaking to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, a protester named Athena, who traveled from Milan to attend the demonstration, said the ongoing violence in Iran was taking a heavy toll. ‘It’s very sad to say that they, we, are paying the price, that these young people are dying every day. Blood is being shed, it’s very sad,’ she said, adding that she has relatives and friends in Tehran and other Iranian cities.

Similar demonstrations are expected to take place in Los Angeles and Toronto, reflecting the global dimension of the Iranian protest movement. The Munich rally came amid heightened international attention on Iran, as negotiations between Tehran and Washington are reportedly ongoing.

US President Donald Trump has publicly expressed support for the protesters in Iran and has said he may intervene to protect them, although Washington has not endorsed Pahlavi or any other opposition leader living in exile.

Pahlavi, speaking at a press conference on February 14, called on Trump to take concrete action in response to the unrest. A day earlier, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky met with Iran’s former crown prince, adding to the diplomatic attention surrounding the opposition figure.

While the United States has voiced support for protesters inside Iran, it has so far stopped short of backing a specific political alternative, maintaining a cautious stance as talks with Tehran continue.

The Syrian Arab Army has taken control of the al-Shaddadi military base in Hasakah province, northeastern Syria, following coordination with US officials, the Defense Ministry’s media department announced, AzerNEWS reports.

The handover was completed after formal arrangements were made with US authorities.

This follows a similar development at the al-Tanf military base in southeastern Syria.

On February 12, the Defense Ministry announced that Syrian forces had assumed control of al-Tanf after coordinating with US officials, with army units securing the facility and its surrounding area.

The US Central Command (CENTCOM) confirmed the withdrawal of US troops from al-Tanf after nearly ten years of presence, while emphasising that US forces remain ready to respond to any ISIS threats and continue supporting partner-led efforts to prevent the group’s resurgence.

Efforts to reopen the Alican-Margara border crossing between Trkiye and Armenia have accelerated, signaling a potentially significant shift in regional dynamics.

According to reports by Turkish media, Igdir Governor Firat Tasolar has personally inspected the ongoing reconstruction and modernization works at the Alican checkpoint, with technical preparations expected to be completed in the near term.

The momentum around the Alican-Margara crossing also coincides with the construction of the Kars-Igdir-Aralik-Dilucu railway, a project designed to establish a direct land connection between Trkiye and Azerbaijan via Nakhchivan. Stretching 224 kilometres, the line is planned to carry 5.5 million passengers and 15 million tonnes of cargo annually, a capacity that would significantly strengthen regional transport and logistics networks and reinforce long-term connectivity across the South Caucasus.

While no official opening date has been announced, Ankara has repeatedly stated that once technical work is finalized and political conditions align, the process is ready to move forward. But what would reopening this border really mean, for Trkiye-Armenia relations, for regional connectivity, and for the broader South Caucasus?

To explore these questions in greater depth, AzerNEWS spoke with Dr Kerem Karabulut, an economic expert at Atatrk University, who offered a comprehensive and nuanced assessment of the evolving dynamics.

Responding to a question on the potential impact of reopening the Alican-Margara border crossing on Trkiye-Armenia relations, Dr Karabulut began by situating the issue within its broader historical and political context:

‘After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, despite Trkiye’s goodwill efforts, Armenia’s aggressive policies against Azerbaijan-including the occupation of Karabakh, the seizure of roughly twenty percent of Azerbaijani territories, and the Khojaly massacre in which six hundred thirteen women, children, and elderly civilians were killed-led Trkiye to close its borders.’

He stresses that the closure was not only about solidarity with Azerbaijan:

‘Armenia also raised territorial claims against Trkiye, made genocide allegations, and demanded compensation. Because of these factors, Trkiye did not develop relations with Armenia and closed its border crossings.’

Dr Karabulut also touched on Ankara’s potion that has been clear for years, according to him:

‘Trkiye consistently stated that borders could only be opened if Armenia withdrew from Karabakh and abandoned baseless propaganda against Trkiye and Azerbaijan. Before the Karabakh Victory, opening the border was not rational-it would have caused serious political and economic damage to Trkiye and harmed Trkiye-Azerbaijan relations.’

Besides, according to Karabulut, the post-Karabakh Victory environment fundamentally altered this calculation. He argues that the turning point was decisive:

‘After the Karabakh Victory, the situation changed. Even if Armenia was not fully willing, Azerbaijan-through the strength of its army and state strategy-regained its territories. Trkiye strongly supported Azerbaijan throughout this process.’

This victory elevated one issue above all others:

‘One of the most important outcomes of the Karabakh Victory was the Zangezur Corridor. In my view, it is among the most critical gains of that victory.’

Although Armenia formally accepted the corridor under Russian mediation:

‘Subsequent developments unfortunately slowed the process. However, both Azerbaijan and Trkiye have repeatedly stated that they remain determined.’

This determination, he says, directly shaped current policies.

However, the Zangezur Corridor is still central to the opening of the Alican-Margara crossing. The expert explains that infrastructure and diplomacy are now moving in parallel:

‘Azerbaijan has already initiated work on the Zangezur Corridor. Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan has also stated that he wants good relations with Trkiye and Azerbaijan and that Armenia no longer has claims over Karabakh.’

Trkiye’s response followed swiftly:

‘Within this framework, Trkiye began constructing the Kars-Igdir-Nakhchivan railway. Construction is progressing rapidly.’

These developments made reopening border crossings logical:

‘Under these conditions, opening Armenia’s border gates-both Akyaka in Kars and the Alican crossing in Igdir-has become a rational option. Trkiye is pursuing this process in coordination with Azerbaijan.’

Still, Karabulut underlines a red line:

‘If any political development emerges that harms Azerbaijan or Trkiye, Trkiye can reverse its stance immediately and keep the borders closed.’

Building on his earlier remarks, Dr Karabulut also highlighted the economic opportunities that could emerge from reopening the border, particularly in light of the new transport and connectivity projects currently underway. In his comment, the expert was realistic about market size, but optimistic about long-term effects:

‘Armenia is not a large market-around two and a half million people, with a territory smaller than Konya. On its own, it is not economically significant.’

Yet geography matters:

‘Because Armenia borders both Trkiye and Azerbaijan, good relations would benefit Armenia most, but they would also add economic vitality to Trkiye’s border regions.’

He adds a longer-term vision:

‘If Armenia avoids repeating historical mistakes, this relationship could evolve into one between friendly states. That would accelerate regional peace, stability, and sustainability.’

Again, the corridor remains key:

‘The opening of the Zangezur Corridor should be seen as the linchpin. Once it opens, Trkiye will act much faster and more decisively in opening border gates. Most likely, the borders will open immediately afterward.’

As the discussion turned to the Zangezur Corridor, attention shifted to the wider regional and geopolitical complexities, particularly the role of Iran in shaping this emerging framework of connectivity.Karabulut introduced a broader regional perspective:

‘Another critical factor is Iran. Iran was initially slow and not fully constructive regarding Zangezur, which may have contributed to increased American involvement later.’

If Tehran adjusts its approach, new possibilities emerge:

‘In the long term, regional railway networks could be developed. A comprehensive regional development corridor could be established-such as Tabriz-Erzurum-Trabzon railways, or even extending lines from Tabriz eastward toward Pakistan.’

Such projects, he argued, would have global implications:

‘This would create a regional development corridor of rail networks. Regional and global economies would benefit from the resulting stability and connectivity.’

In conclusion, the economic expert underscored Azerbaijan’s growing strategic significance amid rising global demand for security, highlighting what this evolving role means not only for the country itself but also for the broader balance of power among regional actors.

‘This corridor would also guarantee the secure transportation of Azerbaijan’s oil and natural gas to Europe and beyond. Stability here is essential for Azerbaijan’s energy links with Europe.’

Even Russia, he noted, would not be excluded:

‘Russia is a major regional power and would also benefit from political and economic developments in the region.’

He concluded with a clear takeaway:

‘In short, this is not a zero-sum game. There would be many winners, not losers.’

President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev arrived in the Republic of Serbia on an official visit on February 15, AzerNEWS reports.

A guard of honor was lined up for the President of Azerbaijan at Belgrade Nikola Tesla Airport.

President Ilham Aliyev and First Lady Mehriban Aliyeva were welcomed by President of the Republic of Serbia Aleksandar Vucic.

Footage of President Ilham Aliyev’s visit to Germany was posted on his social media accounts, AzerNEWS reports.

The post reads:

“Official visit of President Ilham Aliyev to the Federal Republic of Germany (13-15.02.2026)”.

President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev and First Lady Mehriban Aliyeva, who are on an official visit to the Republic of Serbia, visited the monuments of National Leader Heydar Aliyev and prominent Serbian writer Milorad Pavic in Tašmajdan park in Belgrade on February 15, AzerNEWS reports.

The Munich Security Conference (MSC) has long been a barometer of Western anxiety. This year, it felt closer to a post-mortem. And ever since the 2026 iteration of MSC, the stage itself is beginning to splinter further on the idea regarding the friction of a multipolar world.

From the opening evening, the tone was unmistakable. What usually begins as a cautious exchange of warnings instead opened with a blunt diagnosis: the international system that once structured expectations, alliances, and restraint is no longer functioning as assumed. The remark landed not as provocation, but as recognition. In Munich, the audience did not argue with the premise; they absorbed it. We have indeed entered the gloomily described ‘wrecking ball’ era of diplomacy, as it has been said.

That reaction alone says much about the moment. For years, the conference has catalogued risks, Russian revisionism, American unpredictability, and Chinese economic leverage, but always within the implicit belief that the old framework, however strained, would somehow endure. This time, the language shifted. The issue was no longer erosion but absence. The skepticism made its strong comeback with the Gaza crisis, reached the climax when the order failed to come up with an idea of resolution for the Russian-Ukrainian war for several years, and when US forces captured Maduro, it might have fallen into pieces.

The conference report mirrored this mood. Its central message was not simply that the system is under pressure, but that the pressure is coming from both outside and within. External challengers matter, but internal decay, loss of trust, hollowed institutions, and declining enforcement of rules have become just as decisive. Order, it suggested, is not being overthrown so much as quietly abandoned.

That idea framed much of what followed. Europe, in particular, is grappling with the realization that its security assumptions were built on habits rather than guarantees. The notion that alliances automatically translate into protection is being inverted. Now the question is what Europe itself must contribute – politically, industrially, militarily, to keep those alliances credible at all.

This recalibration was evident in the interventions from Berlin and Paris. Friedrich Merz spoke of the end of the unipolar moment and the return of power politics, stressing that even the strongest partners can no longer afford strategic solitude. Emmanuel Macron went further, arguing that European security can no longer be defined by watching the gestures of others. In both cases, the message was less about defiance than about maturity: dependence has become a liability.

Behind the rhetoric lies a concrete debate about capability. Strategic autonomy is no longer an abstract slogan in Brussels; it is increasingly a budget line. Joint procurement, accelerated arms production, shared standards, and long-term commitments, especially in relation to Ukraine, are now framed as prerequisites rather than ambitions. Yet the obstacles are obvious. Diverging threat perceptions between Europe’s eastern and southern flanks, limited industrial capacity, and the absence of a shared command culture all threaten to keep strategy on paper.

Ukraine sits at the center of this transformation. The war is no longer treated as an isolated crisis but as a formative test case for whatever security architecture emerges next. Volodymyr Zelenskyy used Munich to emphasize joint production and resilience, highlighting cooperation not as charity but as shared deterrence. The symbolism was deliberate: security, in the new era, is something that must be built together, or not at all.

Hovering over all these discussions was Washington’s recalibrated tone. The message from the American side was measured but unmistakable: alliances endure through burden-sharing, not habit. For Europe, accustomed to treating American commitment as a constant, even a subtle shift carries strategic weight. The mere uncertainty over whether the umbrella will fully open is enough to induce panic in some capitals.

It is here that the Munich debate intersects with a broader global conversation. The paralysis of multilateral institutions, especially the United Nations, was a recurring subtext. Their inability to prevent wars or enforce norms has reduced them to forums of rhetoric rather than instruments of order. This vacuum is being filled unevenly, through ad hoc coalitions, bilateral deals, and transactional politics.

From outside the Western core, this diagnosis sounds familiar. Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, has repeatedly argued that states are being forced to rethink security and cooperation precisely because international institutions no longer function as intended. During his interview with Azerbaijani media, he said this:

“More and more countries are already realizing that they need to reconsider their approach with respect to intergovernmental relations, security, and the functioning of international institutions. We see that the United Nations is totally paralyzed; it will not influence any of these issues. And there is no alternative. Hopefully, we will see more common sense in working together, because the new world order should not mean that ‘whoever is stronger is right.’ The new world order should mean new mechanisms for a civilized world, new forms of relations, and a new international order.”

Munich offered no blueprint for such a framework, yet. The old order still supplies the language of legitimacy, but no longer commands obedience. The new one remains unnamed, its contours visible only in fragments, energy security debates, supply-chain geopolitics, defence-industrial coordination, and technological rivalry.

This ambiguity is both dangerous and fertile. Delay risks fragmentation, strategic drift, and repeated crises managed on the fly. But acceleration, through joint production, clearer commitments, and political coherence, could produce a more balanced transatlantic relationship rather than a broken one.

In that sense, the 2026 Munich Security Conference may not be remembered as the “Last nail on the coffin”, but as a rehearsal, awkward, unfinished, and unsettling, for what comes next. The danger is not that the so-called coffin has been sealed. It is that Europe, and perhaps the wider international community, still hesitates to decide what should replace it.

In his last annual assessment before elections, the Hungarian prime minister promised to take action against ‘Brussels agents.’ He praised his party’s achievements and accused his political opponents of wanting to be the viceroy not only of Brussels but of multinational corporations, AzerNEWS reports.

“The 21st century will be the century of humiliation for Europe,” the Hungarian Prime Minister began his traditional annual assessment speech at Várkert Bazár, after his introduction. Orbán said that, for the first time since the invention of the steam engine, Europe is not part of the world’s transformation, but he believes Hungary has a chance to come out of it well.

“They have done ‘half a job’ in ousting Brussels agents”

Referring back to his speech last year in which he predicted that the Hungarian government, as an ally of Donald Trump, would be on the “main street of history” while their political opponents “wander down muddy side streets,” Orbán said all that had come true.

He argued that the US president had carried out a revolution against the former liberal elites, and that Hungary had joined him and that this is why he had said a year earlier they would oust from Hungary those NGOs, opposition newspapers and judges who had been labelled “bugged” by Orbán, and who had been classified as foreign agents by the government.

“That was the plan, but I have to admit that we have only done half the job: the Brussels repressive machine is still at work in Hungary, and we will clean it up after the April elections. Disguised civil organisations, bought journalists, judges, politicians, algorithms, bureaucrats, rolling Euro-millions – that’s what Brussels means here in Hungary today.”

He did not mention from his last year’s speech that he promised an economic recovery and significant growth, the so-called “flight to recovery”, which turned out to be 0.3% growth in 2025, or that after promising to ban ‘Pride Day’, hundreds of thousands of people turned up and celebrated in Budapest, despite the ban.

However, Orbán highlighted welfare measures introduced immediately before the 2026 elections and those promised for later. He said the source for these measures will be a system of special taxes on big business.

Orbán introduced the phrase ‘Putining’

“We must come to terms with the idea that those who love freedom should fear Brussels and not the East, and cast their anxious eyes on Brussels,” the Hungarian prime minister underlined.

“Putining is primitive and frivolous,” Orbán said, by which he portrays the Western practice of framing Russia and Putin as a threat. “Brussels is a tangible reality and a direct threat,” he added.

The Hungarian prime minister deduced this from a US report stating that the European Commission had put pressure on social media providers to “censor” content, including during European Parliament elections, in Romania and Moldova.

Orbán said that America’s friendship should be appreciated because, in his view, the United States is currently exposing the European Commission’s “censorship”.

The adversary has been bought not only by Brussels but also by global big business

The prime minister said Hungarian domestic rivals are puppets, but not only in Brussels’ hands.

After the Tisza Party presented several of its leading experts who could play an important role in a possible Tisza government, Viktor Orbán also referred to their former employers in his speech.

“One of the main winners of the war is Shell”, Orbán referred to the former job of István Kapitány, Tisza’s candidate for economic leader. According to him, Shell made tens of billions of dollars from the war, and their aim is to cut Hungary off from Russian oil.

In fact, a sanctions regime of this kind was introduced by Donald Trump’s administration, and Hungary was given a one-year reprieve. Moreover, the two biggest winners in the Russia-Ukraine war are the Hungarian national oil company MOL, which has made significant profits from buying cheap Russian oil, as it is exempt from European and US sanctions for the time being.

The Hungarian prime minister also mentioned ERSTE Bank, where another Tisza economist, András Kármán, had worked. According to the prime minister, ERSTE wants to plant its agent in the Tisza government in order to get the special banking taxes out. Kármán was state secretary in the second Orbán government between 2010-14.

Europe is going to engage in war, Orbán claims

“Europe has decided to go to war by 2030. This will be the last election before war,” the Hungarian prime minister said. “Brussels has decided to defeat the Russians in Ukraine, and outside Hungary, war is being prepared everywhere in Europe.”

Orbán also said that Europe is arming itself and sending instructions to the population on what to do in the event of war, while sending Ukraine a lot of money on credit.

“Ukraine is just swallowing money,” the Hungarian prime minister said. “No one can answer the question of how to defeat a nuclear power without using its nuclear weapons.”

Orbán stressed that Hungary would not send money or weapons to Ukraine, and that Hungarian young people would not be taken to Ukraine, although NATO’s charter does not require member states to use military force in the event of a conflict.