Category: Daily Monitor

If there is one question theatre makers world over have tried to answer in vain, it is the fact that no one knows what went wrong.

From Madrid to Kampala, more than 20 conferences, talks, and panel discussions have been discussing the fate of theatre. During this past week, this topic came back differently, at Bat Valley Theatre.

This was during the annual Theatre and Performance Arts Festival, which has been going on at the Bat Valley Theatre recently. Held under the theme, The Ugandan Theatre Renaissance Starts With You, the first thespians’ conference with an eight-person panel.

From writers and directors, including Phillip Luswata, Aganza Kisaka, to actress Juliet Nantambi, there was consensus that over the years, theatre has lost its spark.

‘There was a time we were paid Shs3m after a show, it was surprising, the theatre was full for more than a month,’ actor Abby Mukiibi said in his opening remarks.

But it was the panel discussion that got the audience engaged. Eron Ntulo Matovu, with experience of more than 20 years on stage, said there is a general lack of passion. He added that people are not rehearsing enough as they used to over the years.

The panel discussion, which brought together sectors such as media, marketing, creatives, including actors, directors, and writers, to producers, all noted that the existing theatre climate is not healthy.

Many argued that, unlike in the past, where most people depended on the TV and theatre for entertainment, today, there are many alternatives, including bars, amusement parks and cinemas that people do not even think about theatre that much.

This was, however, challenged by Godfrey Musinguzi of Uganda Cinema Night. He argued that Europe has better technology, more cinemas and high-end TV productions yet its theatre scene is still striving.

‘Mobile phones have only been able to replace theatre because something is lacking with theatre. It is not giving the audience what they want,’ he said.

Some argued that theatre these days has not challenged itself when it comes to the stories it tells. For instance, the argument is that most of the productions that are staged at the moment talk about the same things — either a man and his wife facing challenges brought about by the husband’s extra-marital affair or about a kingdom whose aging king occupies the throne illegitimately.

‘Of course, most of the stories we tell have been told before, but what makes them special is the fresh angle the writer puts on them,’ actress Mariam Ndagire said.

But then, there was a question of marketing. When theatre was thriving in the early 1980s to the early 2000s, much of the marketing was done on cloth banners, posters and later radio adverts, mainly done by Abby Mukiibi in his signature voice.

As years rolled by, the audience evolved, yet, for some reason, the marketing of theatre has not evolved. The audience has since become very visual, vibrant on TikTok, Instagram, and X. In Uganda, theatre spaces don’t have a presence on these platforms.

As the discussion wound up, it became evident that the festival had done more than revisit familiar debates, it had rekindled the will to rebuild. Many participants agreed that the future of Ugandan theatre depends on its ability to evolve without losing its soul. Theatre, they said, must reimagine its storytelling, embrace digital platforms, and engage a new generation of audiences while remaining true to its essence, the intimacy of live performance.

‘If we can make theatre exciting again, not by imitating television, but by being unapologetically theatrical, the people will return,’ remarked playwright and director Luswata, drawing applause from the audience.

In the end, the mood in Bat Valley was one of cautious optimism. With veterans such as Ndagire, Luswata, and Mukiibi reflecting on the golden years, and younger voices such as Aganza Kisaka and Eron Ntulo Matovu eager to redefine the art form, there was a shared belief that Uganda’s stage can rise again.

The festival’s theme rang true, not merely as a slogan, but as a challenge to everyone who loves the craft.

If the conversations at Bat Valley are any indication, Ugandan theatre’s story is not fading; it is simply waiting for its next act to begin.

On October 23, the Electoral Commission (EC) brought the curtain down on the nomination of candidates for parliamentary seats in next year’s elections. One of the talking points from the two-day exercise has been the very high number of people scrambling for seats in Parliament.

It was not possible to establish the exact number of nominated parliamentary candidates by press time, but there were media reports suggesting the number could be around 2,700.

Some 113 candidates were, for example, nominated to fight for the 10 seats in Kampala, an average of 11.3 persons per seat. Then 42 people were nominated to contest for the four available seats in Jinja City, with a staggering 16 eying the Jinja North seat.

The number of people entering elective politics has been increasing with every election. The EC’s report on the 2015/2016 General Election shows that there were eight presidential candidates and 1,743 parliamentary candidates.

The number later rose to 1,816 candidates following the by-elections in newly created constituencies. Those who entered elective politics increased to 11 presidential candidates and 2,801 parliamentary candidates in the 2020/2021 General Election.

Why the mad rush?

Why are many people developing an appetite for elective politics? What has made it so attractive?

Dr Livingstone Sewanyana (PhD), the Executive Director of the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI), says more people are scrambling for parliamentary seats because being in Parliament has turned into a lucrative enterprise.

‘Politics became a lucrative business. It’s one of the most lucrative businesses you can have now. And as long as you are able to be elected, you can actually start counting your money,’ he says.

Mr Dan Wandera Ogalo, a constitutional lawyer who represented Bukoli South constituency in the 6th Parliament and was later one of Uganda’s representatives to the East African Legislative Assembly (Eala), attributes the mad rush for seats to the changes over time, in public perceptions about Parliament and the role of a legislator. That change, he argues, has been occasioned by the social and economic realities, especially the failure of the economy to generate enough well-paying jobs.

‘There is generally a lack of opportunities. People do not have employment. So they take it (politics) as employment, which, of course, is absurd. That to me is what is making people rush in there,’ Mr Ogalo says.

Huge perks

Prof Sabiti Makara, who teaches Political Science at Kabale University, weighs in, saying the pay and hefty allowances that Ugandan legislators are paid have fast turned being a Member of Parliament into the most lucrative job in Uganda.

‘Politics has become a better-paying job than, for example, being a doctor or engineer. That tells you why professionals are running into politics. The reason being that they do not have to work very hard and get as many headaches as a doctor or engineer, but walk away with very big salaries and allowances,’ Prof Makara says.

The pay and allowances due to Ugandan MPs have always been a source of public anger because Parliament has always determined its own emoluments and allowances, which are way bigger and out of the reach of other Ugandans.

Those include a monthly salary of Shs25 million; a one-off vehicle allowance of Shs150 million; a subsistence allowance of Shs4.5 million a month; a town running allowance of Shs1 million per month, a medical allowance of Shs500,000 per month; a sitting allowance of Shs50,000 for committee meetings and a plenary sitting allowance of Shs150,000 for plenary sessions.

There is also a mileage allowance, which is determined based on the distance between Parliament and the furthest point of a particular legislator’s constituency.

Other allowances include an inland travel per diem of Shs150,000 a night, a foreign travel per diem of $520 (approximately Shs1.8 million), and air tickets when on official business.

A look at the salary structure for the Financial Year 2024/2025, which was released by the Ministry of Public Service on June 30, 2024, shows that the Head of Public Service is the highest-paid person in the public service with a monthly salary of Shs17.6 million. That one is followed by the Deputy Head of Public Service, who earns Shs16.4 million; the permanent secretaries, who earn Shs15.4 million. Medical officers fall further down the order with a salary of Shs4.5 million. All those pale so much in the face of what MPs earn.

Qualifications

Dr Sewanyana is, however, quick to add that money is not the only thing making a parliamentary seat very attractive. He argues it is highly likely that the requirements for being a legislator have been set so low that every Tom, Dick and Harry believes that they stand a chance.

‘The eligibility requirements are very minimal. To be a Member of Parliament, you only need a S6 certificate. If you go by any imagination, we have many people who would qualify because they have that certificate, but if the requirements, for example, had been a Master’s degree, then chances would be that you would have fewer,’ he argues.

Value for money?

The biggest talking point has however been that there has been very little value for all the money expended on Uganda’s legislators. There have been concerns that the quality of legislators and legislation has been deteriorating with every Parliament. Some of those concerns have actually come from within Parliament itself.

In October 2020, the late Jacob Oulanyah, who was the Deputy Speaker of the 10th Parliament, caused quite a stir when he brazenly stated that the MPs were not doing enough research before contributing to debates in Parliament, which meant that their submissions were often based on hearsay and or very little in terms of facts.

Dr James Nsaba Buturo agreed with Oulanyah, saying the quality of debate had been disappointing because some of the legislators were ‘unfit for legislative work’.

At the time, a parliamentary scorecard for the third session of the 10th Parliament had revealed that only 17 percent out of the 459 MPs had scored above the 75 percent mark, which was considered to be an excellent performance. The scorecard also revealed that 29 percent of the MPs scored between 50 and 74 percent, which was considered good.

The African Leadership Institute (AFLI), which has been the brain behind the scorecards, has not carried out any scorecards on the performance of the 11th Parliament. Ms Victorious Akell told Sunday Monitor that AFLI ran into funding difficulties, which made it impossible to assess its performance. However, there are huge question marks over the manner in which the House has been conducting business.

Quality issues

As of July 2024, the 11th Parliament had passed a total of 62 Bills, but most were passed without public consultations and the kind of scrutiny that would have been expected of the legislators. If the words of Dr Sewanyana are anything to go by, that is a sign that it has performed worse than its predecessor.

‘They no longer do consultations in the population. In the past, they would consult stakeholders on any Bill that would come before the House. But today, they have dispensed with that,’ he says.

Dr Sewanyana also raises issues with the quality of debate. ‘The quality is really lacking. The performance had declined tremendously.

You can see that the quality of Parliament has really declined. You can see that there are very few people who actually engage in the legislative agenda, whether in the committees or the plenary. Any legislation that goes to Parliament now passes hastily,’ Dr Sewanyana says.

He points to the hurried passing by Parliament on May 20 of both the UPDF Amendment Bill and the Political Parties and Organisations (Amendment) Bill, 2025. One of the issues raised by members of the political Opposition was that Parliament did not consult other stakeholders before passing the said Bills.

Leadership question

It is not clear whether the new approach to business has been precipitated by the new leadership at Parliament headed by the Speaker, Ms Anita Among, or the quality of legislators in the House. Mr Godfrey Kabyanga, the State minister for ICT and National Guidance, insists that it is down to the quality of legislators. Many of them, he says, are in Parliament for the money and not to fulfil their obligations as legislators.

‘There are so many people who are now coming in to contest for Member of Parliament seats, but it is not about representation. It’s about it being the highest-paying Job. Most of the people are coming in because of the money, not because they really want to represent the people,’ Mr Kabyanga says.

There are, however, those who think that the problem with the 11th Parliament has been Ms Among. Those who subscribe to that thinking argue that she is too keen to please President Museveni that she has decided to let the Legislature pander to the whims of the Executive.

Ms Among publicly declared her loyalty to Mr Museveni and the ruling NRM on August 21 during a meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC) held at State House Entebbe.

‘I am a very disciplined cadre of the party.I have been trusted and given the top position of Speaker of Parliament. That is an arm of the government. A Speaker of Parliament who respects the party, who values the party NRM. As a Speaker of Parliament, I love my President. I love my party. I can never bring a motion of displeasure for my President. Never!’ she declared.

Calibre of MPs

However, though there are questions about the way Parliament is being shepherded, we cannot run away from the fact that, as Mr Nsaba Buturo pointed out during the life of the 10th Parliament, many legislators are unfit to be what they are. During the span of the National Resistance Council (NRC), which was the 5th Parliament and the 6th and 7th Parliaments, every region seemed to send its best to represent it.

Mr Wandera Ogalo says the dip in the quality of legislators has a lot to do with the number of constituencies.

‘If you have a constituency of 100 square kilometres, it means that all people in 100 square metres have to agree on one person who is likely to be an able legislator, but if you divide that 100 square kilometres into four, it is highly likely that you will get an incapable person.

A bigger area gives you a chance to capture people of quality while a smaller area reduces the chances of landing on people of quality,’ he argues.

That scenario, he says, plays into the hands of the ruling NRM because they know that it is thanks to the NRM that they occupy positions that they do not deserve. Others now think that it is by design that the quality of MPs and their performance have been dipping with every Parliament. That thinking is driven by comments that President Museveni made in March 2018 while campaigning for Mr Nathan Igeme Nabeta, who was the NRM’s candidate in the Jinja East parliamentary by-elections.

‘Even if the NRM MP was sick and sleeping, he is still better than a very active Opposition MP,’ Mr Museveni said.

The people of Jinja East voted for the Opposition’s Paul Mwiru, but those comments were construed to mean that Mr Museveni does not care about who ends up in Parliament, and the voting population, especially in the predominantly NRM areas, seems to have picked the cue. But minister Kabyanga insists that there is no design to ensure that ineffective people end up in Parliament.

‘We are doing civic education and telling people what they should expect of an MP, but the people decide who to elect and there are so many dynamics in elections. Someone can elect you because you are their brothers, another because one is their husband or because the person is a member of the local Malwa group. It happens even in towns! That is why you cannot blame the NRM,’ he says.

Which way 12th Parliament?

The question now is what kind of MPs will constitute the 12th Parliament. Does it stand any chance of doing better than the 11th and the 10th Parliaments before it? Mr Ogalo does not believe that the performance of Parliament will get any better, adding that it has a lot to do with the size of Parliament.

‘There are several problems around the question of debate. People do not have sufficient time to develop their arguments. You may have the ideas, but you have only three minutes within which to submit. So I believe the time available for debate is contributory to quality,’ he says Dr Sewanyana, too, believes that nothing will change, but Mr Kabyanga believes that the ongoing civic education campaign will cause a change. Those interested in good governance will be hoping that God hears him.

A teacher from Namutumba District has accused Opportunity Bank, Iganga Branch of granting her an unsolicited loan of Shs6.6m and has appealed to the Bank of Uganda (BoU) to intervene.

Ms Fatuma Nabirye Kadondo, a teacher at Nawaikona Primary School, said she was shocked to discover that the bank had credited her account with a loan she neither applied for nor signed.

Kadondo explained that in 2021, she legitimately applied for a loan of Shs11.1m from Opportunity Bank Iganga Branch, payable within 60 months (2021-2026). However, on May 30, 2023, the bank’s loan officer, Mr John Kalisito, called her, saying she was entitled to a ‘hospital cash reward’ of Shs600,000 as a loyal customer benefit.

‘I was told to rush to the bank and withdraw the Shs600,000, which I was made to believe was a customer reward. I withdrew it immediately without knowing it was a top-up loan of Shs6.6m,’ Ms Kadondo narrated.

She later learned that the withdrawal had been processed as part of a new loan in her name, insisting that she never signed for.

‘I want the Bank of Uganda to intervene and explain why Opportunity Bank gave me a top-up loan I didn’t ask for or sign. I’m being cheated; this loan is consuming most of my salary,’ she said emotionally.

Ms Kadondo added that after realising the mistake, she refunded the Shs600,000 along with Shs200,000 interest within two weeks, after consulting the payroll manager at the bank’s head office in Kamwokya, Kampala. She was assured the loan would be cancelled, but deductions have reportedly continued since 2023.

‘The loan officer forged my signature and imposed the loan on me. I only withdrew Shs600,000. I don’t know who took the rest of the money,’ she said, adding that she is struggling to survive as the deductions have left her account almost empty.

When contacted, an operations officer at Opportunity Bank Iganga Branch who declined to identify himself, said Ms Kadondo’s matter is already before the court of law and that Bank of Uganda had been notified about the case.

‘The issue is in court, and BoU has been notified,’ the officer said.

Namutumba District Communications Officer Kiire Noah urged Opportunity Bank to ensure justice is served.

‘As a district, we sympathise with our employees. The bank should work with her to resolve this matter. It’s also illegal to deduct more than 50 percent of a civil servant’s salary for loan repayment,’ Mr Noah said.

He added that while the district only recommends civil servants for loans, matters relating to repayments and additional charges are strictly between the bank and the client.

Unsolicited loan

An unsolicited loan is a loan offer you did not apply for, often sent through mail, email, or unexpected calls, and is frequently associated with scams.

Unsolicited offers can also be “pre-approved” offers sent to many consumers without prior inquiry, and are a key way to identify potential loan scams, as they often lack the credit verification of legitimate lenders

When things are going well, the natural rule of life is that there is little to learn therein. On the flip side, the biggest lessons lay in adversity and overcoming challenges.

Within the spaces of cricket in the country, the feeling was there was relatively less effort spent to beat visiting Canada 5-0 in the Victoria Women’s Twenty20 International Bilateral Series at Lugogo Oval over the last week.

The Victoria Pearls lived on in crucial control mode as they won all five T20Is, skipper Janet Mbabazi lifting the trophy at lunchtime last Sunday.

Of course, most teams or athletes from Uganda are normally underdogs or less favoured, but not the Pearls this time. ‘Winning becomes a habit, and the wins earn the Victoria Pearls a ranking point,’ Victoria Pearls’ coach Deus Muhumuza opined positively.

They simply vindicated their advantage in the International Cricket Council (ICC) women’s T20I rankings with both bat and ball.

The structure of these global rankings is so important that it is on which, global funding from ICC bases.

The T20Is against Canada tutored by Rizwan Cheema felt like a walk in the park for Uganda, even if the visitors grew into the game. But 18th-ranked Uganda maintained its key position by beating Canada, which is ranked 33rd.

When a team below the other picks up a result, they gain several T20I ranking points while wins for a higher ranked team yielded few points. Hence, Muhumuza and his assistant Brian Masaba needed to win all the matches.

Otherwise, they risked dropping the standings. Currently, the structure shows that the top 18-ranked teams in women’s T20 cricket receive at least $250,000 (Shs870m) in annual funding from ICC.

Yet, Uganda also needed some competition to test its unit before the Pearls play the ICC Emerging Trophy Championship in Thailand this month.

‘A good international platform to gauge players’ adaptability to individual and team responsibilities,’ Muhumuza described the Series in Lugogo.

On both occasions Uganda batted first, they made triple digits with some commendable partnerships. Skipper Janet Mbabazi managed 90 runs in five innings and only Canada captain Armapal Kaur beat her 118 runs.

Rita Musamali and Immaculate Nakisuyi took up significant batting responsibility in critical moments before Proscovia Alako showed some progress with batting at six.

With the ball, medium pace bowler Kevin Amuge maximized home conditions with the new ball, thereby finishing as the best bowler with 10 wickets and 75 dot balls in a combined 20 overs.

‘The opening bowlers getting early breakthroughs, top-order batters trying to bat through, and better field sets. These are all signals of team growth and awareness,’ Muhumuza remarked.

There is however, some work to do before the Emerging Trophy set to run in Bangkok from November 18 – December 1. ‘At times, we aren’t as clinical as we would like when it comes to finishing games. Once we are in control, a tendency to relax gives opponents a chance to come back and win the game,’ added Muhumuza.

This showpiece will feature top eight women’s associate members, including the five teams with ODI status – Netherlands, Papua New Guinea (PNG), Scotland, Thailand and UAE as well as three other highest-ranked teams in ICC Women’s T20I Team Rankings as of May 1, 2025.

The other three competitors are Uganda, Namibia and Tanzania.

OTHER COLLATED RESULTS

Uganda 100/6 | Canada 82/10

(Uganda won by 18 runs)

Canada 67/10 | Uganda 68/3

Uganda won by 7 wickets

Canada 82/6 | Uganda 83/6

Uganda won by 4 wickets

Uganda 113/4 Canada 70/9

Uganda won by 43 runs

Uganda 101/4 | Canada 89/10

Uganda won by 12 runs

Uganda won series 5-0

INDIVIDUAL AWARD WINNERS

Player of Match (5th WT20I): Jane Naume Amongin (Uganda) – 3/12 and 2 catches

Best Batter: Amarpal Kaur (Canada) – 118 runs @ 39.33, Highest Score: 37

Best Bowler: Kevin Amuge (Uganda) – 10 wickets, 83 runs in 20 overs, 75 dot balls, Best Bowling: 3/7

Most Valuable Player: Immaculate Nakisuuyi (Uganda) – 81 runs, 4 wickets, 5 fielding dismissals (251 points)

Anna Akullo digs into the sandy bed at the banks of River Aswa with a shovel. She scoops the extracted sand and fills a plastic basin held by a colleague standing beside her. The recurring motion is a testament to their daily routine. The work is painstaking, but it puts food on the table.

Akullo and her friend exchange smiles as they work, their bond strengthened by shared struggles and determination. The women are among dozens of energetic people from Obolnyapo Village, Akangi Parish, Ogur Sub-county in Lira District, who engage in sand mining to make ends meet. After filling the basin, the woman walks up a narrow path to a collecting centre.

The centre bustles with activity; the hum of truck engines and the voices of buyers competing for precedence. They inspect the sand, checking its quality, and then negotiate prices. The trucks are loaded, and the sand is transported to construction sites.

Amidst the toil, Akullo is unaware of the devastating impact her activity has on the environment. As she works, her thoughts are consumed by her family’s needs. She earns a meagre income from selling sand, which helps put food on the table and pay school fees.

A truck of river sand goes for between Shs50,000 and Shs200,000, depending on the size of the truck and the quality of the sand. ‘Sand mining is hard, but we do not have an alternative source of income. This activity has always helped me to educate my children, clear medical bills, and buy food. I used to depend entirely on my husband, but when he became bedridden, I had no choice but to work,’ she explains.

The repercussions

ut the long-term consequences of her actions are far-reaching. The removal of sand disrupts the natural habitat of plants and animals, pushing some species to the brink of extinction, according to experts.

Isaac Ogwal, another resident, says he initiated the practice of sand mining in this fragile ecosystem in November 2015, in a desperate attempt to recover from climatic shocks.

‘Along the way, I abandoned the practice after realising that it was causing more harm to the environment and the community. We had already started experiencing tragic accidents at the site, increased cases of malaria, and domestic violence in Ogur Sub-county,’ he says.

Betty Atoke, the community development officer (CDO) of Ogur Sub-county, says more women engage in sand mining activities than men. Some of the socio-economic issues arising from the sand mining areas in Lira include the high prevalence of sexually transmitted diseases.

‘Rising domestic issues linked to sand mining exacerbate financial strains, making it harder for these mothers to escape poverty. When people with sexually transmitted diseases get into the sand mines filled with water, the bacteria spread quickly, infecting their colleagues,’ she explains.

Atoke, however, notes that government programs like the Uganda Women Entrepreneurship Programme (UWEP), which could have helped the community to enhance household income, fall short in addressing these women’s specific problems.

UWEP is an initiative of the government of Uganda aimed at improving access to financial services for women and equipping beneficiaries with skills for enterprise growth, value addition, and marketing of their products and services.

The programme was designed to address the challenges women face in undertaking economically viable enterprises, including the limited access to affordable credit, limited technical knowledge and skills for business development, limited access to markets, as well as information regarding business opportunities. Akullo, just like other women in rural areas in Lira, has not been lucky to benefit from such government programs.

‘We need urgent support from the government so that we can shift from environmentally destructive activities to more sustainable income-generating activities. The government and well-wishers should empower us so that we can make better use of our communal land and conserve the ecosystems,’ Akullo says.

As Akullo ends her day’s work, she looks out at the wetland, now scarred by her labour. She knows no other way to provide for her family, but perhaps, with education and support, she can find alternative livelihoods that preserve this fragile ecosystem for future generations.

Soaring demand for sand

In the past two decades, sand mining has tripled, with demand reaching an estimated 50 billion tonnes a year in 2019, according to the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).

Indeed, the volume of sand and gravel used each year is enough to build a wall around the equator measuring 27 metres high by 27 metres wide.

But extraction, sourcing, use, and management of sand is unregulated in many parts of the world (Uganda inclusive), which means we are consuming it faster than it can be replaced by geological processes. Urgent action – including a ban on beach extraction – is needed to avert a ‘sand crisis’, UNEP’s Sand and Sustainability report says.

Around six billion tonnes of marine sand is also being dug up each year by the marine dredging industry, ‘significantly impacting biodiversity and coastal communities,’ UNEP’s new data platform, Marine Sand Watch, reveals.

Walter Ocen, Lira District’s environment officer, warns that removing sand from riverbeds, banks, and coastal zones changes the morphology of those systems. The riverbed may deepen, banks may collapse or erode, and the flow regime can change.

‘Many river systems rely on the upstream supply of sand or sediment to maintain deltas, beaches, and dunes. When that supply is interrupted, the downstream or coastal systems suffer from ‘sediment starvation,’ he explains. Ocen adds that without the natural sand buffer, riverbanks and coastlines can erode more easily; coastal dunes or beaches can retreat.

As a result, protection against storms or floods is reduced. ‘Mining can lower the water table, reduce infiltration, disrupt aquifer recharge, alter groundwater-surface water relations,’ he explains, further highlighting that mining creates suspension of sediments (increasing turbidity), possibly contamination, and release of pollutants.

The increased sediment load can smother aquatic habitats, reduce light penetration, impair photosynthesis, and reduce oxygen levels.Aquatic habitats (riverbeds, banks, coastal zones) are home to unique flora and fauna (fish, invertebrates, amphibians, and nesting birds). Sand mining removes or degrades these habitats. For example, species that depend on sandy banks for nesting can be impacted.

Socio-economic impacts

Many local communities depend on river/shoreline ecosystems (fishing, agriculture irrigated by groundwater, riverbank resources) that can be disrupted by sand mining. Also, when riverbanks erode or change, flood risk may increase, threatening homes, farmland, and infrastructure, according to the environment officer.

In coastal or delta regions, removal of sand and lowering of groundwater can allow saltwater to intrude, affecting agriculture and drinking water supplies. Often, the benefits of sand extraction, among others, for construction accrue to external actors, while local communities bear the environmental costs. Illegal or unregulated mining exacerbates this.

‘When sand mining is done unsustainably in fragile ecosystems, the system’s ability to regenerate is low. Sediment supply may take a very long time to replenish. So, the changes can be long-lasting or even irreversible. For communities whose livelihoods are tied to river or coastal ecosystems, the knock-on effects can be severe,’ Ocen explains.

Sadly, the Aswa riverbank, once swarming with life, is rapidly being destroyed by sand mining. The women’s actions, though driven by economic necessity, contribute to the degradation of this delicate ecosystem.

The Aswa River basin drains an area of 27,677 square kilometres and covers 15 districts in northeastern Uganda.

The districts included Abim, Agago, Alebtong, Amuria, Amuru, Gulu, Kaabong, Kitgum, Kole, Kotido, Lamwo, Lira, Otuke, Oyam, and Pader. This fragile freshwater ecosystem is a key source of water for domestic use, firewood and charcoal, pasture and water for livestock, agriculture, fish, raw materials for the local handicraft industry, and sand for construction.

The ecosystem also provides crucial regulating, supporting, and cultural services for the community. Despite these immense environmental and socio-economic values and services, the Aswa riverbank is severely degraded by human activities.

‘Many people have encroached on wetlands because the production systems elsewhere are failing them. As a result, the Aswa freshwater ecosystem is experiencing increased siltation, reduced water flow volumes and water quality, and declining ability to check storm run-off and floods,’ says Dr Alfred Kumakech, a research officer at the National Agricultural Research Organisation (Naro). Richard Cox Okello Orik, the LC5 chairman of Lira District, agrees.

‘A few years ago, we used to have clean spring water. Our ancestors would collect the water and drink it because it was filtered through the sand. But today, we have several waterborne diseases associated with the consumption of dirty water. That means human beings have interfered with nature,’ he says.

Alternative livelihood pathways

For communities engaged in sand mining or those whose livelihood depends on the extraction of sand and sediment from water systems, it is important to consider alternative livelihood pathways that are less damaging to the ecosystem and are more sustainable. That means designing livelihood programs that are linked to resource restoration, like restoring the river and shoreline, so it can support fisheries, agriculture, and ecotourism rather than continuing extractive practices that undermine the same resource base.

According to Ocen, governments and development partners can support training, micro-enterprises, and water-based value chains of fisheries, aquaculture, riparian agriculture, and eco-services that depend on healthy ecosystems rather than degraded ones.

‘Additionally, monitoring is crucial. If sand mining is continuing illegally or unchecked, even the best livelihood projects may fail because the environmental base continues to decline,’ he says. Policy frameworks are needed, as are legislation and regulation of sand mining, incentives for alternative livelihoods, and financial support for transitions.

‘Community involvement is key. People need to be engaged in both the resource-use decisions on how much sand is extracted, where, under what conditions, and the livelihood planning.’ The time to act is now. The community’s daily struggle highlights the need for sustainable practices and environmental awareness in northern Uganda.

By working together, they can protect this precious wetland and ensure a brighter future for all.

Over view

The Aswa River basin drains an area of 27,677 square kilometres and covers 15 districts in northeastern Uganda. The districts included Abim, Agago, Alebtong, Amuria, Amuru, Gulu, Kaabong, Kitgum, Kole, Kotido, Lamwo, Lira, Otuke, Oyam, and Pader.

This fragile freshwater ecosystem is a key source of water for domestic use, firewood and charcoal, pasture and water for livestock, agriculture, fish, raw materials for the local handicraft industry, and sand for construction. The ecosystem also provides crucial regulating, supporting, and cultural services for the community.

Despite these immense environmental and socio-economic values and services, the Aswa riverbank is severely degraded by human activities.

‘Many people have encroached on wetlands because the production systems elsewhere are failing them. As a result, the Aswa freshwater ecosystem is experiencing increased siltation, reduced water flow volumes and water quality, and declining ability to check storm run-off and floods,’ says Dr Alfred Kumakech, a research officer at the National Agricultural Research Organisation (NARO).

Uganda won the 10th edition of the Africa Aquatics Zone III Championships held October 16-19 in Nairobi, Kenya.

Uganda had dominant performances, especially from captain Peyton Suubi in the 15-16 girls’ age group and the open 15 and Over long distance events, Tara Kisawuzi in the girls’ 17 and Over age group, Nisha Pearl Najjuma among the 12 and Under girls, and Jonathan Kaweesa among the 13-14 boys.

Credit to those four as they won most of the races they were involved in with aplomb. But here are some of the edge of the seat races Uganda was involved in and a few surprise wins.

50m and 100m freestyle

Ethani Ssengooba saved the best of last to win his only gold medal of the competition in the 15-16 boys’ 50m freestyle on Day Four. Thank God there were touch pads as it was unclear for the human eyes to determine who touched first between him and Kenya’s Victor Okech.

The results returned with Ssengooba having edged the photo finish race by a microsecond at 25.24 seconds. Okech had a day earlier, agonizingly edged Ssengooba by four microseconds to win the 100m freestyle (56.14).

Speaking agony, Daniel Rukundo also marginally lost the age group’s 100m breast gold by six microseconds to Kenya’s Neo Olengo (1:10.42).

Before Ssengooba’s 50m free revenge, Rahmah Nakasule had also edged the girls in the same age group (28.61). After that, Mathew Mwase also got his only individual medal (bronze) by clocking 25.28 in the 17 and Over boys’ 50m free – a race that was jointly won by Kenya’s Swaleh Talib and Burundi’s Flack Zacharie Harinzimana (24.92).

For Jinan Nakato, 12, the 100m freestyle was probably that big race. She had been involved in a few 12 and Under girls’ races to bring points on board for the team but her mentality to keep patient and deliver gold in her dominant stroke (1:06.06 – 23 microseconds ahead of Tanzania’s Heydleen Magashi) on Day Three was classy. She also won the 50m free (29.16).

200m and 100m backstroke

Giovanni Cruz Mbanga handed Uganda early delight with 12 and Under boys’ 200m backstroke gold (2:46.85). he was certainly no favourite but he edged Kenya’s Abdulkadir Abdulkadir by just over eight microseconds.

Shaun Kairumba Murungi added to that with the 15-16 boys’ gold (2:24.00). Murungi made it a 100 percent gold performance for him in the competition when he won the 100m back too in 1:05.66 just ahead of teammate Peterson Inhensiko (1:06.05).

Generally, the 100m back was a better show for Uganda after being dominated in the 50m back, where only Najjuma got gold.

Kristian Bwisho won the 12 and Under boys’ 100m back (1:16.06) while Kisawuzi also faced her first real 17 and Over girls’ competition in this race winning it with a personal best (1:13.91). Kisawuzi went into this one on the back of finishing second in the 50m breaststroke and missing the 50m back and 100m butterfly races due to exams. Her first race had also been the 200m backstroke and gold was guaranteed as she was alone just as the 200m breaststroke medal was guaranteed with just three participants.

50m, 100m, and 200m breaststroke

The 17 and Over boys’ breaststroke events became a national competition between Kyle Kaweesa and his captain Namanya Ampaire.

The former topped the 50m first in 31.04 seconds as Ampaire clocked 32.08 to finish ahead of the Burundians Nicky Terry Irakoze and Tony Lilia Uwineza, who tied in 3rd at 33.77.

Kyle doubled his money in the 200m (2:41.89) just over seconds ahead of Ampaire but this time, Uwineza (2:52.50) beat Irakoze (2:52.85). But a more intriguing race happened in the 13-14 age group where Jayson Aronda kept pace behind teammate Elijah Mukisa for 150m before going ahead to win it in 2:56.22. Mukisa had to hold and push harder than he had anticipated to retain silver (2:58.66) as Tanzania’s Delbert Kenemo (2:59.37) tried to cause a late upset.

200m, 50m fly

The Tanzanian’s got one over Mukisa as Max Missokia pushed him to 3rd in the 200m fly but Uganda still had Benjamin Ssali (2:38.51) come top for his lone gold.

If the cheers that greeted that gold and bronze were not loud enough, then you can consider those that welcomed Pendo Kaumi’s bronze in the senior boys’ 200m fly.

Kaumi had decided to take it easy as he had just competed in the 100m free and was due to take one for the team in the 4x100m free relay. But as he went for the final 50m, in a race where Tanzania’s Romeo-Mihaly Mwaipasi (2:30.79) and Lilia (2:34.82) were comfortably in the lead, Kaumi realized the former’s teammate Michael Joseph was within reach. The Ugandan swimmer changed pace in the final 25m to clinch bronze (2:43.57) as Joseph laboured to 4th three seconds later.

Tyrah Muganzi was dominant in the 13-14 girls’ 200m and 100m fly but there was a lot more pressure ahead of the 50m. Fly is her race but by the time she went for this one, Tanzania’s Crissa Dillip had not lost a race in two days. With almost the entire arena on its feet, Muganzi led from the start to clock 30.21 as Dillip settled for silver (31.53).

Rahmah Nakasule topped the 15-16 girls (30.11) to declare the 50m fly her best event of the competition. Most had tipped Suubi to take it but she was fatigued from the 400m free and even missed the podium.

200m free and 200m IM free

Highly rated 12 year old Elijah Ayesiga got his first gold in the 200m freestyle (2:25.28) and was followed by teammate Jordan Musoke (2:29.01). The 200m free also gave Isaiah Kuc his lone gold (2:10.59) in the 15-16 boys’ age group.

Ayesiga doubled his gold in the 200m individual medley (IM) finishing way ahead of his age group’s grid in 2:40.62.

But it was the 13-14 boys’ age group 200m IM that served even more thrills as Jonathan paced behind Mukisa for about 150m before taking charge of the race to win gold in (2:30.56). Mukisa needed to hold off Tanzania’s Max Missokia (2:34.42) to win silver (2:34.13).

Few took interest in Ssengooba’s IM as he raced in the first of two heats. But he was clearly chasing the clock. And the interest in the race waned further when Rukundo did not line up due to a troublesome shoulder. Eventually, Kenya’s Neo Olengo (2:25.23) and Sudan’s Ahmed Yacub Adam (2:29.81) ended up clear winners in the final heat but Ssengooba had earlier done well enough to take bronze (2:32.15).

Meanwhile in the 17 and Over boys’ 200m IM, Sudan’s Mohamed Saleem Ziyad seemed a clear winner swimming under 2:20.00. But the results returned with him disqualified for a stroke infraction in the breaststroke leg. So, Uganda’s Malcolm Nahamya (2:28.13) took the gold just seven microseconds ahead of Uwineza while Kyle moved up to the bronze (2:29.57) position.

Relays

Kenya dominated most of the relays but Uganda recollected to win a few. The mixed 4x50m medley relay in the 14 and Under category saw Jonathan start the team off in the backstroke leg, Zara Mbanga made the breaststroke leg count and Muganzi’s butterfly split set Manuel Ssemanda up nicely to bring the gold in a combined time of 2:08.31.

Uganda got more 14 and Under delight when the girls won the 4x100m relay. Mackayla Ssali and Crystal Ssemanda got Uganda started off with a clear lead. Theresa Kikambi did well to ensure Uganda did not slip off and Zara completed the job.

Kenya were headed for a clear lead in the 15 and Over girls’ 4x100m free relay when their third swimmer slipped off the blocks and fell in the pool before the second swimmer could finish her 100m. Fortunately, there was no accident. But Uganda, represented by Kisawuzi, Nakasule, Peyton, and Paloma Kirabo fully capitalized to take gold in 4:25.59.

I have been to Bondo and the Jaramogi homestead a few times. But this time was different. On the evening of October 18, a 70-person delegation set off on a bus on a long journey, from Gulu in northern Uganda to Nyanza, southwestern Kenya, following the eastern route.

Organised by Rocco Paco, the delegation made the journey with the spirit of representing all Ugandans of goodwill, not only the central Lwo community of northern Uganda, at Raila Amolo Odinga’s funeral in Bondo.

The delegation, which included more than 60 Bwola dancers from Agago, was led by Justice Ralph Ochan and myself. If we had more time, I feel sure the streets of Bondo would have been filled with many mourners from Uganda.

At this hour of great loss and pain, we wanted to join the Kenyan people, Africa and the global Lwo community, in mourning our singular common hero – our Thuon, Oluma, Oteka, Jowi – Raila. And we wanted to celebrate, together, his life and monumental contribution to Kenya and Africa.

To celebrate his steely resolve, his dogged tenacity and his sacrifice. To celebrate his relentless and protracted struggle for ‘second liberation’, for genuine democratic practice, for national unity, for equity, and for real devolution of governance.

After a night-long trip, we arrived in Kenya early morning of Sunday, October 19. We were warmly welcomed in Bondo by the Governor of Siaya, Mr James Orengo, and the Governor of Kisumu, Prof Peter Anyang’ Nyong’o.

That evening, a few of us visited the Odinga residence at Opoda farm to pay our respects and condole with Mama Ida Odinga. The big-awaited moment came on Monday morning, October 20, when the delegation was received at Kang’o Ka Jaramogi (Jaramogi family homestead).

This is the resting place of both Jaramogi and Raila. We headed straight to Jaramogi’s mausoleum to pay our respects first to the great African icon. Matthew, the custodian at the mausoleum, had kindly agreed to give the delegation an exclusive tour of the museum section of the mausoleum.

That section contains a well-curated chronicle and record of the momentous life and times of Jaramogi. This was a treat.

Mama Ida, after days of heavy bereavement toll (chola) still made a special effort to come over to the compound to welcome us. Senator Oburu Oginga, Raila’s elder brother and head of the Jaramogi family, also came over to receive us at the Jaramogi homestead and Raila’s graveside.

On hand too, to welcome us at the compound, with such grace and palpable warmth were Raila’s stepmothers (Mama Susan and Mama Betty) and Raila’s sisters (Pauline and Ruth). Oh, bless them!

The Bwola dancers, decked in their traditional Lwo regalia and signature white ostrich plumes, were now able to do what had brought them all the way from Agago.

In Lwo tradition, Bwola dance was ‘invented’ specifically for heroes (Tuon, Oteka, Jowi) and kings (Rwot), to extol and celebrate their virtues, their courage and sacrifice, their vision and exemplary leadership.

Bwola dance is custom-made for a moment such as this, the Bondo moment. In the presence of Senator Oburu, family members and other dignitaries, the Bwola dancers now marched and formed a ceremonial royal circle around Raila’s grave. There, they performed the tribute, with such presence, magnificence and evident love. There at Raila’s grave, there at Jaramogi’s mausoleum. Both resting in the same graveyard. With moving songs of tribute, praise and farewell. Invoking our unity, petitioning for the blessings of our common ancestors. In January 1994, we had desperately wanted to accord the great Jaramogi this singular honour; alas, it was not to be. In a mystical way, the Bwola dancers have today accomplished this mission – to our two iconic heroes – at the same time, in the same graveyard.

Oh, mac onywalo mac! (The searing fire begot searing fire) From the graveside and mausoleum, the dancers relocated to the main compound, where they performed more songs. All through, the mood at the compound was thick with poignancy, with re-connectedness, with deep meanings! What a moving spiritual moment! What a glorious sight! The Lwo from Acoliland executing this magnificent Lwo tribute and farewell to their beloved son – Wuod Tuon, Oteka wa, Jowi – their Raila. I noticed that some of those in attendance were furtively fighting back tears. When the ceremonies were done, Senator Oburu bid us farewell and handed us over to Omin, John Andwuo Mwai, who had served for many years as Raila’s personal assistant.

Omin-wa, Mwai, insisted that the delegation repair to his nearby home and hotel (Sarah’s House), where he provided us copious luncheon and wonderful hospitality. Such cuiny wat! (Spirit of love and oneness) Our pilgrimage completed, we now embarked on our return journey to Uganda, singing and celebrating all the way. And so, what is Rocco Paco? This is a revival movement for rebuilding, restoring and transforming Lwo Acoli society, which experienced radical collapse during over two decades of war and internment in camps. This non-partisan, non-political project is being led by Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo and myself.

Samia Suluhu Hassan took her first elected mandate, with Tanzania’s electoral body announcing on Saturday that the 65-year-old had won a disputed presidential election with nearly 98 percent of the vote.

This victory, however, comes with a burden of legitimacy, righting the wrongs of the past, calming the storm of an angry Gen Z and a restless Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) rank and file and building the economy. The final result announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) showed that Samia had won 97.66 percent of a presidential contest that also featured 16 fringe candidates. INEC began announcing provisional results on Thursday, which showed Samia winning a commanding lead in various constituencies.

Hussein Mwinyi, president of the semi-autonomous Zanzibar archipelago, who is from the ruling CCM, was re-elected with more than 78 percent of the vote, the commission announced. But Samia had all along been expected to win. What was not clear is how many voters would turn up, especially after the biggest rivals in ACT-Wazalendo and Chadema were barred from competing against her. From the interim result, voter turnout was low.

In the next phase of government, Samia’s immediate challenge will be dealing with the mounting dissent, especially among those who supported Opposition parties. CCM is expected to retain its mammoth majority in parliament, allowing her leverage to push through policies that benefit her establishment. But that might add up to her acceptability challenge. In the meantime, protesters have been marching in cities since voting day, putting the Tanzanian security agencies to the test.

According to the UN human rights office, at least 10 people were killed by security forces during protests. ‘We are alarmed by the deaths and injuries that have occurred in the ongoing election-related protests in Tanzania. Reports we have received indicate that at least 10 people were killed,’ UN human rights spokesperson Seif Magango told Geneva reporters, citing ‘credible sources’ in the country.

This came after Amnesty International’s regional director for East and Southern Africa, Tigere Chagutah, termed as ‘deeply disturbing,’ the violence during the election and its aftermath. ‘The risk of further escalation is high,’ Mr Chagutah warned. ‘We urge the police to exercise restraint and refrain from using unnecessary and excessive force against protesters.

The Tanzanian authorities must promptly conduct a thorough and independent investigation into the unlawful use of lethal force against protesters, and the perpetrators must be held accountable.’ Experts say Tanzania’s security agencies have already exposed their fears that protests could balloon into something the rulers won’t control.

This was evident when the head of the military, Gen Jacob John Mkunda, came out to issue a terse statement against the protests. ‘Some people went to the streets on October 29 and committed criminal acts. These are criminals and the criminal acts should be stopped immediately,’ Gen Mkunda said on state TV, adding that the army had ‘controlled the situation’.

The protesters continued to defy such threats. Jervin Naidoo, a political economist at Oxford Economics, said the heavy-handed response by security forces was driven by government paranoia and a determination to deny the Opposition any opening, ‘influenced in part by recent regional trends where incumbent parties have suffered electoral setbacks in Namibia and South Africa, or in Botswana, were even voted out of power.’

Police imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew and civil servants were ordered to work from home. Mr Naidoo said businesses and investors with interests or operations in Tanzania and Zanzibar should remain vigilant throughout the post-election period because it could become an economic problem.

The tensions had been expected – the storm had been building for months. On September 16, Luhaga Mpina, the presidential contender of ACT-Wazalendo, the country’s second-largest party, was barred from running. Chadema, the largest Opposition party, had been entirely barred from competing for any seat and its leader Tundu Lissu detained and charged with treason. Western nations, whose citizens make up a significant portion of Tanzania’s five million annual tourists, this week issued travel advisories.

The UK and US embassies urged their nationals to stay indoors and delay travel plans. Political leaders also criticised the election. Three members of the European Parliament issued a joint statement condemning the election process: ‘These elections cannot be regarded as free and fair. The fraud began long before the ballot box.’

They cited the arrest of Opposition leaders, exclusion of parties and suppression of civic space. ‘The arrest and trial of Mr Lissu-whose only ‘crime’ was demanding free elections-exemplifies the collapse of democratic values in Tanzania. He must be released immediately and unconditionally.’

The statement was signed by David McAllister (EPP, Germany), Mounir Satouri (Greens/EFA, France) and Merja Kyllönen (The Left, Finland), all chairs of key European Parliament committees. ‘No election is credible when opposition is silenced, freedom of assembly is denied and media are censored. Reports of irregularities, observer obstruction and violence against dissenters have further eroded the process,’ they added.

Now, President Samia, who comes from Zanzibar, will have to work hard for acceptability, especially on the Mainland. To achieve that, she may have to compromise many things, including engaging with her harshest critics in the Opposition.

The economy

In the immediate post-election period, the Tanzanian shilling has remained relatively stable at 2,459.9 to the dollar. But economist Shani Smit-Lengton noted that it had depreciated by 0.8 percent month-on-month to 2,490.4 to the dollar last week. ‘In response, the Bank of Tanzania intervened in the foreign exchange market, selling $15 million through the Interbank Foreign Exchange Market to stabilise the currency and ensure liquidity, particularly in the lead-up to the elections,’ Mr Shani said. ‘Economically, once her new term begins, we think Samia will prioritise strengthening Tanzania’s human capital,’ Mr Naidoo said. ‘The country must urgently address challenges in this area to fully harness the ongoing demographic transition. Nearly half of Tanzanians are under 18, and the population is projected to double to over 130 million by 2050.’

The current criticism and uncertainty at home and abroad is likely to impact investment and even Tanzania’s tourism, a critical revenue earner. Yet Tanzania’s cough has already infected neighbours who traditionally trade with it. Data from the Kenya Ports Authority shows more ships seeking to dock and importers choosing Kenya over Dar, to avoid the turbulence there.

There was a marked drop in cross-border movement as small traders and truck drivers, who rely on Tanzanian market days, complained of slow clearance at the border points. Celinah Sholo, chairperson of the Taveta Cross Border Cooperative Society, said many traders stayed away due to fear and uncertainty. In Kwale County, Deputy County Commissioner Christopher Siele said the Lunga Lunga border remained open but under heightened security. Public transport and cargo traffic had significantly declined.

Politics, Gen Z and CCM

At the Namanga one-stop border post, an Internet shutdown on Thursday paralysed operations. Hundreds of Tanzanian protesters, fearing police reprisals, crossed into Kenya and lit bonfires. Some Kenyans joined them as police from Tanzania fired teargas to repulse them. Kajiado County Police Commander Alex Shikondi said Kenyan police officers were deployed to restore order and push Tanzanians back across the border. When she inherited the seat in March 2021 after the death of President John Pombe Magufuli, Samia was praised for relaxing some rules, including lifting a ban on political rallies and inviting Mr Lissu back home from exile. She also reopened some closed independent media outlets as well as lifted a ban on teenage girls who had given birth from attending school. But, she would soon roll back the political freedoms.

Today, rights watchers say this week’s election was a sham – indeed, a coronation. ‘President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s government has dashed hopes for reform. Instead, under her watch, authorities have continued and intensified repressive practices targeting Opposition leaders, civil society, journalists and dissenting voices, including through assaults, arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, with nobody held accountable,’ said Amnesty’s Chagutah.

‘Authorities must end their unacceptable campaign of repression against dissent, which has escalated since the last elections five years ago.’ Tanzania formally rejected the assessment. Gerson Msigwa, the government spokesman, said Amnesty did not seek the Tanzanian side of the story. Mr Msigwa said Tanzania follows universal standards on protection of civil rights. Amnesty claimed that Dodoma didn’t respond to their enquiries.

REVIEW

The Gen Z are not the only problem Samia faces. She will have to decide whether to purge the CCM of critics and reluctant supporters or compromise for the sake of taming further chaos, and start on the path of reform. In the past, she has agreed to constitutional review, a crucial issue, especially for the Opposition.

She argued that Katiba review can happen after elections even as her opponents demanded reforms before the elections, a crusade now to blame for Mr Lissu’s current woes. The Chadema leader rallied the masses to boycott the elections unless legal reforms were instituted to level the playing field. But reforming the political system could be risky for the future of CCM.

Tanzania is one of the few countries in the world where presidential electoral results cannot be challenged in a court of law. By giving INEC absolute powers on vote tallying and announcement, critics argue that it removes safety valves often provided by courts of law. This has, however, protected CCM’s stronghold on the polity. Reforming the legal regime whittles down the party’s clout and could be an existential threat going forward. But the calls for legal and governance reforms are about to get louder, thanks to a Gen Z that is keen on ‘retaking’ their country.

Ken was only six years old when his father was arrested and jailed for beating up his mother so badly that she lost an eye. He had grown up in a home where yelling, broken furniture, and his mother crying in the bathroom were the norm.

One night, things escalated. Ken watched his father hit his mother on the face repeatedly with a bottle. That night, the LC 1 Chairman came with the police and whisked his father away in handcuffs. Everything changed from that night on.

Although violence stopped, Ken carried the invisible wounds into adulthood. As a child, he developed anxiety, had trouble sleeping, and often felt on edge, even when nothing was wrong. In school, he had difficulty concentrating and was labelled as a “troublemaker.” Teachers did not realise that his behaviour was a response to trauma.

By his 20s, the patterns were set. Ken feared conflict and avoided leadership roles at work. In relationships, he pulled away whenever things got too close. He wanted love but did not know how to feel safe in it. After several breakups left him feeling broken and ashamed, Ken finally sought therapy. It was there that he heard the term Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) for the first time. Then, things started to make sense.

ACEs are traumatic events that happen before the age of 18, including abuse, neglect, domestic violence, or growing up in a home with substance abuse or mental illness.

These experiences leave invisible marks that shape how people see themselves, others, and the world. According to the landmark CDC-Kaiser Permanente ACE study, the more trauma a person endures in childhood, the greater their risk for health problems, emotional struggles, and even early death.

Hidden scars

For many adults like Ken, the past shows up in unexpected ways. It is in the woman who flinches at raised voices. The man who feels safest when he is alone. The mother who cannot understand why her child’s tears make her panic.

Research shows that people with high ACE scores are more likely to suffer from heart disease, diabetes, and chronic illnesses. But perhaps the most devastating effects are emotional: anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress, and the silent exhaustion that comes from living on edge for too long.

‘Children who grow up in constant fear do not just remember trauma,’ says one Kampala-based psychologist. ‘Their brains are wired around it. They learn that the world is unsafe and that belief follows them into adulthood.’

How trauma shapes the brain

Science now proves what survivors have always known: trauma changes the brain. Chronic stress in childhood floods the body with stress hormones such as cortisol, which can shrink the hippocampus (responsible for memory), enlarge the amygdala (the brain’s fear centre), and weaken the prefrontal cortex (which controls reasoning and self-control). The result? Adults who are quick to anger or withdraw, who struggle to focus or make decisions, and who sometimes feel emotions more intensely than others.

Emotional cost

Many survivors of ACEs spend adulthood trying to manage pain they never asked for. Some throw themselves into work, relationships, or alcohol to numb the emptiness. Others overachieve, believing perfection might finally make them feel worthy.

Then some repeat the cycles they swore to escape. Without healing, the pain of one generation often becomes the blueprint for the next. Psychologists call this intergenerational trauma; when children inherit not just genes, but unhealed emotional wounds. This cycle is not inevitable but healing is possible.

Resilience is real

Not everyone who experiences trauma ends up broken. Support, connection, and the belief that healing is possible. Ken’s life began to shift once he started therapy. ‘It was not easy,’ he says. ‘There were nights I cried like that little boy again. But I began to understand that what happened to me was not my fault. I learnt to forgive, not to excuse, but to free myself.’

Therapy helped him build healthier boundaries and manage his anxiety. He reconnected with his mother and learnt how to show love without fear.

‘I still get triggered sometimes,’ he admits, ‘but now I know what is happening inside me. I can breathe through it instead of running away.’

What parents can do

While we cannot always prevent all difficult experiences, we can reduce the harm and build resilience in our children.

Create safety at home

Make sure your child feels physically and emotionally safe. Let them know it is okay to express feelings, even anger or sadness without punishment.

Model healthy relationships. Children learn more from what they see than what they are told. Handle disagreements calmly. Show them respect, empathy, and kindness.

Talk about feelings. Ask open-ended questions; ‘What made you happy today?’ or ‘What upset you?’ Teaching children to name emotions helps them manage them.

Seek help early. If there is domestic violence, substance abuse, or untreated mental illness at home, reach out for help. One stable, loving adult makes a difference in the whole world.

Build a support network. Grandparents, teachers, mentors, neighbours, and caring adults remind children they are valued and safe.

Consistent routines. Regular meals, bedtimes, and daily structure help children feel secure.

Encourage self-worth. Praise effort and resilience, not just achievement. Let them know they matter for who they are, not what they do.

Stay connected to community and culture. Involvement in community groups, religious or cultural traditions can provide a sense of belonging, identity, and moral grounding. These support systems can act as protective factors against adversity.

In the 2021 presidential elections, Bugweri District was won by the Opposition’s Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine. For the 2026 elections, former Opposition stalwart Abdu Katuntu, who has been in Parliament since 2001, has assigned himself the role of ensuring President Museveni, who once labelled him a poisonous mushroom, wins back the district.

To trace when Katuntu’s standing at the Opposition side of the political aisle started to be questioned, you have to go back to 2017.

The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party was in the process of electing its president in a clash that pitted Patrick Oboi Amuriat, the eventual winner, against Mugisha Muntu.

When Muntu was beaten, his supporters, led by Kassiano Wadri and Yokasi Bihande, told anyone who cared to listen at the Mandela National Stadium (Namboole) that this was the end of FDC as it was known. A new political party, they added, would soon announce its arrival.

That party is what we now know as the Alliance for National Transformation (ANT). What stood out during ANT’s formation, sources disclose, was Katuntu’s no-show, despite being the brainchild of this splinter group. Muntu’s calls to Katuntu were allegedly neither picked up nor returned.

‘This left him [Muntu] angry because he had counted on him, yet Katuntu was never straightforward with him that he was never going to join his political party,’ a source said.

Unlike Kira MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, who was part of the Muntu campaign team but returned to the FDC, and later moved on to be a mastermind of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), Katuntu didn’t go back to the FDC. He instead claimed to be an Independent.

Seven years later, Katuntu told voters in Bugweri, Busoga Sub-region, who had attended a rally Parliament Speaker Annet Anita Among had organised a couple of weekends ago, that they should rally behind President Museveni.

‘I’m an Independent, and I repeat I’m an Independent, but I will vote for a President because being an Independent isn’t a political party. Whoever believes in me as his or her captain: We should sit down and strategise on how to look for votes for the Speaker’s candidate [Museveni],’ Katuntu said.

Shifting allegiances

Katuntu’s appearance at a rally organised by Among has plunged him at the heart of NRM Busoga politics. Two camps have emerged in the sub-region, that of Among and her sworn enemy, former Speaker Rebecca Kadaga. Among has been combing Busoga to shore up support for candidate Museveni, saying since she married Moses Magogo, a Musoga, she is now also their ‘daughter.’

Before Among and her team campaigned in Bugweri, Kadaga had also barnstormed there with NRM’s flag-bearer Sadala Wandera, a former Resident District Commissioner (RDC) of Bugweri.

Yet when Among combed for votes in this area, Wandera, who is in the Kadaga camp, didn’t show up since, to the Among camp, Katuntu is their preferred candidate.

‘We think Katuntu deserves to be the Attorney General. We should stick with Katuntu. Katuntu deserves another term,’ Kasambya MP David Kabanda, a top lieutenant of Among’s, said during the rally in Bugweri. The Attorney General hunt talk is not new.

In 2020, once it became clear that Bart Katureebe was about to hang up his wig as Chief Justice, Katuntu was among those who put his hand up; never mind that he didn’t have an interface with the Judicial Service Commission (JSC).

Three judges, Justice Richard Buteera, Justice Esther Kisaakye and Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, interfaced with the JSC.

Mr Owiny-Dollo would come out on top. Having not got his wish of being the head of one of Uganda’s arms of government, Katuntu walked back on his public declaration that he was going to retire from elective politics. He stood for the fifth time in Bugweri.

During his first three terms as the lawmaker of Bugweri, Katuntu, who was one of the founder members of the FDC, supported the party’s presidential candidate, Dr Kizza Besigye.

The 2006 elections stood out in the sense that Katuntu had controversially lost his Bugweri County seat to NRM’s Ali Kirunda Kivejinja. The Electoral Commission (EC) had declared that Kivejinja, who has since died, had polled 17,554 votes against Katuntu’s 16,496 votes.

Court battle

After procuring the services of Erias Lukwago, Katuntu filed a petition alleging that Kivejinja’s victory wasn’t only a work of fraud but also State-inspired violence. Lukwago, on Katuntu’s behalf, said contrary to Section 19(3) of the Electoral Commission Act, the EC had disenfranchised voters by deleting their names from the voters’ roll and also denying Katuntu’s registered supporters the right to vote.