Category: Daily Monitor

In remembering Baba Raila, we do more than honour a man; we commemorate a force that shaped Kenya and inspired Africa. Born on January 7, 1945, in Maseno, Raila Odinga lived not merely as a politician but as a symbol of resistance, hope, and Pan-African aspiration. His death on October 15 closes a luminous chapter in Africa’s story of struggle and sovereignty. ‘He was not merely a man in politics, but a conscience in motion; a pilgrim of justice carrying the dreams of a continent. His voice rose beyond Kenya’s borders, echoing the flame of liberty that neither prisons nor defeat could extinguish. Today, we celebrate not the fall of a leader, but the ascension of a legacy that illuminates Africa’s march toward freedom and unity.’

Raila’s path was shaped by family and circumstance. Son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first vice-president, and Mary Juma, he was steeped from childhood in politics and moral urgency. His education at Nyanza Mission schools, Maranda Primary, and Maranda High exposed him to injustice and the weight of duty. In 1962, he travelled to East Germany, studying mechanical engineering at the Herder Institute and the Technical University of Magdeburg, graduating in 1970. These years fostered systemic thinking, discipline, and a belief that building a just society is both a technical and moral task.

Returning to Kenya, Raila excelled as a scholar and entrepreneur: lecturing at the University of Nairobi, co-founding East African Spectre (a pioneering LPG cylinder manufacturer), and rising to deputy director at the Kenya Bureau of Standards. Each role reflected his commitment to national self-reliance and dignity.

Yet when Kenya faced authoritarianism under Daniel Arap Moi, Raila answered the moral call. Arrested in 1982 for alleged involvement in a coup, he endured six years of detention, mostly in solitary confinement. He emerged resilient, his resolve tempered by humility. Upon release, he resumed activism, opposing one-party rule, entering electoral politics, and founding the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). Though the presidency eluded him; 1997, 2007, 2013, 2017, 2022, his campaigns were mirrors of Kenya’s imperfections and calls for justice.

Raila’s leadership was transformative. Following the 2007 post-election violence, he accepted a unity government, serving as Prime Minister until 2013 and helping rewrite Kenya’s 2010 Constitution, one of Africa’s most rights-rich charters. He critiqued corruption, inequality, and ethnic favouritism, bridging divides and promoting reconciliation, exemplified by the 2018 ‘handshake’ with President Uhuru Kenyatta.

Baba’s love for Kenya was profound, extending to the marginalised and youth. He embraced Generation Z protests in 2023-2024, lauding courage, condemning brutality, and urging dialogue. Pan-Africanism for him was praxis: continental unity and shared freedom, not rhetoric. His engagement with African institutions reflected his belief that true sovereignty is collective.

Even in his twilight years, Raila remained a guiding conscience. Early this year, he was nominated for the African Union Commission chairmanship, underscoring his continental stature. This month, while undergoing treatment in India, he passed away aged 80. The Kenyan state declared seven days of mourning; the continent paused. Baba’s life exemplified resilience, principled opposition to tyranny, love for the people, and vision for Africa.

Although he never held the presidency, his legacy transformed constitutions, consciences, and generations. He demonstrated that the measure of leadership lies not in office alone but in shaping justice, democracy, and dignity. May Baba rest in power. Although his voice is stilled, its echo mobilises. Although this chapter ends, Africa’s story continues and in it, Raila Amolo Odinga remains one of its most luminous pen-strokes, forever sailing on the tides of freedom.

Twenty-five years ago, I wrote an opinion piece for a national daily, arguing that Raila Odinga, bless his soul, would never be president of Kenya. I argued that people like Raila may be immensely popular, charismatic, and influential, but their role, predestined and predetermined by fate, is different – they are born to be kingmakers, rallying points, and forces that shape the course of politics, not to sit at its pinnacle.

The hand that anoints the king, said I, was never meant for the throne. The editor dismissed me as a wide-eyed, inexperienced pup, barking about the impossible-she, in essence, patted me on the head, saying I was a fine puppy, and I’d one day grow into a big dog…then she trashed the article. It’s not a good idea to be right when the boss is wrong, so I held my peace. In hindsight, all I can say, modesty observed, is that it is good, any day, that landlubbers listen and take notes when a sailor is making a speech about the sea, ships, and sailing.

Hindsight is the ability to look back and judge decisions or events in the light of how they turned out or suggest what might have been, had intervening variables been kinder. Hindsight often causes us to drift into two critical tools of analysis: counterfactual thinking and counterfactual history, where we ask, ‘What if?’

In 1902, under the Uganda Order in Council, the British Colonial Office transferred most of eastern Uganda to Kenya- Kisumu, Siaya, Bungoma, Kakamega, Busia, Nandi, and parts of Uasin Gishu and Trans Nzoia. At the time, these regions (which include the Luo and Kalenjin) were administered from Uganda’s Eastern Province, especially the Kavirondo region.

The reasons for the transfer were mainly administrative convenience and economic logic: The new Uganda Railway from Mombasa ended at Kisumu, so managing the region from Nairobi was easier. Further, Kenya was becoming a settler colony, and the British wanted fertile highlands to fall under that jurisdiction. Thus, for the sake of railway logistics and settler interests, Britain’s pen moved millions of people – and their destiny – from Uganda to Kenya.

The Luo and Kalenjin are twin pillars of Kenyan power – towering, unyielding, and elemental to the nation’s story. The Luo, eloquent and visionary, are the intellectual firebrands and conscience-keepers of Kenya, forever stirring the waters of reform and awakening. The Kalenjin, disciplined and strategic, are the quiet engineers of authority, masters of structure and survival. Together, they have defined Kenya’s politics, driven its economy, and personified its ambition – two peoples whose reach and resilience make them not just participants in history, but the very forces that bend it.

Consider Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Luo by tribe, born in 1911 in Central Nyanza, he was one of the leading figures in Kenya’s struggle for independence. He was Kenya’s vice president, serving under Jomo Kenyatta (1964-1966) before falling out as all true Odingas do. Then his son Raila, we all know; he nearly became president on several occasions and once served as prime minister under Jomo Kenyatta’s son, Uhuru Kenyatta (2008-2013).

And how about a certain William Samoei Ruto, a Kalenjin, deputy president 2013-2022 and current president? That also means we have to talk about the earlier icon of the Kalenjin: Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, Kenya’s second president (1978-2002). Kenya has had three Kikuyu presidents and two Kalenjins. The Kikuyu have held the presidency longer – about 35 years – compared to the Kalenjin’s 27 (and counting). The Kikuyu dominated Kenya’s early and later politics through the Kenyatta and Kibaki dynasties, and the Uhuru era continued that lineage. The Kalenjin, though fewer in number, had the longest single presidency in Moi (24 years – the longest continuous rule in Kenya’s history).

Had the British not redrawn Uganda’s borders, consequently keeping within her fold men like Jaramogi and Raila Odinga, Daniel arap Moi, William Ruto, and many more, Ugandan politics would have taken a wholly different course. There would be no National Resistance Movement. No Yoweri Museveni. The Odingas and Mois were too sharp, strategic, and politically muscular. Their mix of intellect, charisma, and tactical brilliance would have made Uganda a crucible of vibrant, competitive politics. Power would rotate, Opposition would thrive, and the idea of one party dominating the State for decades would be unthinkable in such a political ecosystem. Usiku mwema, Bwana Raila. Mungu na akupokea kwa amani.

It bothers me that people sometimes refer to a good policy and say that the government was sober when it made the policy. As far as I know, governments do not drink. Good or bad policy, governments are always sober. Indeed, when it comes to bad policies, these people do not say that the government was drunk when it tabled the policy.

However, in the intense political campaigns ahead of the 2026 General Election, I fear that some Opposition politicians might use the d-word when describing the government’s under-the-influence-like condition at the time it hiked science teachers’ salaries and left the arts teachers looking rather foolish. Ah! You can already see why science teachers are paid four times as much as the arts teachers. The teachers of the arts make us incurable idiots.

To wit: I am trying to describe the condition of a patient, the Government of Uganda, and I am fishing around for words that have absolutely no meaning. What does ‘under-the-influence-of-whatever’ mean?

Is it under the influence of Australian mushrooms or voodoo zombies? Instead of this garbage, a scientist would go directly to the point and express himself with precision, describing the condition of our government as a psychotic disorder characterised by sudden episodes of disconnection from reality. Where I was thinking of analogies with the effects of wine, the scientist is thinking of the arrangement of cells, the movement of chemicals and the electrical activity in different regions of the afflicted government brain.

The scientist will order that an electroencephalograph be hooked onto the scalp of the patient. He wants regular measurements of brain activity that his computer will help him to analyse before he recommends medication, not breakfast prayers. Meanwhile, as of writing this article on Wednesday, many teachers of arts subjects in government schools who are on strike to protest the salary inequality have refused to end their action.

Parents are in a dilemma. Most of them understand the strike action following the most humiliating policy the government could have thrown at the teachers, but they also desperately want their children to be taught and do their exams. For its part, the government, which staggered into the policy sideways, is too proud to admit that it made a footwork mistake and would sit down and soberly design another approach.

Instead, it instructs the teachers to be patriotic and call off the strike with neither a pay rise now nor a written commitment for a later date. Or it threatens to sack them and hire new teachers. Apparently, science teachers need not be patriotic. No special appeal is made to them to be patriots. They are paid fairly well for their labour. Big politicians, judges, senior security officers and various (government) institutional managers also have no use for patriotism. They are paid well, sometimes very highly. They also usually enjoy impunity to steal public resources.

But every revolutionary country needs patriots. If the big shots and the science teachers cannot make it, then the low-rated workers must fill the gap. If they refuse, conditions should be arranged for them to starve. Sack them. The winning slogan for 2026, therefore, should be: To spread patriotism, promote slavery. And to make teachers take their position as the most natural role models, they should be the first in line, happily matching forward as slaves and patriots. The school children who fail are not a problem. They will be added to the stock of Uganda’s slaves. Suddenly, a disease in government and a weird salary policy have produced a dividend. Who needs a cure?

Uganda hosts more than 50 mineral types, according to the country’s latest geological data from the Energy ministry. These include 31 million tonnes of gold, 560 million tonnes of iron ore, and 7.8 million tonnes of copper.

Added together (ignoring costs, losses, taxes, non-recoverable portions), the total ‘paper’ value for these minerals is at least $4-5 trillion, according to current market financial data.

The Finance ministry says mining can help grow Uganda’s economy from $54b (Shs186 trillion) today to 10 times bigger in the next 15 years. Progress, however, is very slow. Mining contributes only two percent to the country’s total gross domestic product (GDP).

Decades ago, big projects like the Kilembe copper mine were at the heart of the sector, producing more than 217,000 tonnes of copper along with cobalt and phosphates. Other mines for tungsten, tin, and niobium also thrived in places like Kitaka, Mwerasandu, Kirwa, and Ruhizha between the 1930s and 1960s. But by the early 1980s, this mining boom had collapsed.

Kilembe shut down in 1982 as machines broke down, costs rose, inflation hit hard, and copper prices fell globally. Political instability was also part of it. The other mines also closed after mineral prices dropped, government support was cut, infrastructure declined, and investors pulled out. With large-scale mining gone, artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) became the backbone of the sector.

Today, more than 80 percent of Uganda’s miners work in ASM. Between 2014 and 2021, ASM generated about Shs713.5m in revenue.

But ASM faces serious problems. Miners often use simple, outdated tools that waste resources, damage the environment, and reduce government revenue. Working conditions are unsafe, and most miners lack training, finance, and proper equipment. For many families, ASM is a way to survive, but it keeps the mining sector stuck at a very low level. To address this, the government introduced the Mining and Minerals Act (2022) and the Licensing Regulations (2023)-the first serious attempt to formalise ASM.

Phoebe Atukunda, a research fellow in extractives with the Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment (Acode), describes it as ‘a progressive law that actually aligns with the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) protocol on illegal exploitation of minerals, the Mining Vision 2040 as well as Uganda being a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).’

But on the ground, implementation is still difficult. The licensing process was designed for larger, semi-mechanised operations; not small artisanal miners. To get even a small-scale licence, miners must pay for costly feasibility studies and full Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIAs).

In Uganda, the official licensing scheme lists an application fee of Shs10m for small-scale licences. The actual cost of the ESIA + feasibility work, in reality, can run into the hundreds of thousands of dollars-far beyond what most artisanal miners can afford.

Women-who make up between 15 and 90 percent of workers at different sites-face even greater financial and social barriers, despite gender equality being part of the law. As a result, many miners remain outside the formal system, relying on informal leasing and title transfers that weaken oversight.

‘We are working closely with the National Environmental Management Authority (Nema) to address the cost of the studies and reduce the time it takes to obtain approval,’ says Irene Batebe, the Energy ministry Permanent Secretary.

To speed things up, the ministry’s Health, Safety, and Environment Department also helps Nema review applications. Still, gaps remain. There are no clear rules on how artisanal miners and big companies can share land, leading to conflicts.

With support from the planetGOLD project, the government has helped miners form cooperatives, and more than 10 have already been formalised. Still, exploration-the foundation of large-scale mining-remains underfunded; even though the mining budget is set to rise to Shs51.2b in the 2025/26 financial year.

This is a drop in the ocean. It is also far less than the Shs68.8b lost in gold tax leakages and Shs439b in unpaid mineral rents last year, according to the Auditor General’s 2023/2024 report.

Eric Odongo, a development economist warns: ‘Without consistent funding for exploration, Uganda risks knowing it is rich without ever becoming rich. Artisanal mining will never create the kind of value needed for real transformation; only structured, well-funded exploration and development can do that.’

The missing link

Geologists agree that exploration is the bedrock of any serious mining industry. The government has tried to enhance its feeble presence by setting up an exploration unit and building laboratories, but the resources remain too thin for a sector intent on growing its contribution to the economy from $1.1b (Shs3.7 trillion) today to $20b (Shs68.9 trillion) by 2040. The government has started new investments.

In 2025/2026, the Mineral Development budget aims to fund work like measuring mineral deposits, issuing licences, developing copper, iron ore and phosphate projects, and setting up mineral markets, processing centres, and training hubs. This falls under the Energy ministry’s Shs2.9 trillion budget, of which Shs1.586 trillion goes to the energy and mineral sector, including mineral exploration.

The Uganda National Mining Company (UNMC), a state-owned enterprise, has also been capitalised-up to Shs500b over five years-to manage the government’s commercial stake in projects.

‘We have strengthened enforcement mechanisms to ensure remittance of non-wage revenue from minerals.

Any remaining gaps continue to be addressed. Non-Tax Revenue from minerals rose to Shs39.3b in 2024/2025, up from Shs25.2b in 2023/2024, and Shs11.3b in 2022/2023,’ Batebe discloses, adding that exploration remains a priority as new partnerships with the European Union’s PanAfGeo project to expand survey work attest.

Under PanAfGeo+, Uganda has a pound 3.5m (Shs14b) ‘country window’ aimed at strengthening geological data, upgrading labs, training geoscientists, and creating a national minerals database. At the same time, the government is trying to bring more order to mineral trade.

New Mineral Markets and Buying Centres are being rolled out to formalise transactions, improve transparency, and strengthen tax collection.

‘These markets will regulate the buying and selling of minerals, empower artisanal miners, and curb illicit trade,’ Batebe explains. Yet watchdogs remain concerned. The Uganda Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (UGEITI) 2022/2023 report scored the mineral development programme just 60.9 percent, citing underfunding and an overreliance on artisanal mining.

‘We are starving exploration while haemorrhaging revenues downstream. If we invested just a fraction of the money we lose into exploration, Uganda could build a mining industry that pays for itself,’ Odongo stresses.

Exploration is the most expensive and riskiest stage. Companies are rarely willing to spend millions drilling unless they already have strong evidence that valuable minerals are there. That is why, in most mineral-rich countries, governments step in first, paying for surveys, maps, and data that make investors feel safer.

In Uganda, this step has been missed. The country has many minerals, but most of them remain only a promise on paper.

As Richard Kaijuka, former Energy minister and chair of the Uganda Chamber of Mines and Petroleum, notes, Uganda’s minerals remain ‘underexploited,’ and with proper investment the sector’s share of GDP could rise well above the current 2.2 percent.

The 2024 UGEITI validation report shows this clearly. Uganda scored well in outreach and engagement (78.5 percent), but its overall score dropped to 67.5 percent because contracts were not clear and reliable data was missing.

Mineral Exploration Fund

That is why there is an idea of a Mineral Exploration Fund – a special pool of money set aside only for exploration. Instead of depending on government budgets that change with politics, the Fund could be supported by a 1.0 percent levy on all mineral exports, whose total value is estimated at around $3b (Shs10.3 trillion) annually, driven primarily by gold, according to the latest data compiled by Bank of Uganda. This would guarantee steady funding. If managed openly and fairly.

‘A ring-fenced fund is not just about money; it is about credibility. Investors respond when they see a government systematically de-risking exploration. It signals seriousness, discipline, and a long-term vision,’ Odongo observes.

Government insists exploration is already a priority. Money from the Consolidated Fund continues to support surveys and studies. ‘We have also secured $12m (Shs41.3 trillion) from development partners which has been earmarked to support exploration and quantification,’ says PS Batebe.

But for a Mineral Exploration Fund to work, it must be protected from politics and business capture.

‘Working together with other relevant Ministries, Departments, and Agencies …, this [Energy and Mineral development] Ministry continues to strengthen systems to provide security of tenure to investors and guarantee the transparent management of mineral revenues,’ notes PS Batebe.

This shows that success will not depend only on how much money is put into the Fund, but also on whether its management convinces both investors and citizens that resources will be handled openly and fairly.

Other countries prove this can work. In South Africa and Australia, small protected funds for exploration unlocked big private investments and boosted their mining industries.

When we were younger, many of the expectant women we saw wore the roundest dresses they could find, and often, those clothes were never worn again until the next time they were pregnant. But fashion in 2025 now dictates that you can very much dress up your bump, look stylish, and even be the best-dressed person in the room.

Maternity wear does not have to mean pulling out the most unflattering thing you can find in your closet and calling it a day. The days of hiding behind shapeless dresses and oversized tops are long gone. Today, pregnancy style is about embracing your bump and showing that your days of being stylish don’t have to end with the bump.

Thanks to fashion icons such as Rihanna, who turns every public appearance during her pregnancy into a runway moment, and Anifa Mvuembi, maternity fashion has taken on an entirely new meaning. Here’s how you can spice up your maternity wear and show off that bump with style.

Switch the oversize for something fitting

Instead of drowning your figure in oversized clothing, opt for pieces that accentuate your growing bump. Stretchy bodycon dresses, wrap dresses, and ribbed knit sets are perfect examples. They hug your curves comfortably while keeping you chic.

The fabric choice here is very important, as this will allow your bump to still be comfortable, but also keep you stylish. If you are looking to opt for heavier fabrics and textures like denim, be sure to layer them with more comfortable fabrics like sheer, for balance, but also to keep you within your comfort limitations.

Play with colour and prints

Pregnancy is not the time to fade into black and other dark tones. While neutrals are great for some days and places, don’t be afraid to play with colour. Vibrant hues, floral prints, and bold patterns can instantly lift your mood and add life to your wardrobe. A bright midi dress, a patterned jumpsuit, or even a colour-blocked co-ord set can make you stand out, in the best way possible.

As always, if you are unsure of adding colour to a baby bump and think it is going to make you appear bigger, then start small. Pair a bold blazer with classic jeans, or add a printed scarf or statement shoes to a neutral outfit. The goal is to add personality while staying comfortable.

Invest in versatile pieces

While pregnancy is temporary, your style does not have to be. So, look for pieces that can grow with you and serve you beyond the maternity months. Pieces such as wrap dresses, oversized shirts, and elastic-waist trousers can transition seamlessly into postpartum life, enabling you to still remain stylish.

Your oversized shirts, for instance, can be worn over your tights, shorts, or layered over your bodycon knitwear dresses. Your wrap dresses can also be dressed up or down, depending on what you are dressing up for.

Layer a lot

Layering is your best friend during pregnancy, especially since you could get hot or cold, unexpectedly. Lightweight blazers, cardigans, or denim jackets can pull a look together while adding comfort and versatility.

A sleek trench coat over a fitted dress or a longline vest over a jumpsuit can make an outfit look instantly more put-together. Plus, layers help balance proportions. For instance, if you’re wearing something fitted, adding a structured outer layer keeps your look stylish and balanced without being bulky.

Your layering pieces could also vary from clothing items to jewelry. Don’t be afraid to add as many pieces as you want, as long as they all fit in perfectly into your ensemble at the end of the day.

Prioritise fabric and fit

When you’re pregnant, how something feels on your body matters as much as how it looks. Breathable fabrics such as cotton, jersey, and soft knits are going to be your best options. Avoid anything that digs or restricts movement, especially around the waist. That said, don’t mistake comfort for sloppiness.

Tailored pieces with stretch, empire waists, and ruching details offer both comfort and shape. You can still look polished and feel at ease, all at once.

Spicing up your maternity wear is not about running with every trend or breaking the bank on new clothes. With a few style twitches, you can definitely still dress stylishly, but also comfortably.

The death of the former Prime Minister of Kenya, Raila Amolo Odinga, this week, brought memories of our days at university watching the evolving shift from single to multi-party politics, across Africa, with Kenya leading the charge.

In 1992, then president Daniel arap Moi appeared to be under intense pressure from a group called the Forum for Restoration of Democracy (FORD). The group was promising in terms of leadership potential, for it had young activist lawyers such as Paul Muite and James Orengo, working with some elderly politicians such as Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Martin Shikuku, Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia, Masinde Muliro and Gitobu Imanyara. It was the first united opposition we were seeing in the Kenyan political landscape since 1982, when the country became, by law, a one-party state under KANU.

We studied closely the biting political communication at the opposition rallies, the dramatic scenes of demonstrations to Kamukunji, the arrests, trials, imprisonments and the reaction of then 28-year-old KANU government to this onslaught.

We were young and smitten by a popular youthful government in Uganda. The National Resistance Movement (NRM) had restricted multiparty politics, and we were not sure what signalling effect Kenyan politics would send to Kampala.

Five years prior, on December 14, 1987, Kenya and Uganda had amassed troops at their respective borders in preparation for a possible fight. We had held our breath, given that Uganda was just coming out of a difficult period of scarcity, where essential goods were rare. Kenya was our key supplier and outlet to the world for almost everything!

Lo and behold, the opposition splintered before our eyes into FORD-Asili led by Mr Kenneth Matiba and FORD-Kenya led by Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Shockingly, as if the first split wasn’t lesson enough, more splits happened largely on tribal lines. What was a large, united and promising opposition with elders, women and youth, lost to president Moi, who pressed home his advantage twice in 1992 and 1997. The Kenya opposition scenario almost became a script for many new opposition parties built at the end of the Cold War in 1989, in Africa. They all seemed to have much heat but little light on unity and how to acquire and hold power.

Regardless, what followed as a permanent fixture in the next 33 years was the late Raila Odinga, a towering figure in the hearts and minds of East Africans. It is not an exaggeration to argue, as an outsider to Kenya politics, the country would have been unstable without his steadying hand.

I watched him stand next to former president Uhuru Kenyatta, after a disputed 2017 election, and say, ‘.we are all sailing on one ship. We must all come together to scoop out the water that has been sipping in or we shall all capsize.’

It was a very reassuring image of a statesman setting down his wishes for the greater good of his country and the region. And boy, did he do it well! I saw him many times, from the post-election violence of 2007 through to the last one in which he ran against President William Ruto in 2022. He always returned to the scene to pull the country from the brink, courageously calming the storms, standing head-to-head with his opponents, in pursuit of the greater interest of Kenya.

For many in the region, we think he kept Kenya calm and united because an unstable Kenya is unthinkable, for it would disrupt trade, transportation and culture as a few weeks of 2007 post-election violence showed. Raila Odinga reconciled differences and kept his country growing, even if he never led from the top as president. This makes one wonder: what would Kenya look like had he been given a chance to lead?

We will never know because this is a conjectural question; one we cannot answer without speculating. But as an active participant in all administrations after Moi, one can see his hand in the good public works when he was prime minister, the unrelenting fight for democracy and the yearning to lead the Africa Union. The larger question that perhaps young people in Kenya should answer, is: who will fill these big shoes given the realignment that is taking place with this loss? I suppose there are many young people who will surprise us and raise to the occasion to emulate Raila and answer this question firmly.

Our condolences to Mama Ida Odinga, the family, President Ruto, the government and the people of Kenya.

Teenage table tennis trio still cannot believe that they achieved Uganda’s ultimate goal at the 2025 ITTF Africa Championships in Tunis-qualifying for the 2026 World Team Championships.

It is Uganda’s first-ever time to qualify for ITTF world team championships, due to happen in London, the birthplace of table tennis.

The tournament will also mark the centenary celebration of the International Table Tennis Federation (ITTF), which makes Uganda’s qualification even more significant and memorable.

Judith Parvin Nangonzi and Jemimah Nakawala, who learnt the sport on the same tables, have been to almost the same tournaments besides going to the same schools, are the most renowned in this historic heroic achievement.

But Nakasero Table Tennis duo needed the input of their relatively new teammate Judith Mirembe. A product of the Table Tennis Kids Africa, a small club in the remote Iganga district only emerged last year but had a hand in this historic Tunis campaign.

After the more experienced and decorated duo dispatched their opponents in the team’s events against DR Congo, Uganda was leading 2-0. Mirembe, who hadn’t thrived in the singles and was unused in the doubles where Nangonzi and Nakawala won bronze, could have messed up again. But she was flawless, defeating

Nephtalie Kindandi 3-0 (12-10, 11-3, 12-10) as Uganda won 3-0, with two games to spare in the best-of-five-set match.

But the mission was not yet accomplished. Uganda had to defeat South Africa to be assured of a ticket to London. It was a revenge match of sorts because to win that historic bronze in the doubles, Nangonzi and Nakawala defeated Danisha Patel and Rochica Sonday in the quarterfinals.

First in action was Nakawala. She lost the first two sets to Patel but eventually edged her 3-2. But Nangonzi wasn’t as lucky. She lost the first set to Sonday 4-11, bounced back 16-11 in the second, but lost the third and fourth 5-11, 6-11. Now it was South Africa 1-1 Uganda.

Again, Mirembe came to the rescue, restoring Uganda’s lead with an immaculate 3-0 win over Laila Edwards. Nakawala returned to the table, beat Rochica 3-1 and settled the match 3-1. Mission accomplished.

Now Uganda is among the eight African women’s teams that will play in London.

‘We made our international debut at the 2022 Commonwealth Games, and since then, we’ve been part of the national team,’ Nakawala told the ITTF press. ‘Our journey hasn’t been easy. We used to get knocked out in the quarterfinals, but now we’re reaching the medal zone. It shows we can climb higher on the podium.’

At last year’s continental event in Addis Ababa, Nangonzi, Nakawala and two-time U12 African champion Patience Anyango won team bronze, though it didn’t come with any incentive like this year’s.

‘We haven’t reached where we want to be yet,’ said 17-year-old Nangozi. ‘We’re going to keep working hard because we believe we can become champions. Nothing is impossible with dedication. Africa is growing in the sport, and we’re not going to relax. We know we’re behind others, but we see that as motivation to raise our game and aim higher.’

True to their word, the team coached by 1996 Olympian Paul Mutambuze went on to beat Cameroon 3-0 in the final Group 4 match, before beating hosts Tunisia 3-2 in the quarterfinals. This is another medal guaranteed.

‘This was a highly-anticipated match. The hosts led 2-1 but our girls didn’t disappoint. Parvin had had a bad day but she finally delivered the victory. We are grateful,’ said a delighted Mutambuze.

Meanwhile, Jonathan Senyonga, Joshua Magaya and David Odoi floundered in the men’s events.

Once an undisputed starter at Vipers, Rogers Torach now finds himself in unfamiliar territory – watching from the bench as new Congolese recruit Kevin Dasylva Bady swiftly endears to the Kitende faithful.

Last season, the defensive pairing of Torach and Hilary Mukundane was at the heart of Vipers’ league and Uganda Cup double.

Their chemistry, understanding, and steel at the back not only helped Vipers dominate locally but also translated into international success, anchoring Uganda’s first-ever qualification to the Chan quarterfinals.

Torach zestfully skippered Uganda Cranes past the group stages – and famously stepped up to take the high-pressure final penalty in the 3-3 thriller against South Africa at Namboole.

New dawn

But football evolves quickly, and with the arrival of Bady from AS Simba Kamikaze, Torach’s once secure place in the starting XI has come under serious threat.

In his mid 20s, the Congolese defender has brought a different aura to the Venoms backline – combining elegance, pace, and tactical intelligence with confident ball distribution.

Bady impressed heavily in the Caf Champions League preliminary round, helping Vipers dispatch Namibia’s African Stars 2-0 on aggregate.

His assured performance alongside Mukundane has now positioned him as a first-choice centre-back under coach Ivan Minnaert, heading into Sunday’s crunch tie against Zambia’s Power Dynamos at St Mary’s Stadium, Kitende.

What makes Bady’s rise even more significant is that it disrupts the once rock-solid Torach-Mukundane partnership.

Both Torach and Mukundane are known for their physicality and man-marking attributes, but Bady adds a new dimension – calm, game-reading ability, and agility – which complements Mukundane’s no-nonsense style perfectly.

Meanwhile, Torach’s options are narrowing. Even a potential shift to the right-back position is complicated, with Nicholas Wadada, Grant Masiko, and Ashraf Mandela all ahead of him in that pecking order.

At the national level, things haven’t been kinder. Torach has been edged out of the senior Cranes setup by a trio of foreign-born defenders – Toby Sibbick, Joseph Obita, and Erio Capradossi – further complicating his competitive rhythm and visibility.

Ready to step up

Yet, all hope is not lost. Torach has always been known for his grit and determination. His Chan heroics – stepping up as captain, outmuscling top forwards, and bravely converting a high-pressure penalty – remain fresh in fans’ memories.

His resilience, work ethic, and professionalism could yet see him bounce back. Injuries, suspensions, or dips in form could offer him a path back into the starting lineup.

As Uganda heads toward the 2026 General Election, the increasing number of party-leaning Independents is emerging as a serious challenge for both the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the main Opposition party, National Unity Platform (NUP).

In several districts across Uganda, many disgruntled NRM and NUP aspirants who lost the party flag have already announced their intentions to contest the upcoming elections as Independent candidates.

These politicians cite a range of grievances, including alleged irregularities, voter bribery, and manipulation during the party primaries, which they claim undermined the credibility of the nomination process.

The move by these Independent aspirants is already stirring debates about the future of party cohesion, the role of internal dispute resolution, and the impact on Uganda’s broader electoral dynamics. The problem is not limited to the ruling party. In Opposition strongholds, especially within the NUP, several aspirants who failed to secure the flag have also opted to run as Independents, accusing party leaders of favouritism and lack of transparency.

NUP recently unveiled its much-anticipated list of parliamentary flag-bearers ahead of the 2026 General Election. The list, which has sparked mixed reactions across the political spectrum, saw several of the party’s well-known incumbents lose their positions to new faces.

In Wakiso District’s Busiro East constituency, long-serving legislator Medard Lubega Sseggona was replaced by Mathias Walukagga, a popular musician-turned-politician.

Similarly, in Mityana District, Woman MP Joyce Bagala, who has been among NUP’s most outspoken female legislators, lost the party flag to Proscovia Mukisa.

The reshuffle continued in Kampala, where Makindye East MP Derrick Nyeko was replaced by Ali Kasirye Nganda Mulyannyama, and Allan Ssewanyana of Makindye West lost to Zahrah Maala Luyirika.

In Lubaga South, Aloysius Mukasa bows out for Nassolo Euginia, while Kazibwe Bashir, the outspoken Kawempe South MP, ceded his position to Fred Nyanzi Ssentamu, a senior brother to party president Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (Bobi Wine).

Winds of change

In the 2021 elections, NUP made a historic breakthrough by capturing 57 parliamentary seats, the majority of them from Buganda region, with only two seats won outside the region. This stronghold, however, has also exposed the party to internal pressures as it balances loyalty, merit, and public perception among its growing support base.

Mr Moses Mukiibi, a political analyst, says this trend reveals a deep crisis of internal democracy within Uganda’s political parties.

‘When defeated candidates contest as independents, they divide the party’s voter base and weaken its collective bargaining power. It also shows that parties are struggling to manage disputes arising from flawed primary processes.’

The number of Independent MPs in Uganda’s Parliament has been steadily growing over the years, reflecting both the internal weaknesses of political parties and the increasing confidence of individuals to contest outside traditional party structures.

For instance, in 2006, Parliament had 284 members, with the NRM dominating at 191 MPs, followed by the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) with 37, and 36 Independents, the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) with nine, and the Democratic Party (DP) with eight. By 2011, the size of Parliament had increased to 350.

The NRM maintained a commanding lead with 250 MPs, while FDC held 34, DP had 12, and UPC had 10. Elsewhere, the Independents rose slightly to 41. In 2016, the number of legislators further grew to 426, with the NRM securing 298 seats, FDC 36, DP 15, UPC six.

The Independents, meanwhile, jumped to 66, a significant rise. The 2021 Parliament, which expanded to 529 MPs, continued the trend. The NRM retained majority control with 336 MPs, followed by NUP with 57 seats. FDC had 32, DP and UPC nine apiece, whereas Independents reached 74.

This steady growth in the number of Independents points to a broader trend in Uganda’s politics, where discontent with party primaries, internal disputes, and personalised local politics increasingly drive candidates to contest outside formal party lines.

It also underscores how party loyalty is often secondary to individual popularity and financial strength at the constituency level. The coming weeks are expected to test the party’s unity, as some of the displaced incumbents weigh their political options.

Mr Patrick Masika, a political analyst, says the spike in the number of Independents reflects growing frustration among party loyalists.

‘The NRM primaries have increasingly become a source of conflict rather than unity,’ said Mr Masika. ‘The aftermath often weakens the party’s cohesion at the grassroots level, as those who lose turn their supporters against the official flag bearers.’

Going round in circles?

According to the Electoral Commission (EC), nominations for MPs are scheduled to take place on October 22 and 23.

Monitor has learnt that more than 210 MPs from the ruling party who lost out in the NRM’s recent primaries have announced plans to contest as independent candidates, rejecting calls from the NRM secretariat to step aside. ‘President Museveni went to Luweero, and people died because he was fighting vote rigging.

Unfortunately, vote rigging has followed him into his political party. He knows what happened in our constituencies; that is why he formed the Election Tribunal.

We will campaign for him because he isn’t the one who rigged us out; the people know who did,’ Mr Barnabas Tinkasimiire, the Buyaga West lawmaker, said, adding that the general election would give them ‘a safer chance’ to reclaim voter trust, unlike the primaries which he described as ‘a sham where one person votes ten times, they count the child on the back, the womb, everything but the actual voter.’ Mr Richard Wanda, the Bungokho Central lawmaker in Mbale District, equally questioned the authority of the NRM secretariat to block Independents.

‘If the party had organised credible primaries, it would have the moral right to stop members from running as independents. But since it failed, the Constitution gives us the right to contest,’ Mr Wanda argued.

Candidate Museveni, the NRM presidential flag-bearer, has cautioned the party’s lawmakers who lost in recent party primaries against contesting as independent candidates in the forthcoming elections.

‘Where there are NRM and opposition candidates, I wouldn’t advise you to come as Independent, because if you do and things go wrong, you will be the one to blame. Where there are only NRMs in the race, even there I would prefer you use the law, so that you don’t confuse our people,’ Mr Museveni said this week.

He added: ‘In this case, if you are annoyed and stand as an independent, and then the other flag-bearer is there, what if now you divide the vote and the opposition takes the constituency? How will you forgive yourself?’ Mr Museveni cited the last election in Buganda where the NRM lost over 21 seats due to vote-splitting between party candidates and independents. The NRM chairperson further advised that any candidate who believes they were cheated should pursue legal action.

Mr Theodore Ssekikubo, the Lwemiyaga County lawmaker, who was among the Independents who met Mr Museveni confirmed that the NRM chairperson ‘promised to investigate the election irregularities that marred the NRM primaries.’

Political observers say these investigations will barely move the needle. If anything, they warn that the growing wave of independents could split the NRM vote in several constituencies, giving opposition candidates a potential advantage.

Monetisation

The competition for elective positions in Uganda has become increasingly intense, with tension mounting across most districts as more individuals enter the political arena. According to political analysts, the surge in interest for elective offices is largely driven by the growing monetisation of politics. Analysts further note that the huge financial benefits attached to political positions-including high salaries, allowances, and influence over government contracts-have made politics one of the most lucrative ventures in the country.

As a result, even those with little public service experience are increasingly drawn into the race, seeing elective office as a fast route to wealth and social status.

For instance, during Uganda’s first election under NRM in 1996, there were only 900 elective positions across the country, from presidential to local government roles. Today, that number has increased to about 3.3 million elective positions across 146 districts, underscoring the heightened competition.

It doesn’t help matters that lawmakers are remunerated well. They are entitled to a base monthly salary of Shs25m, a one-off vehicle allowance of Shs150m, a subsistence allowance of Shs4.5m per month, a town running allowance of Shs1m, medical allowance of Shs500,000 and a plenary sitting allowance of Shs150,000, among others.

Fissures

Mr Ronald Kyagulanyi, a senior lecturer at Muteesa I Royal University, said when a candidate fails to go through the party primaries, it often means that the party no longer favours that individual or believes there is someone more suitable for the flag. This is without consequences.

‘Each candidate has their own supporters, and at the end of the day, they end up sharing votes between the official flag bearer and the Independent candidate,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said. While Opposition parties like NUP have fences to mend, the ruling NRM appears to be most affected.

Dr Juma Kakuba Sultan, a lecturer in the Department of Political Science at Kyambogo University, told Monitor that the deepening divisions within NRM following its recent primary elections stem from a combination of procedural grievances, political ambition, and broader questions about internal democracy.

‘The lack of strong internal party democratic institutions has made many NRM candidates who were defeated in the party primaries claim that the process was marred by irregularities such as vote rigging, biased returning officers, and manipulation of voter registers. Such claims reflect a lack of confidence in the NRM Electoral Commission,’ he opined.

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), has said the ongoing divisions within the NRM reveal a serious decline in the party’s internal democracy. ‘What’s happening inside the NRM right now tells us a lot about how weakened its internal democracy has become,’ Mr. Chemonges said.

‘These are not just isolated cases of politicians refusing to concede defeat-they point to a deeper loss of trust in the party’s own systems.’

According to him, the elections have turned into contests of influence rather than fairness, where loyalty is often rewarded over legitimacy. ‘In the end, the NRM’s internal elections now mirror the same problems that plague our national politics-limited transparency, patronage, and the sense that rules only apply when they suit those in control,’ he concluded.

Last weekend, I had an intriguing conversation with a friend, who said: ‘I honestly don’t understand why people think that in a few years, Artificial Intelligence (AI) will take over everything, and that people won’t even be needed at work anymore.’

That comment stayed with me. It revealed just how quickly society has normalised the fear that AI could, one day, replace the very people it was designed to assist. But if you think about it, if a person or company genuinely believes AI can entirely replace human effort, it has already lost something far more essential.. its ability to think critically and creatively.

Kara Swisher, a prominent technology journalist and commentator, says AI was not created to replace human intelligence, but to augment it. It is meant to simplify processes, eliminate repetitive tasks, and enhance decision-making.

Yet, it cannot replicate human emotion, empathy, ethics, or the instinct that drives purpose-driven innovation. Similarly, in Humans + Machines: Reimagining Work in the Age of AI by H. James Wilson and Paul R. Daugherty, the authors emphasise that AI is most powerful when humans and machines collaborate, leveraging the unique strengths of both.

Of course, for many of us, the media we grew up consuming, from the Terminator movies to countless sci-fi shows have shaped our imagination and often exaggerated what AI can actually do.

Now, as a late millennial, you catch my drift: those early portrayals still influence how I think about technology today. Yet I would like to believe the reality is far less dramatic and more encouraging: AI is an agent as well as a tool, not a threat. In public relations and communications, human understanding remains irreplaceable. You cannot automate intuition. You cannot programme emotional connection.

You cannot teach a machine to care about people, perception, or trust and these are precisely the foundations of a brand’s credibility and long-term success.

When organisations rush to replace humans with technology, they risk losing authenticity and the human touch that builds relationships and sustains reputations. The leaders who will thrive are those who see AI not as a replacement, but as a strategic partner that allows people to think more deeply, create more thoughtfully, and act with purpose

Now don’t get me wrong, AI is powerful. But it remains a reflection of the human mind that created it. The real danger lies not in AI itself, but in human smugness and believing machines can substitute creativity, empathy, and judgment.

So, perhaps the question isn’t whether AI will take over everything. The real question is: shall we allow it to take over our ability to think, to feel, and to lead with humanity? As a Ugandan navigating a rapidly changing world, I see enormous opportunity.

AI can lift us, streamline our work, and solve problems that would have taken decades. But its promise will only be realised if we remember that humans must remain at the heart of innovation, as well as decision-making.