Climate change forces Bugisu communities to embrace forest conservation around Mt Elgon

Climate change and environmental degradation in Uganda’s Bugisu sub-region have pushed communities living along the slopes of Mount Elgon National Park to shift from forest encroachment to active conservation, local residents and officials say.

For years, communities in sub-counties bordering the park engaged in illegal activities including tree cutting, charcoal burning, hunting and cultivation inside protected areas, often in conflict with the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA).

But recurring climate shocks, including landslides, flooding and erratic rainfall, have increasingly forced a rethink, according to residents and conservation groups.

Sub-counties such as Bumugibole and Masira in Bulambuli District are among the most affected, with residents reporting declining crop yields and more frequent disasters during heavy rains.

Mr James Paul Gimuyi from Masira Sub-county said he previously depended on the forest for charcoal burning and firewood but has since changed his livelihood practices after receiving conservation training.

‘I have now transformed myself from an encroacher into an agent of conservation,’ he said.

He said he has planted more than 300 trees on his land and diversified into poultry and livestock farming under zero-grazing systems introduced through training programmes supported by UWA and Mount Elgon Tree Growing Enterprise (METGE).

‘I now earn income from poultry and livestock farming instead of going to the park to cut trees,’ he said.

Other residents say deforestation in previous years contributed to worsening climate conditions, including reduced rainfall and prolonged dry spells.

Mr Moses Gimadu from Bumugibole Sub-county said the loss of tree cover had disrupted rainfall patterns and agricultural production.

‘In the past, prolonged droughts affected our crops because of extensive deforestation around the park,’ he said.

He added that community-led tree planting has helped restore ecological balance, with some wildlife species gradually returning to the park.

Residents also say conservation projects have introduced alternative livelihoods such as beekeeping, savings groups and agroforestry, reducing dependence on forest exploitation.

Ms Rose Namataka from Masira Sub-county said she abandoned firewood collection from the park and adopted energy-saving cooking methods.

‘I now use energy-saving stoves made from local materials, which require less firewood,’ she said.

Uganda Wildlife Authority officials say wildlife populations in Mount Elgon remain under pressure despite ongoing restoration efforts.

UWA Commissioner for Community Conservation Mr David Musingo has previously warned about declining wildlife species in the park, attributing the trend to human activity and habitat loss.

Local conservation groups say sensitisation programmes have played a key role in changing attitudes.

Mr Thomas Namusoso from the Gazo Youth Beekeepers and Dairy Group said community savings groups and environmental education have helped reduce illegal activity.

Masira Sub-county LCIII Chairperson Mr Ambrose Nabende said communities are increasingly embracing tree planting and alternative income-generating activities.

‘The community has embraced tree planting on private land and is earning income through group activities,’ he said on Monday. .

Mount Elgon Tree Growing Enterprise Programme Manager Mr Sunday Michael Atwooki said more than 26 million trees have been planted under agroforestry and reforestation programmes in partnership with communities.

He said tree survival rates have improved due to the introduction of indigenous species and better community involvement in restoration efforts.

Despite progress, leaders have called for expansion of conservation programmes to neighbouring sub-counties bordering the park, warning that pressure on remaining forest cover remains high.

Five Rotarians sue over expulsion from Kampala club

Five members of the Rotary Club of Kampala Ssese Islands have dragged Rotary International and several club officials to court, challenging their suspension and subsequent expulsion from the club, which they say was carried out in violation of their right to a fair hearing.

The applicants, Ronald Samuel Wanda, Nelson Turyatemba, Gladys Edwards Namala, John Martin Sekwe and Robert Byamukama, have filed a case before the High Court seeking declarations that the disciplinary proceedings against them were unlawful, irregular and contrary to both the club’s bylaws and the Constitution.

Court documents show that the dispute stems from disciplinary proceedings initiated in February this year, which resulted in the suspension of the five Rotarians from all club activities pending investigations.

The respondents are Rotary International and officials of the Rotary Club of Kampala Ssese Islands.

The officials are Ms Deborah Itwau Ongwech, the president; Mr Bernard Ochan, acting secretary; the board of directors; Dr Canon Charles Kahigiriza, chairperson of the board of directors; and Mr Medard Muganzi, chairperson of the disciplinary committee.

Other members of the disciplinary committee are Ms Julianne Mweheire, Mr Nelson Kabwama, Ms Laura Orobia, Mr Leonard Babwetera Kashagama and Mr Ivan Kasambeko.

In an affidavit supporting the case, Mr Wanda, an advocate and one of the applicants, accuses the disciplinary committee of denying them a fair hearing and acting outside its mandate.

“The committee, in total abuse of my right to a fair hearing, refused to invite the members mentioned in paragraph 19 of this affidavit in support for cross-examination,” Wanda states in court documents seen by Monitor on Monday.

He further claims that his lawyers, Eron Kiiza and Kakuru Tumusiime, were barred from actively participating during the disciplinary hearing.

“During the hearing, I appeared with my legal representatives, Mr Eron Kiiza and Mr Kakuru Tumusiime, who were denied an opportunity to present my case and ask any questions,” he says.

The applicants also challenge the composition of the disciplinary committee, arguing that it was improperly constituted and lacked the quorum required under the club’s bylaws.

According to the court filings, Wanda raised preliminary objections before the committee, contending that it had only four members instead of the required five and that mandatory conflict-resolution procedures had not been exhausted before disciplinary proceedings commenced.

However, the committee reportedly dismissed the objections.

“The 7th Respondent (Mr Kabwama) overruled the preliminary objections by saying that they had quorum since they were the majority,” Wanda states.

The Rotarians further allege that the disciplinary committee failed to communicate its decision within the seven-day period prescribed under the club’s bylaws and instead submitted recommendations to what they describe as a defunct board of directors.

Wanda contends that the board officials who later communicated his termination were not lawfully holding office.

“I am also aware that the 3rd (Mr Ochan) and 4th (Dr Kahigiriza) Respondents illegally occupy the offices of the Chairperson and Secretary of the Board of Directors, as there has never been any Notification of Directors and Secretaries filed with the Uganda Registration Services Bureau,” he claims.

The applicants argue that their constitutional rights were violated throughout the process.

In an appeal addressed to the club’s leadership before his eventual expulsion, Wanda maintained that the disciplinary committee had no authority to suspend him without first according him a hearing.

“The Disciplinary Committee acted without authority and jurisdiction by suspending me without according me a hearing nor bringing to my attention the complaint against me,” he wrote.

He further argued that the process offended constitutional guarantees of a fair hearing.

“It is on the grounds mentioned above, to wit; violation of the right to a fair hearing, passing a decision without jurisdiction and violation of the rights to freedom of conscience, expression, movement, religion, assembly and association, that I present this appeal,” he stated.

The respondents, including Rotary International and officials of the Rotary Club of Kampala Ssese Islands, are yet to file their formal defence to the allegations.

Busukuma, Mpoma dominate ICPAU Juniors Championship

The 16th edition of the ICPAU Youth and Junior Woodball Championship delivered another exciting showcase at Kyambogo Peace Park on Saturday, with rising school talent producing tight finishes, new champions and a growing sense of depth across categories.

Originally set for Koboko, the event was relocated to Kampala due to Ebola-related public health concerns, but the change did little to dampen competition, with 501 participants turning up, an increase from 400 last year.

Primary battles go down to the wire

The Primary Boys Singles produced a rare three-way tie at the summit. Airforce’s Darry Dain Ssendege, alongside Busukuma duo Darius Kimbowa and Ramathan Jjuuko, all finished locked on 31 strokes. Busukuma’s Andrew Ssozi followed closely on 36.

In the girls’ contest, the same level of precision defined the podium. Santa Maria Junior School’s Martha Nalunkuuma and Busukuma’s Prossy Nakimuli shared top honours on 34 strokes, while Santa Maria’s Catherine Nabbanja scored 35 strokes, just one stroke shy of forcing another deadlock.

Busukuma’s consistency was enough to secure them the Boys Team crown ahead of Santa Maria, with Simple Mummy Junior School Kawoko completing the podium.

Santa Maria responded strongly in the Girls Team standings, finishing top ahead of Busukuma, with Shimoni Demonstration School Kira in third.

Mpoma, Mengo in control

Mpoma Girls’ Joy Mwanja Namuli delivered a measured round of 55 strokes to take the Ladies Singles title, edging Namagoma’s Yasmin Najah and Mengo SS’s Esther Kyamagero, who both returned 56 in a tightly packed finish.

Namuli said the result was a product of steady improvement rather than a one-off performance.

‘I’m really happy to win again. It shows the hard work is paying off and that I’m improving with every tournament,’ she noted.

Mpoma demonstrated their collective strength, finishing top with 243 strokes. St Mark’s College Namagoma followed on 247, while Mengo SS completed the podium on 253.

In the Men Singles, Mengo SS produced a controlled display through Joshua Muwanguzi, who topped the standings with 44 strokes. Airforce’s Jumah Millers and Amazima’s Daniel Onanyang shared second place on 50.

The Boys Team event delivered one of the most competitive finishes of the championship, with Mengo SS emerging champions on 235 strokes. Airforce pushed them all the way on 237, while Luzira SS were a further stroke behind on 238 in a three-way battle decided on fine margins.

Bright future

Uganda Woodball Federation president Paul Mark Kayongo praised the championship’s continued role in shaping the sport’s future, while unveiling the 16 players who will enter residential camp ahead of the World Cup in Perlis, Malaysia.

‘The tournament continues to be vital in shaping young players into future national team stars. We are also unveiling,’ he said.

ICPAU’s Lydia Tusiime also highlighted the broader impact of the championship beyond results, pointing to steady growth in participation and school engagement. ICPAU also injected Shs21 million into the championship.

She noted that the sport is increasingly reinforcing values such as discipline and accountability among learners, aligning closely with its educational objectives.

Attention now shifts to the Ball Games II Championships at St Catherine Girls School in Gulu next month.

Primary boys’ singles

Darry Dain Ssendege (Airforce) – 31

Darius Kimbowa (Busukuma) – 31

Ramathan Jjuuko (Busukuma) – 31

Andrew Ssozi (Busukuma) – 36

Primary girls’ singles

Martha Nalunkuuma (Santa Maria JS) – 34

Prossy Nakimuli (Busukuma) – 34

Catherine Nabbanja (Santa Maria JS) – 35

Ladies singles

Joy Mwanja Namuli (Mpoma girls) – 55

Yasmin Najah (Namagoma) – 56

Esther Kyamagero (Mengo SS) – 56

Men Singles

Joshua Muwanguzi (Mengo SS) – 44

Jumah Millers (Airforce) – 50

Daniel Onanyang (Amazima) – 50

Why physical development plans matter for Uganda’s urban future

From a global view, sustainable urbanisation does not happen by chance. It is the product of intentional physical development planning, strategic investment and consistent implementation of physical development plans.

Physical development plans provide a structured framework that guides land use, infrastructure development, environmental protection and service delivery. Without them, urban and rural growth becomes fragmented, inefficient and ultimately unsustainable.

According to the World Bank, Uganda’s urban population is growing at about five percent per year, which is one of the fastest rates in Africa. Yet, only about 27-30 percent of the total population currently lives in urban areas.

This means the country is still in an early but accelerating phase of urban transition, which presents both a risk and an opportunity depending on how well growth is managed.

One of the major challenges being faced is the gap between physical development planning and implementation. This disconnect leads to unregulated settlements, traffic congestion, inadequate infrastructure and environmental degradation.

International physical development planning principles emphasise the need to have integrated, inclusive, and forward-looking approaches such as zoning plans to achieve sustainable urbanisation.

However, this requires more than adopting global frameworks, it demands institutional capacity, political will and adequate funding to prepare and implement such plans.

Notably, the UN-Habitat notes that cities which prepare and implement physical development plans can reduce infrastructure costs by up to 30 percent and significantly improve service delivery efficiency.

This means without physical development plans, land use becomes chaotic, wetlands are encroached upon, road reserves are occupied and public spaces disappear largely due to unregulated urban expansion, which is a threat to sustainability.

For example, the African Development Bank estimates that Africa loses up to two percent of its Gross Domestic Product annually due to infrastructure inefficiencies, much of which is tied to lack of implementation of physical development plans.

To sum it up, urban and rural growth must be guided and not left to chance. By prioritising preparation of physical development plans and committing to their implementation, Uganda can transform its urbanization trajectory into one that supports long-term sustainability, resilience and prosperity.

Who is in the money economy?

What does ‘full monetisation of the economy’ mean?

Full monetisation of the economy refers to a situation where all individuals, households, and businesses conduct most of their economic activities through money and formal financial channels rather than through subsistence production, barter arrangements, or informal transactions.

Monetisation occurs when people earn income in monetary form, save through formal or semi-formal institutions, make payments through financial channels, access credit, and participate in markets beyond immediate household consumption.

It is linked to the broader process of economic transformation. It involves moving people from subsistence activities into market-oriented production, integrating them into the financial system, and enabling them to participate more fully in the formal economy.

Full monetisation does not imply that every transaction must pass through a bank account. Rather, it means that economic activity is increasingly market-based, financially connected, and visible within the broader economy. This creates opportunities for savings mobilisation, investment, productivity growth, and efficient revenue mobilisation by the government, as well as better targeted interventions for improved livelihoods.

What is the Bank of Uganda doing to support monetisation of the economy?

The Bank of Uganda is supporting monetisation through policies and initiatives aimed at expanding access to financial services, strengthening payment systems, and maintaining macroeconomic stability.

First, the Bank is modernising the national payments ecosystem. Through the National Payments Systems framework and the development of interoperable payment infrastructure, individuals and businesses can transact seamlessly across banks, mobile money platforms, and other financial service providers.

This reduces transaction costs and makes digital financial services more accessible. For instance, the modernised financial architecture is currently supporting the delivery of Government funds such as Parish Development Model funds to the intended beneficiaries who are targeted to join the money economy.

Second, the Bank promotes financial inclusion. Access to formal and semi-formal financial services has expanded significantly over the past decade, supported by mobile money, agent banking, microfinance institutions, and digital financial innovations. Increased access enables more Ugandans to save, borrow, invest, and transact through formal channels.

Who participates in the monetary economy, and who is still outside it or only partially included?

Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) defines the households within the subsistence economy as those unable to satisfy their basic needs that encompass both food and non-food items. The assessment of a household’s capacity to fulfil these basic needs is crucial in identifying those within the subsistence economy.

This category includes households involved in subsistence farming, those receiving wages that fall short of meeting basic needs, businesses generating insufficient returns, and households that are economically inactive and unable to meet their basic needs.

Conversely, households classified outside the subsistence economy belong to the money economy. These households are characterised by their ability to adequately meet their basic needs and remain with savings. The 2024 Uganda National Population and Housing Census report indicated that one third (33.1 percent) of households were in the subsistence economy while two-thirds of households (66.9 percent) were in the money economy.

Using available data on financial inclusion, employment, urbanisation, census and economic activity, we can identify those who are substantially integrated into the money economy and those who remain only partially integrated.

Those in the money economy include:

81 percent of Ugandan adults have access to formal or informal financial services, according to the 2023 Finscope survey). These individuals are likely to save, borrow, make payments, and receive income through monetary and financial channels.

More than 59 million registered mobile money accounts facilitate millions of daily transactions and have become the primary entry point into the financial system for many Ugandans.

Individuals employed in the formal private sector and public sector, who receive regular monetary incomes and routinely use financial institutions.

Uganda has an estimated 686,700 business establishments, of which about 18.3 percent sit in the formal bracket with clear corporate governance, fiscal status (filing corporate income tax, Pay As You Earn (PAYE), VAT registered), labour structures, credit lines and full legal formalisation.

Most urban households which are generally more connected to markets, financial services, and digital payment platforms.

Those not yet fully in the money economy include:

Approximately 3.5 million households (33.1 percent of all households 2024 census vs 39 percent in 2019) remain predominantly in the subsistence economy, producing largely for their own consumption with limited engagement in formal markets and financial services.

Although financial inclusion has improved significantly, a sizeable number of adults remain financially excluded and therefore have limited access to savings, credit, insurance, and digital payment services.

A large proportion of Uganda’s business sector remains informal. According to available enterprise statistics, approximately 18.3 percent operate in the formal sector, while 81.7 percent operate in the informal sector (micro enterprises: kiosks, retail shops, downtown wholesalers that do not keep audited financial books, lack structured employment contracts, and do not separate owner’s personal and business money). The predominance of informal enterprises highlights the significant scope for further monetisation and formalisation of economic activity

Individuals in remote and underserved areas still face challenges in accessing financial infrastructure despite the expansion of mobile money, agent banking, and digital financial services.

Children and youth below working age, who constitute a substantial share of Uganda’s population, are not yet active participants in the economy and therefore remain outside the money economy, according to the 2025 Labour market survey.

While Uganda has made progress in monetisation and financial inclusion, a large segment of economic activity remains only partially monetised. The challenge is therefore not a lack of economic activity, but ensuring that more households, farmers, and enterprises are integrated into formal markets and financial systems.

The key point is that monetisation should be viewed as a continuum rather than a binary condition. Many Ugandans already participate in the money economy to some extent. But the depth of participation varies significantly across regions, sectors, and income groups.

Why does full monetisation matter for Uganda’s economy as a developing country?

Monetisation enables economic activity to be transformed into higher productivity, greater incomes, and broader prosperity.

Monetisation mobilises savings. When households participate in the financial system, their savings can be intermediated into productive investments that support business expansion, job creation, and economic growth.

Second, monetisation improves access to credit. Individuals and businesses with transaction histories, savings records, and financial identities are better positioned to access financing to invest, expand production, and improve productivity.

Third, monetisation enhances monetary policy. Financially connected households and firms respond more readily to monetary policy signals, strengthening the transmission of policy actions to the broader economy.

Fourth, monetisation supports domestic revenue mobilisation. As economic activity becomes increasingly market-based and formalised, it becomes easier to measure, document, and incorporate into the tax system, thereby broadening the resource base available for public investment.

Fifth, monetisation promotes resilience and inclusion. Households that can save, access credit, make digital payments, and use insurance products are better able to manage economic shocks and invest in their future.

Most importantly, monetisation is a critical ingredient in attaining Uganda’s ten-fold growth program. Achieving sustained high growth and transforming Uganda into a prosperous upper-middle-income economy will require the full participation of households, farmers, entrepreneurs, and businesses in an increasingly formal, market-based, and financially connected economy.

Therefore, monetisation should not be viewed merely as a financial sector objective. It is a national development objective that supports productivity growth, structural transformation, job creation, and economic prosperity.

Vocational institutions seek renewed govt funding support as skills training costs rise

Vocational and technical training institutions in Uganda’s Ankole sub-region have asked the government to restore a cost-sharing arrangement for trainees, warning that rising training costs are limiting access to practical skills education.

Administrators and tutors made the appeal on Monday during discussions on challenges affecting Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) at Rwentanga Farm Institute in Mbarara District.

They said the funding gap emerged after the closure of the Shs100 million-dollar Uganda Skills Development Project (USDP), a World Bank-funded programme that ended operations in Uganda in 2021.

The project had supported more than 500 trainees in different institutions, particularly learners from vulnerable backgrounds, according to education officials.

Mr Onex Twebaze, the acting Deputy Principal of Uganda Technical Institute Bushenyi, said competency-based training requires significant investment in equipment and materials, which many learners and institutions cannot afford.

He said the previous cost-sharing model, where government covered 80 percent of training costs while students contributed 20 percent, improved access to vocational education for disadvantaged learners.

‘The cost of materials used in practical training continues to place a heavy burden on both institutions and learners,’ Mr Twebaze said.

‘To achieve our dream as vocational institutions of a practical human resource, we need government to subsidise the cost of education. A skill is a skill; you must achieve it and you must be well equipped.’

Officials said practical courses such as manufacturing, engineering and agriculture require expensive materials, making them unaffordable for many students.

Mr Gilbert Tukahirwa, a tutor at Uganda Technical College, said some programmes require millions of shillings in training materials.

‘A course in a programme like manufacturing requires between Shs12 million to Shs13 million, which is very expensive for the majority of our people. There is no shortcut because you have to offer practical and relevant skills,’ he said.

At Rwentanga Farm Institute, Principal Mr William Tukwasibwe cited inadequate equipment and poor digital infrastructure as major challenges affecting training quality.

‘We lack equipment to run this programme. We have about 70 computers for 900 people, which is not enough to facilitate teaching,’ he said.

He added that limited internet connectivity has also affected efforts to introduce online learning.

‘Internet connectivity is very key, but we don’t have it. We cannot do online training; the internet is a very important tool in training,’ he said.

Mr Tukwasibwe also called for a clear government policy on staffing structures and remuneration to strengthen vocational institutions.

The Uganda Vocational and Technical Assessment Board (UVTAB) said reforms were underway to address some of the challenges affecting TVET.

Mr Narasi Kambaho, the board’s communications officer, said the revised curriculum is designed to focus more on practical skills demanded by employers.

‘As UVTAB, we have made sure that the new curriculum addresses these gaps whereby 70 percent will be practical and 30 percent will be theory,’ he said.

He said the new approach would help graduates acquire skills that match industry needs.

Mr Kambaho added that concerns raised by vocational institutions would be submitted to relevant authorities through the Ministry of Education and Sports.

He also noted that the TVET Act 2025 promotes employer-led, competency-based training developed in partnership with industry players.

Vocational institutions argue that restoring government support would increase enrolment, reduce dropout rates and help Uganda develop a skilled workforce capable of addressing unemployment challenges.

67 Congolese nationals face deportation for entering Uganda illegally

The Masaka Grade One Magistrate, Her Worship Selsa Biwaga, has ordered the deportation of 67 Congolese nationals who were arrested on Sunday from Sumayiya Church in Masaka City.

ICYMI: 67 Congolese arrested from Masaka church over illegal entry into Uganda

The court on Tuesday found the group guilty of illegally entering and settling in Uganda without the required travel documents.

The prosecution, led by Abraham Akandehako, alleged that 54 of the Congolese nationals entered Uganda illegally without the required identification or travel documents.

Explaining that they were found worshipping on Sunday at Sumayiya Church, a Pentecostal church located in the Nyendo-Mukungwe Division of Masaka City.

Among those arrested, 54 were adults and were therefore charged, while 13 children were not prosecuted. Most of the accused admitted the charges.

However, one of them, Amin Ibrahim, denied the accusation and told the court that he possessed a Ugandan national identity card, which security officers allegedly confiscated at the time of his arrest.

Akandehako asked the court to issue a cautionary sentence warning the accused not to return to Uganda illegally and requested that they be repatriated to their home country.

President Judge, Her Worship, Biwaga agreed and noted that the offence carries a penalty of up to two years’ imprisonment or a fine of three million Ugandan shillings.

Before sentencing, the accused pleaded for leniency. Some told the court that they had fled to Uganda because of conflict in Congo and had been living in Uganda for about two years.

The magistrate convicted them upon their plea of guilty, and ordered the Immigration Department to deport them back to Congo.

While delivering the judgment, Biwaga explained that she had considered the fact that many of the accused were women with very young children under their care, making imprisonment inappropriate in the circumstances.

She ordered that they remain in the custody of security authorities until arrangements are made for their repatriation.

However, Amin Ibrahim, who denied the charge, was asked to apply for bail, but his sureties lacked LCI letters, and his case will be heard on July 2.

Medical interns and the cost of misplaced priorities

Dear Tingasiga:

The ease with which the Uganda Government spends money on self-congratulatory celebrations, gifts to religious groups, and all manner of luxury spending is mind-boggling. The ease with which the same government dismisses the worth of medical interns who have spent five long years learning to keep us alive speaks volumes.

A nation’s budget is a moral document stating what-and whom-a society values most. Uganda’s current spending priorities reveal a deeply disturbing paradox.

Members of Parliament take home massive car grants, extensive travel stipends, and millions of shillings daily. Meanwhile, medical interns-the literal backbone of our public healthcare infrastructure- are paid small change, if paid at all, and they are forced to strike just to secure basic food, housing, and frequently delayed allowances. This spending model reflects a critical public health failure that directly threatens ordinary citizens.

This paradox is amplified by the rapid expansion of medical training. Over the last two decades, the number of accredited medical schools in Uganda has ballooned to roughly 12 institutions. Where once Makerere University stood alone, Uganda now features public facilities like Mbarara, Gulu, and Busitema, alongside private setups like Kampala International University. While the state celebrates this institutional growth, the healthcare system meant to absorb these graduates is collapsing under fiscal neglect.

Can Uganda truly afford the high cost of running medical schools if it refuses to pay its medical interns competitive, liveable salaries? When a government funds the production of a highly specialized asset but starves its operational maintenance, it engages in economic self-sabotage. Training a single doctor is the most expensive undertaking in tertiary education, requiring heavily subsidized tuition, high-end laboratory equipment, and vast clinical training networks.

For five years, scarce national resources have been poured into every student. The true return on this investment is only realized when these graduates begin practicing. However, the state’s current framework treats these graduates as disposable labour, even irritants, leading to massive friction. Persistent official attempts to strip away or aggressively slash medical intern allowances have sparked continuous nationwide strikes.

The national budget allocation to the health sector remains highly volatile, hovering at roughly 8 percent of total spending. This falls significantly short of the 15 percent baseline mandated by the 2001 Abuja Declaration, to which Uganda is a signatory. By starving the frontline clinical workforce, the country effectively writes off its own multi-million-shilling educational investments.

To understand why this compensation structure is backward, one must look at the gruelling reality of a public hospital ward. A medical intern in Uganda is not an apprentice quietly shadowing a senior consultant. Because of severe, chronic staffing shortages across the health care system, these young professionals function as the primary clinical engines running our medical system. Interns routinely work exhaustingly long shifts, managing overcrowded maternity wards, performing emergency surgeries, and monitoring dying patients under immense pressure.

Contrast this with the daily schedule of a Member of Parliament. A politician’s week consists of flexible committee meetings, plenary debates, and caucuses. While writing laws matters, a temporary pause in parliamentary sessions does not cause immediate fatalities. Conversely, if medical interns stop working for even a single morning, emergency rooms stall, treatable labour complications become fatal, and preventable deaths spike instantly. The proximity of an intern’s work to the immediate survival of our citizens justifies premium compensation that surpasses that of politicians.

Furthermore, the extreme physical environments where medical interns work demand financial protection. Frontline clinicians handle acute traumas, highly contagious pathogens, and complex bodily fluids daily in under-equipped public wards that frequently lack basic personal protective equipment (PPE). This regularly exposes them to life-threatening infectious diseases. They absorb this intense occupational risk while completely sleep-deprived and without any robust institutional safety nets.

MPs experience no comparable physical hazards, working inside secure, legislative chambers and committee rooms. Compensating politicians with lavish vehicle grants and high salaries while leaving frontline medical workers exposed to poverty and disease is an unjustifiable policy. Premium pay for interns is necessary hazard pay for those who regularly jeopardize their own health to protect us.

This structural failure triggers an immediate, aggressive brain drain. Deprived of basic amenities and predictable pay, newly graduated doctors realize their expertise is completely undervalued domestically. This financial neglect turns Ugandan medical schools into heavily subsidized recruitment pools for our neighbours and wealthier nations. Foreign regional and international healthcare networks gladly absorb these highly trained assets. Uganda bears the steep, front-end cost of academic production, while foreign economies reap the lifelong operational benefits. A developing country cannot afford to act as a free training academy for the rest of the world.

The standard official defence is that Uganda simply lacks the fiscal space to offer competitive salaries to its medical interns. Yet, this narrative of absolute financial scarcity is flatly contradicted by the cost of medical tourism for select citizens. Uganda spends $150-$175 million annually to export select citizens for medical treatment in India, Turkey, Italy, Spain, Thailand, South Africa, and Europe. This means the state spends far more on sending a privileged few to overseas clinics than it would cost to properly pay every single medical intern running the nation’s domestic hospitals.

This capital flight inflicts a double wound. It actively drains foreign currency reserves that could otherwise stabilize the domestic health budget, and it demonstrates a complete lack of institutional trust in the very healthcare infrastructure the state is supposed to manage. If the hundreds of billions spent on favoured people’s medical evacuations were re-routed internally, the funds would easily secure competitive salaries for interns, eliminate regional medical shortages, and properly supply public wards. The money is clearly there. The state has simply prioritized political privilege over public health survival.

Ultimately, building new medical universities to pump more graduates into a toxic, underfunded hospital system does not improve public health. It simply increases the volume of frustrated, underpaid professionals waiting for their first opportunity to leave.

A medical school is not just a collection of buildings or a factory for printing degrees. It is the starting point of a covenant between a doctor and their country. Uganda cannot afford the prestige of medical schools if it refuses to invest in human capital for the long haul.

Until the state stops exporting its capital to foreign hospitals and its best medical minds to foreign shores, expanding medical education will remain an expensive exercise in futility.

Poverty, family breakdown push Mbale teenage girls into commercial sex work

As darkness falls over Nkokonjeru Street in Mbale City, several young girls aged between 15 and 16 can be seen lining the roadside, hoping to attract clients.

Behind their presence are stories of hardship, broken families and struggle for survival.

Susan, not her real name, is one of the young girls engaged in commercial sex work. She says she was introduced to the trade by friends from Busamaga Ward in the Industrial City Division in Mbale City who convinced her it was a quick way to earn money.

‘My friends told me I could make money and support myself. At the time, I had very few options,’ she says.

She says life became difficult after her parents separated and she was left living with a father who rarely provides for the family.

‘Sometimes there is no food at home. My father spends most of his time drinking and does not care much about our welfare. I had to find a way to survive,’ she says.

Mariam, also not her real name, tells a similar story. She says she dropped out of school after her parents failed to raise school fees.

She says she was later introduced to sex work by women in Bugema Ward who were already involved in the trade.

‘They told me there was no need to keep lamenting about my situation when I could earn money and take care of myself,’ she says.

Another girl, a Senior Two pupil aged 15, said she also engages in commercial sex to meet personal and school needs. She says clients pay between Shs5,000 and Shs10,000 depending on the arrangement.

Ms Ruth Apio, a resident of Nkokonjeru, said the number of young girls seen on the streets at night is worrying and reflects failure by parents to take responsibility.

Mr Joseph Okware, a bodaboda rider, said some men have abandoned families in preference for commercial sex workers, warning that this could fuel the spread of HIV/AIDS and domestic conflict.

Mr Patrick Omare, a local leader, said the practice has degraded social and moral values in the area.

Ms Agnes Kasiira, a social worker and councillor, said poverty, family breakdown and peer influence are driving young girls into prostitution, exposing them to risks including sexual exploitation, violence, unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections.

She called for coordinated action by parents, leaders and government agencies to protect vulnerable girls through education, guidance and economic empowerment programmes.

Mr Robert Wandwasi, the Mbale District HIV/AIDS focal person, said more than 20 percent of children in urban centres in Mbale are involved in commercial sex, and that the practice is common in trading centres along highways used by long-distance truck drivers.

He added that many of the girls come from private hostels and poorly regulated schools.

Ms Rehema Wangiro, Mbale City HIV focal person, said there is also increasing commercial sex work among men.

According to the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, child prostitution in Uganda is on the rise, with an estimated 7,000 to 12,000 juveniles engaged in risky commercial sex activities.

Muhoozi bows to pressure, promises to release abducted ex-Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago

In a dramatic twist that caps two days of intense domestic and international outrage, the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, announced he will release veteran opposition politician and lawyer Erias Lukwago.

Writing on the social media platform X, Gen Muhoozi stated: “Today, I will release this IDIOT (Erias Lukwago) to police. I have run out of diapers. Never test me again! My beloved wife Charlotte has convinced me to release the criminal Lukwago. I will release him because of my love for her….I am a descendant of the Great Bachwezi! They will ALWAYS rule Uganda!”

The condescending announcement follows hours of mounting pressure from civil society activists, lawyers, and political organisations demanding to know the whereabouts of the former Kampala Lord Mayor. Lukwago, who serves as the leader of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) and lead counsel for four-time presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye, was abducted from his home by armed men in military uniform on Monday morning.

Prior to Gen Muhoozi’s social media post, the military chief had fueled public anger by sharing photographs of a blindfolded and distressed Lukwago at an undisclosed location. The abduction came just days after Lukwago successfully secured a court order requiring Gen Muhoozi to defend himself against allegations that he threatened to kill Dr Besigye.

A pattern of “drone” abductions

Lukwago’s high-profile disappearance has cast a harsh spotlight on what critics call a systematic machinery of state-sponsored kidnappings. The legal fraternity and opposition figures warn that Uganda is slipping back into the dark eras of past regimes.

Just last month, Amuria District Woman MP Margaret Etilu was whisked away by security operatives, only to be released after Parliament pressured the Executive. Leader of the Opposition Joel Ssenyonyi recently questioned the government’s disregard for due process, noting that another party member, Christopher Gody, was taken by the military in April and remains missing.

Similarly, National Unity Platform (NUP) activist Agatha Nazziwa was held for over a month in a military facility where she was reportedly tortured. NUP Secretary General Lewis Rubongoya stated that upon her release from the Defence Intelligence and Security (DIS) headquarters in Mbuya, she was warned never to associate with the opposition again. NUP continues to demand answers for supporters like John Bosco Kibalama and John Ddamulira, who vanished in 2019 and 2020.

Echoes of Idi Amin and Milton Obote

For many Ugandans, these modern-day “drone” van abductions carry a chilling sense of déjà vu. Former Minister of Internal Affairs, Maj Gen (Rtd) Kahinda Otafiire, recently remarked that the current spate of disappearances mirrors the tyrannical rule of Idi Amin.

Historically, such state overreach has targeted the legal mind. In September 1972, Amin’s state research personnel abducted Chief Justice Ben Kiwanuka from the High Court after he angered him by releasing a British detainee for lack of evidence. Kiwanuka was never seen again.

Similarly, under Milton Obote’s regime in the 1980s, state machinery extended beyond Ugandan borders. In 1982, rebel leader Balaki Kirya was kidnapped from his home in Nairobi, Kenya, with suspected local police complicity, and secretly flown back to Uganda to face treason charges.

Political backlash

Gen Muhoozi’s erratic behavior and the military’s involvement in civilian arrests have drawn fierce condemnation. Responding to the CDF’s social media posts, NUP President Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, launched a scathing attack on X, accusing Gen Muhoozi of disgracing the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF).

“You’re a wannabe badman, masquerading as a fierce military General, but deep inside you’re weak, insecure, and desperate for attention,” Kyagulanyi wrote. “Your actions are such an embarrassment… History will remember you and your father with shame.”

While Lukwago’s impending transfer to the police offers brief relief to his family and legal team-who were previously blocked from filing a missing person’s report at Nateete Police Station-the episode leaves a profound stain on the country’s human rights record. By treating a constitutional crisis as a personal favor to his wife, Gen Muhoozi has intensified fears that Uganda’s security apparatus operates entirely outside the law.