Why we must donate blood

Uganda has for years experienced a shortage of blood for transfusion to patients. According to the Uganda Blood Transfusion Services (UBTS), 10 percent of Ugandans who urgently need blood do not get it due to shortage in supply.

The UBTS Executive Director, Dr Dorothy Kyeyune Byabazaire, attributes the shortage to a lack of donors and limited financing.

Dr Byabazaire says the country requires 500,000 units of blood annually, but only

439,000 units were collected last year.

The World Health Organisation recommends that a country should collect blood units equivalent to at least one percent to three percent of its population annually to meet basic national health needs.

However, the UBTS officials say they have failed to meet this target.

A major cause of the shortage is the overreliance on pupils and students to donate blood while they are at school. They contribute about 80 percent of the blood supplied to health facilities.

During school holiday periods, health facilities across the country face acute shortages of blood.

UBTS officials say they are compelled to heavily depend on pupils and student donors because many adults are reluctant to donate blood.

Blood donation campaigns conducted by UBTS and its partners are usually hindered by the hesitancy of many people because of several factors.

Some people who are eligible to donate blood wrongly fear that they may develop health complications after doing this noble act.

There is also reluctance by some to donate blood because they are scared of knowing their HIV status, given that all potential donors are required to undergo an HIV test, among others.

Others hesitate to donate blood because of claims that some unscrupulous health workers sell the blood, which is supposed to be given free of charge to those in need of it.

Health facilities need blood to save the lives of patients, such as those suffering from anaemia, mothers after childbirth complications, accident and trauma victims, among others.

Unfortunately, because of the blood shortage, lives that could have been saved have been lost on several occasions.

To save lives, we call upon the public to donate blood. Do not leave this cardinal civic duty to pupils and students.

Adults must lead the way in ensuring health facilities have blood.

The Ministry of Health and UTBS must also step up efforts to educate the populace on the importance of donating blood.

People must be informed through all means of communication about the process, who is eligible, and how often one can donate blood.

People should be reassured that it is safe for those who are eligible to do this duty to humanity.

The Ministry of Health and UTBS must also ensure blood donated by the populace is not sold by unscrupulous health workers.

Furthermore, the government must also give UTBS the funds required to conduct its duties.

Why is Uganda struggling to take up clean cooking technologies?

Uganda’s home and industrial kitchens tell two conflicting stories when clean and safer cooking energy comes to the fore. While some are eagerly adopting modern alternatives, many others experiment briefly before abandoning them for varying reasons.

At the Wakiso-based Sesaco Confectionery Ltd, managing director Charles Nsubuga is one of the few Ugandans who have made the pragmatic switch from firewood to briquettes. Although the new way is cleaner and more convenient, he indicates the transition was not without challenges. ‘We stopped using firewood because it needs a lot of space to store and wastes a lot of time to prepare it -splitting; then there is also the problem of smoke that comes with using firewood that we wanted to address,’ he says. Mr Nsubuga, however, says though convenient, the cost of buying briquettes is still too high and that some of the briquettes are substandard .

Briquettes are compressed blocks of combustible biomass used as a sustainable, cost-effective fuel for cooking and heating. According to scientists, briquettes provide an affordable, smokeless energy source that curbs deforestation and improves indoor air quality. Mr Nsubuga’s experience of shifting from firewood to briquettes mirrors a national picture of slow adoption of technologies amid glaring hindrances and challenges, as captured by the Office of the Auditor General (OAG), in a new value for money audit. The audit focuses on clean cooking energy interventions implemented by the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development (MEMD). Among the clean cooking energy and sustainable technologies being promoted by the ministry are Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG), electricity, ethanol, biogas, briquettes and pellets.

The audit found that of the 26 companies that were making briquettes, only four (4) were certified. The authors quickly note this substandard technologies are common ‘charcoal cook stoves, briquettes, and charcoal fuels in the market, which outcompete the good quality products due to their low prices.’ Mr Edward Akol, the Auditor General, notes that these substandard technologies often break down faster, are inefficient (consume more fuel, produce low heat) and have high emissions to the environment. ‘It was also further noted through interviews that the non-compliance with standards (87 percent) allows low-quality products to dominate the market, especially since they are cheaper, which in turn promotes reliance on inefficient technologies, thus affecting the transition to cleaner cooking technologies,’ he says.

But Mr John Tumuhimbise, the assistant commissioner-in-charge of renewable energy at the MEMD, says they are increasing efforts to address the gaps in quality. ‘Some people are putting clay in the briquettes, which produces a lot of ash after burning. As a ministry, we still have the challenge of monitoring and enforcing quality to ensure uniformity,’ Mr Tumuhimbishe notes. He says the Renewable Energy Policy, which is under review, is focused on promoting a cleaner and safer alternative to firewood, such as the promotion of briquettes. He also says the government is open to supporting any innovations that promote renewable energy.

LPG abandonment, irregularities Mr Akol further observes that in the new interventions, such as the LPG Promotion, Supply, and Infrastructure Intervention project, which was implemented by the ministry, some recipients abandoned the gas cylinders when the time for refill came. The Shs969 billion project implementation timeline was 2020-2025, but not all the money was released for the implementation of the project, thus affecting the outcome. The cylinders were given to beneficiaries at subsidised costs. Some beneficiaries paid only 30 percent of the market price of the full set of new gas cylinders. This was around Shs100,000 for a ready-to-use gas cylinder of 12.5kg, instead of the market price of around Shs300,000. The report shows that 11 percent of beneficiaries had already abandoned the LPG cylinders and resorted to wood fuel or charcoal.

‘Through field visits and interviews, it was noted that, out of a total of 9757 people listed as beneficiaries to the LPG project by the ministry, 92 (95 percent) had received the LPG cylinder starter packs,’ the report reads. ‘Out of the 92 beneficiaries, 11(11 percent) beneficiaries had abandoned the LPG cylinders they received, citing reasons including their inability to afford the refill costs (Shs100,000), long distances to refill stations, among others,’ the report reads further. The report also shows irregularities in distribution. ‘From a sample of 9,702 beneficiaries, the team noted 172 beneficiaries that received LPG cylinder kits more than once,’ the audit shows. ‘Of these, 10 beneficiaries received the cylinders under the same project but through different service providers (Total and Stabex), while 162 beneficiaries received multiple LPG cylinder kits from the same provider (64 from Total, and 98 from Stabex),’ the OAG found. But beyond this, there were also incomplete records, which, according to the OAG, indicate possible exaggerations, according to the report.

‘Through analysis of the beneficiary data, the audit established that 880 beneficiaries (9 percent) of LPG project beneficiaries had incomplete or inaccurate records,’ the report reads. In the circumstances, the OAG says they could not confirm if a total of Shs406 million was spent on actual beneficiaries. ‘This lack of beneficiary verification and data integration not only exaggerates the reported number of households transitioning to clean cooking but also provides avenues for duplication and loss of the investments made by the government,’ Mr Akol states. According to the audit, in 2020, when the country was in panic over Covid-19, the government, through a Shs969 billion LPG project, aimed to boost the adoption of clean cooking by distributing one million gas cylinders over five years.

These resources, according to the ministry, were primarily utilised for the procurement of 39,769 LPG starter kits (Shs18.35b), acquisition of the central storage facility (Shs4.4 billion), and other essential activities such as procurement of a project vehicle, community sensitisation, consultancy services, and promotional campaigns. Ms Nanteza says the audit findings reflect deeper systemic challenges in Uganda’s clean cooking transition. The environmentalists believes the true transition to clean energy should be private-sector-led interventions. She emphasised the need for innovations that mirror charcoal’s flexible purchasing model, such as pay-as-you-cook gas meters, to overcome the lump-sum cost barrier for cylinders and refills. ‘LPG should also be given characteristics of charcoal, such as customers must be able to purchase only what they need or can afford immediately.

This calls upon innovation from the private sector to come up with pay-as-you-cook gas meters,’ she said. ‘The lump sum cost of getting a gas cylinder is also a major barrier. Research has shown that those who are given a gas cooker and cylinder use it but do not refill it thereafter. The huge lump sum for refilling is also a hindrance,’ she added. At the international level, Ms Nanteza called on funders such as the World Bank, African Development Bank, European Union, and the German International Cooperation agency -GIZ, to lift restrictions on financing LPG as a transitional fuel for Africa, given the limitations of electricity access. Amid this, the ministry noted that private players are stepping in to address affordability. At Flexi-Gas, for example, Internet of Things (IoT)- enabled smart gas meters allow users to pay only for what they consume via mobile money, with real-time tracking, low-balance alerts, and doorstep delivery.

The ministry established the cooking tariff for households aimed at promoting cooking with electricity, where households that consume 81-150 units incur a lower cost. However, the report indicates that a review of the National Population and Housing Census revealed that only 25.3 percent of the targeted households were connected to the grid in 2024, and therefore able to benefit from this tariff. ‘The number of connected households using over 80 units of electricity is also extremely limited, as reports indicate that only 10% of Ugandans can afford 100 kWh per month,’ Mr Akol noted. ‘Instead, the tariff is benefiting unintended beneficiaries who rarely use firewood. This has also negatively affected the effectiveness of this strategy in ensuring that as many people as possible transition to clean cooking options,’ he added. But the Ministry, in its official response, said they have a mix of interventions targeting different categories and locations.

‘The Ministry will prioritise a range of clean cooking technologies, which under the National Integrated Clean Cooking Strategy (being finalised) have been organised into six categories: sustainable wood fuel + Improved Cooking Stoves -ICS, processed biomass (pellets and briquettes, biogas, bioethanol, LPG and electric cooking),’ the Ministry stated. ‘The strategy further emphasises the need to deliver appropriate technologies for the different contexts, that is, urban, peri-urban, rural and humanitarian (refugee and host districts), and therefore each of the prioritised technologies will have a contribution,’ the Ministry added. But Mr Akol was blunt in his conclusion: ‘The existing subsidy programs and cooking tariffs have not effectively mitigated these financial barriers, which is compounded by low electricity connectivity among the population.’

Five years later, Volleyball Cranes return with promise and purpose

More than five years after their last appearance on the international stage, the Uganda Volleyball Cranes finally returned to action, offering a glimpse of a promising future while also exposing the challenges that lie ahead.Competing at the CAVB Zone V Nations Championship Qualifiers in Kampala, Uganda won three of their four matches but narrowly missed out on automatic qualification for the African Nations Championship.While the disappointment of falling short on home soil was evident, the tournament represented an important first step in rebuilding a national team program that had been inactive for years.Under the guidance of coach Shilla Omuriwe Buyungo, the Cranes displayed encouraging signs throughout the competition.Players such as Duke Kyomukama, Owen Omoding, Willington Talemwa, Mohammed Iga and John Bosco Opila demonstrated the depth of talent available to Uganda, reinforcing the belief that the country possesses the quality required to compete at the highest level in Africa.Uganda opened the tournament with convincing victories over Burundi and South Sudan before suffering a straight-sets defeat to regional powerhouse Kenya.The loss proved costly and despite ending their campaign with a comfortable win over Tanzania, the Cranes were unable to secure the qualification spot they had targeted.The qualifiers marked Uganda’s first international matches since the 2021 African Nations Volleyball Championship in Kigali, Rwanda, where the team produced one of its finest continental performances by finishing fifth.That achievement remains Uganda’s best result in recent years and serves as a reminder of what is possible when the national team is adequately prepared and consistently active.Building on a long-awaited returnYears without international competition inevitably denied Uganda valuable exposure and opportunities for growth.As a result, the Kampala qualifiers served not only as a qualification campaign but also as an assessment of where the national team currently stands against its regional rivals.The victories over Burundi and South Sudan highlighted several positives. Uganda showed attacking power, composure in key moments and the ability to dictate play.However, the tournament also exposed areas that require improvement. During the victory over South Sudan, the Cranes struggled to close out sets despite holding commanding leads, an issue that pointed to lapses in concentration and game management.Those shortcomings became even more apparent against Kenya.Although Uganda competed well and pushed the East African giants in the second and third sets, Kenya’s superior organisation, consistency and experience ultimately made the difference.The defeat served as a useful benchmark for a team still finding its feet after years away from international competition.Continuity remains priorityFor coach Omuriwe, the most important objective moving forward is ensuring continuity.Rather than assembling a squad only when major tournaments arise, the tactician wants the national team program to remain active throughout the year, allowing players to develop familiarity with the tactical systems and build stronger chemistry.’For me as a coach, what I look at is, how do we get that continuity. We cannot do one championship and then we are done,’ Omuriwe told Daily Monitor.’We have to make sure we continue engaging the boys. There are certain systems I would want them to run as a national team, offensively and defensively.’The return to international volleyball also provided an opportunity to blend experience with youth.Senior players including team captain George Aporu, Daudi Okello, Smith Okumu, Bernard Malinga, Emmanuel Elanyu and Gideon Angiro played an important role in guiding the newer members of the squad through their first taste of international competition.Having formed part of the core group that achieved the fifth-place finish in Kigali in 2021, Aporu, Okello and Okumu were now called upon to provide leadership and stability off the bench whenever required.

Chasing the Kigali standardUganda’s fifth-place finish at the 2021 African Nations Championship remains the benchmark against which future performances will be measured.It proved that the Volleyball Cranes are capable of competing beyond the regional stage and challenging some of the continent’s strongest teams when properly prepared.The task now must be to transform that achievement from an isolated success into a consistent standard.Missing the 2023 African Championship in Egypt ultimately forced Uganda into the qualification route this year.The top nine teams from the previous edition received automatic qualification, while unranked nations were required to compete through their respective zonal qualifiers.That reality made the Kampala tournament particularly important, but it also highlighted the consequences of prolonged inactivity on the international scene.Despite the disappointment of failing to secure qualification, there is a broader perspective to consider.After more than five years on the sidelines, the Volleyball Cranes are finally back in international competition. The challenge now is not simply to return, but to remain active, continue developing and build a pathway back to the heights reached in Kigali.The qualifiers may not have delivered the desired ending, but they provided something equally important: a foundation.If Uganda can maintain continuity, nurture its emerging talent and secure regular international exposure, the Volleyball Cranes will be well placed to turn their long-awaited return into the beginning of a sustained resurgence.CAVB Zone V Nations Championship QualifiersUgandaRecord: 3-1Position: Second

Uganda’s tax waiver policy is a governance test

Here is a useful test for any tax policy. It is not about what the policy says, but what it assumes about the people it taxes. By that measure, Uganda’s current waiver on penalties and interest for domestic tax arrears says something worth paying attention to.

The mechanics are simple. Taxpayers with outstanding domestic tax liabilities from before June 30, 2024 can clear their principal arrears by June 30, 2026 and have the associated interest and penalties waived, in full or in part depending on what is settled. No application forms. No queue.

Behind those arrears is a diverse group of taxpayers. Some tried but encountered financial constraints, others never fully understood what the system expected of them, and some found their obligations growing faster than they could manage.

There are also those who knew exactly what was required and chose to ignore it.

A cashflow problem and a deliberate refusal to pay are not the same thing, and a waiver that covers both is making a practical calculation, not a moral one.

Public finance scholarship has long observed that many African tax administrations evolved around deterrence and enforcement, often assuming that non-compliance is the default taxpayer response. There is truth to that but it misses something important.

When a system built on catching people meets an economy where businesses are struggling, it can no longer tell the difference between someone who will not pay and someone who simply cannot. Arrears pile up and businesses that cannot find a way back slip into the informal economy or shut down. The tax authority ends up chasing a smaller pool of taxpayers.

A waiver changes that dynamic. By dropping the penalties, which can grow to dwarf the original amount owed, it acknowledges something most tax systems are reluctant to admit, that not everyone in arrears is there because they chose to be. This is not the government being kind so much as being practical. It also reflects a shift within tax administration, including at Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), towards balancing engagement with enforcement.

Uganda is not the first in the region to go this route. Kenya, Namibia, Zambia, Tanzania, South Africa, and Ghana have run similar programmes in recent years, bringing taxpayers who had drifted out of the system back in. The pattern reflects a growing recognition across Africa that you cannot force your way to a healthy tax base in economies where going informal is always an option. A system people feel they can work with will always outperform one they are trying to avoid.

For URA, the real challenge lies beyond the waiver itself. Revenue authorities know that the real value of any amnesty lies not in what is collected during the window but in whether behaviour changes afterward.

URA is investing in targeted taxpayer education and digital systems aimed at improving compliance and easing engagement, while enforcement remains focused on deliberate non-compliers.

The aim is to ensure this waiver marks a turning point rather than a recurring gesture, and that taxpayers understand what the system expects and feel confident enough to engage honestly.

The real measure will not be in figures collected by June 2026. It will be visible later, in whether taxpayers who came forward engage differently, and whether every interaction after this window closes deepens the relationship between URA and the taxpayers it serves.

Sustainable revenue is built on trust as much as enforcement. That is the essence of the contract between a State and its taxpayers. URA is turning that principle into action.

Contract extensions stir tension at UNOC

A quiet unease is bubbling at the Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC) following the extension of contracts for the top executives until 2031 and beyond, respectively.

There had been high hopes for natural succession, the proactive human resource strategy of identifying and grooming key talent from within to take over from the current leadership, some of whom have served 10 years, or will clock 10 years next year. The mid-level managers who thought they were in the leadership queue will now have to wait longer. UNOC is the statutory body, co-supervised by the Ministries of Energy and Finance, charged with the commercial aspects of the country’s petroleum industry, including holding licences in the upstream ventures; the Tilenga oil field straddling Nwoya and Buliisa districts is operated by the French TotalEnergies EP, and the Kingfisher oil field bestriding the districts of Kikuube and Hoima is operated by China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) Uganda Ltd.

In midstream, the company operates a 15 percent stake in the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) that will transport crude oil from the oil fields in mid-Western Uganda to the Indian Ocean Tanga Port for exportation, and a 40 percent stake in the Kabaale Refinery Company Ltd, the holding company for the proposed refinery. The latter remains a long shot, but according to internal documents, pre-construction activities are ongoing with sights on Final Investment Decision (FID) set for February 2027. On the downstream side of the chain, the company in late 2023 waded into sole importation of refined oil products and by January 2026, with their broker Vitol Bahrain E.C., had hauled in an estimated 1.75billion litres of petroleum products; Premium Motor Spirit (PMS)-petrol, Automotive Gas Oil (AGO)-diesel, HouseHold Kerosene, and Aviation Turbine Kerosene (ATK)- for aviation.

With the petroleum products hauled into Uganda via infrastructure operated by the Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) at Mombasa, Nairobi, Eldoret, and Kisumu, in February this year, UNOC acquired 20.15 percent in the former through its Initial Public Offering. The decision was billed as meant to reinforce Kampala’s security of supply. The company also manages the Kabalega Industrial Park, for petroleum value addition, manufacturing, logistics, and agro-processing in Hoima district, and for which Cabinet approved borrowing $120m (Shs448b) to kick start its development. With such a plateful of work, but with the contracts of most top executives ending at varying periods in 2026 and 2027, knowledgeable sources told Daily Monitor that a section of senior management, backed by some members of the board frantically pitched to President Museveni extension of their contracts for the sake of ‘stability’ and more so at such a critical juncture when commercial oil production is about to start.

Why the fear? Accordingly, sources revealed that in late January, the President guided the Ministry of Energy to work with the UNOC board to extend the contracts by another five years on the grounds of specialisation and stability. The decision applied to the heads of departments, headed by the Chief Executive Officer, Ms Proscovia Nabbanja. UNOC has five departments, in addition to the two subsidiary companies: the Uganda Refinery Holdings Company Ltd, headed by Mr Michael Mugerwa, and the National Pipeline Company Ltd, headed by Mr John Bosco Habumugisha, currently on secondment to the EACOP Ltd, where he is the Deputy Managing Director. However, inadvertently, the contract extension applies to the entire senior management comprising 10 members:

Ms Nabbanja, a seasoned geologist, first joined the company in November 2016 as Chief Operating Officer for Upstream, and assumed the CEO office on August 12, 2019, succeeding Dr Josephine Kasalamwa Wapakabulo, who quit earlier in May. Others are, the two general managers of the two subsidiary companies; the Company Secretary, Mr Peter Muliisa, one of the first two employees hired in 2016, and was technically bound exit by now; the human resource mandarin, Ms Catherine Tumusiime; the Chief Commercial Officer, Mr Gilbert Kamuntu; the Chief Finance Officer, Mr Emmanuel Mugaga; and Mr Philips Obita, the General Manager, Upstream.

Ms Samantha Muhwezi, the Chief Operating Officer, and Mr Tony Otoa, the Corporate Affairs Officer, who are also part of senior management, only joined the company in 2024. UNOC and its sister agency, the Petroleum Authority of Uganda, the regulatory body of the oil sector, are established by the Petroleum (Exploration, Development and Production) Act, 2013. Unlike in PAU’s case, where the Act provides for a five-year, two-term tenure for the Executive Director but currently there is a Mexican standoff over the replacement of the current officer holder, the law is silent on UNOC executive management. Nonetheless, the company’s HR policy provides for five-year contracts for top management.

Section 44 of the Act provides for the company’s seven-member board of directors appointed by the President with the approval of Parliament.

Both the Ministry of Energy officials and the UNOC board chairperson, Mr Mathias Katamba, were non-committal on discussing the matter.

Inside the cloistered walls of UNOC’s offices at Plot 15 Yusuf Lule Road, Kampala, the general mood of a positive work atmosphere belies the quiet resentment, deep frustrations and what some mid-level managers see as ‘unfairness’-the dim prospects of climbing the corporate ladder, at least not soon as they had anticipated.

A catch-22

Two officials involved in UNOC affairs, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the matter freely, described the extension of the contracts ‘as a double-edged sword.’ On one hand, there is the desire to have a parastatal have robust corporate government structures, including a structured human resource system of identifying and grooming employees with the potential to fill key leadership or critical roles. ‘That is the general thinking initially, of building a dynamic company with such dynamic corporate governance metrics,’ one official said. On the other hand, another official explained, as the case was made to the President, the oil sector is at a critical juncture, and there is a need to ensure stability.

‘Of course, it can be argued that below every UNOC executive whose contract was expiring, there are mid-level managers equally competent. But again it’s a matter of perspective.’ For instance, early this year the company management opened a dollar currency account in Stanbic Bank Ltd as endorsed by the board meeting in December 2025 to manage the $2b (Shs7.4trillion) credit facility from Vitol Bahrain E.C to implement several activities including partaking the KPC IPO, the proposed Kampala Storage Terminal in Kiringete sub-county, Mpigi district and enhancement of the Jinja Storage Terminal (JST), established in the 1970s by President Amin as the country’s reserves for petroleum products but was rundown under the current regime until revival recently.

Ms Nabbanja, as the CEO, is the principal signatory, alongside three co-signatories. ‘And that is just one piece of the puzzle, but untangling all the other pieces would not be that easy. It might seem like a weak argument, but no law was necessarily broken to extend the contracts; only HR policies were bent,’ the second official said. The oil sector is at a critical juncture, with commercial oil production expected to commence later this year pending completion of works on key infrastructure; EACOP is at 87 percent, Tilenga at 75 percent, and Kingfisher at slightly over 80 percent.

Teacher accused of posing as education official to sell school vacancies remanded

A teacher accused of masquerading as a senior official in the Ministry of Education and Sports and obtaining millions of shillings from parents by promising to secure school vacancies for their children has been charged and remanded to prison.

Duncan Keith Ayebare, 48, a teacher and resident of Gita-Nangabo in Kasangati Town Council, Wakiso District, appeared before Grade One Magistrate Winnie Nankya Jatiiko on charges of obtaining money by false pretences and personation.

When the charges were read to him, Ayebare admitted receiving money from some parents and securing a vacancy at a school.

However, the trial magistrate entered a plea of not guilty and remanded him until June 24, when he will appear before the trial Chief Magistrate for further proceedings.

According to the charge sheet, Ayebare allegedly obtained Shs1.4 million from Gilbert Siima in January 2026 after falsely claiming that he would secure a vacancy for his son, Benson Mugenyi, at Ntare School.

Prosecution further alleges that during the same period, he obtained another Shs1.2 million from Ann Kukunda on the promise that he would secure admission for her son, Julius Tumusiime, at the prestigious Mbarara-based school.

The state contends that the promises were false and were made with the intention of defrauding the parents.

Ayebare is also facing a charge of personation. The prosecution alleges that between 2023 and 2026, he falsely presented himself to members of the public as a commissioner from the Ministry of Education and Sports.

According to the court records, Ayebare, who worked as a consultant with Bridge International, became acquainted with Mr Alfred Kyaka, an Assistant Commissioner in the Ministry of Education and Sports.

The prosecution alleges that he later used that association to misrepresent himself as a commissioner attached to the Office of the First Lady and, at times, a State House employee.

It is further stated that Ayebare leveraged the alleged false identity to gain public trust and was invited to officiate at several school functions as a guest of honour or chief guest.

Among the schools where he reportedly presided over events are Lubiri Secondary School, Gayaza Junior School Jungo Campus and Mbarara Junior School.

The prosecution further alleges that he used his purported influence within government to solicit money from parents whose children had completed Primary Seven, promising to secure vacancies in highly sought-after government schools.

According to the state, intelligence reports later revealed that Ayebare was an impostor.

“Through intelligence gathering, it was discovered that Ayebare was a masquerader and impersonator,” court documents state in the case file.

During interrogation, prosecutors say Ayebare admitted presiding over school functions and receiving money from at least three parents while claiming to be an official from the Ministry of Education and Sports.

He allegedly used a ministry vehicle and a driver assigned to Assistant Commissioner Mr Kyaka during some of the activities under investigation.

Gifts, money dictate elections for prefects

About a year ago, Milly Mutonyi, who was studying at a school in Mukono District, contested for the position of prefect in charge of academics, while in Senior Five. Although the vetting committee had given her a green light to contest for the position of her choice, the early days of her campaigns were full of frustrations and uncertainties as she was unpopular among the potential voters. Up to this point, Mutonyi had indicated she couldn’t afford to bribe students like some of her competitors. The only money that she had at her disposal was Shs 50,000 that she got from her parents for personal emergencies. ‘My competitors were giving their supporters money to buy canteen food and sweets,’ Ms Mutonyi recalls.

‘This allowed them to pull crowds, as they were assured of something at the end the day.’ However, she had to think of innovative ways to win the hearts of students, a trick that worked for her. ‘I also resorted to singing and dancing for them during campaigns and they liked it. In addition some students who sympathised with me because of my low economic status, were convinced that I had the potential of being Academic Affairs prefect,’ she says. ‘They volunteered and moved from class to class to mobilise for support and the magic worked. When we went to the polls, I emerged the winner.’ This term, learners in different schools across the country will be electing student leaders who will serve them for a period of one year. However, many potential student leaders are increasing shunning this democratic process after being discouraged to do so due to the blatant monetisation of the campaigns.

The commercialisation of school elections remains a stumbling block against students, who are unable to spend cash on voters, in exchange for votes. Besides, printing out campaign materials, seeking election remains an expensive venture to many potential leaders. Some of the school administrators we talked to say although they discourage the practice, in line with guidance from the Ministry of Education and Sports, some students claim that it so hard for them to abandon the habit when their role models in the political arena still embrace voter bribery. ‘One time, I was cautioning learners against voter bribery and some of them wondered why school children are prohibited from giving something small to their voters, yet adults vying for political positions are not barred from the same practice,’ a headteacher of one of the primary schools in Kampala says.

The persistent trend of commercialising student leadership elections in Ugandan schools recently prompted the Ministry of Education and Sports to issue guidelines on how the election of student leaders should be conducted in schools. The guidance is intended to promote a culture of ascending to leadership positions on merit. Under the guidelines, Schools were instructed to ban bribery, hate speech, defacement of school property and the formation of political parties or alliances. The Ministry is now looking to regulate student elections through the official guidelines for safe conduct of Entertainment, Co-Curricular Activities, and Election of Student Leaders. According to the Ministry’s Permanent Secretary Dr Kedrace Turyagyenda, the rules at hand ensure that all pre-primary, primary, and post-primary institutions conduct transparent, non-partisan, and peaceful leadership selection processes.

The guidelines task school managers to make every effort to eliminate use of money and other forms if inducement in election of student leaders to promote a merit based process. Schools are also prohibited from subjecting students to paying application fees and prohibits candidates from using commercially produce campaign materials such as T-shirts, caps, posters, key holders among others. However, some students are yet to come to terms with the new guidelines. Mr Nicholas Opata, the Principal of St. Julian Schools, says that although management prohibits voter bribery allow bribery but some may do it in hiding. ‘First, as a school, we try to discourage use of money, as this is likely to get rid of real leaders because incompetent bad leaders will take advantage of them and use the money to influence the whole process,’ Mr Opata affirms.

‘We can’t rule it out but in our schools, we discourage commercialisation of elections from the word ago.’ ‘They would want to come and campaign for their children give money which we always discouraged because we have implications associated with that,’ Mr Opata affirms. ‘So, the implications is, that such leaders can’t represent the students fully and be accountable because those who ate the money will fear to challenge them when they fail to lead them as expected.’ The St Julian Schools principal says they run a government system, where leaders are elected to lead the three arms of the school government, the Legislature, Judicially and the executive as a way of preparing them for future leadership roles. Those vying for the position of president are subjected to a presidential debate. According to Mr Opata, the kind of preparation that students receive has seen some of their students become guild Presidents of Makerere University, Uganda’s premier University, among other leadership positions outside the school environment.

Mr Opata acknowledges that commercialisation of elections in Ugandan schools is a vice that has persisted for decades and commends the Ministry of Education and Sports for the electoral reforms that bar the practice. Mr Peter Kavuma, the Director of Studies (DOS) at Midland High School in Kawempe adds that the school management doesn’t tolerate commercialisation of elections. However, he says that he cant rule out bad elements who treasure it. ‘Usually, students campaign for about two weeks. We don’t allow bribes but of course they can do secretly. As a school, we have been discouraging commercialisation of elections even before the Ministry of Education developed guidelines on the same because we know that it causes confusion. An election is not a business where voters have to sell voters to whoever is willing to pay.

All we want is to give equal opportunities to both the rich and the poor to take up leadership positions. Voting on the basis of money locks out able leaders,’ Mr Kavuma says. The headteacher of Buganda Road Primary School, Mr Samuel Kewaza, says the school discourages the use of money for election materials like posters. According to him, practicing free and fair elections in school helps the Ministry of Education to nurture future leaders who will avoid fraudulent ways of acquiring leadership positions. ‘Children usually practice what they see. If they are left to buy votes while in school, they practice the same when they grow up,’ Mr Kewaza says. He adds that the schools have digitalised the voting process to check vote rigging. ‘We have our inbuilt system developed by our IT team. We get the photographs of the candidates and upload the ballot paper. The children line up in their respective classes and vote online, using a smartphone management by the teacher.’

Each voter is given a special number to avoid voting for a given candidate for more than once. ‘The polling agents also follow the process from a special room to know the number of votes their candidates obtain,’ he says. Mr Kewaza explains that students who express interest in leadership positions are screened and given an opportunity to talk to children especially during assemblies, so that the children can’t get to know them and listen to their manifesto. What the Ministry expected that schools and learners to do during election period. The Education Ministry expects schools to establish an independent electoral commission to oversee the process.

Commission members are not allowed to contest for any leadership positions to avoid conflict of interest. Candidates must have a strong academic record to ensure that leadership duties do not affect their studies. Nominees must have a clean disciplinary record with no history of gross misconduct, strikes, or suspensions A disciplinary committee comprising the headteacher, patron, and selected staff must vet all nominated candidates to ensure they meet moral and ethical standards. Campaigns must be conducted peacefully and within designated timeframes, during specific assemblies or specified campaign days. Candidates are required to present constructive, school-focused manifestos rather than making unrealistic promises. Elections must be conducted transparently, typically using a secret ballot system or designated digital voting as approved by the school’s administration.

Parable of the rich man, Lazarus and what Uganda owes its medical interns

Last Tuesday, Uganda marked its 37th Heroes’ Day, with fewer than 25 guests in attendance because of Ebola restrictions. President Museveni used the occasion to return to his wealth creation message.

”I don’t want to neighbour poor people everywhere I be,” he told the gathering, ”because I’m a Christian and I want to go to Heaven. I don’t want the angels to lock me out, like the rich man who had wealth on earth and on ascending was sent to hell.”

It is a fine sermon. In fact, it is the Parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus in Luke 16:19-31, one of the most famous stories Jesus told, and its lesson is the sin of omission. But the President has remembered only half of it. The rich man was not condemned for his wealth. He was condemned for Lazarus, the sick man at his gate, whom he passed every day and chose not to see and or help out.

Uganda’s Lazarus is on shift right now, in the place Ugandans simply call ‘Casualty’. If you have never been inside Mulago hospital’s emergency ward, count it among your blessings. It is where this city’s worst hours arrive, the victims of the Kampala-Jinja Highway and the Northern Bypass are offloaded in droves from police pickups, families press against corridors, beds fill faster than they empty and supplies run short in ways that demand improvisation. Pray for the people in there. Then pray harder that you, or anyone you love, never joins them.

The President prays the angels do not lock him out of Heaven. Most Ugandans pray something humbler, that they never pass through the doors of the Casualty Ward.

And when they do pass through, the first hands on them belong, more often than not, to a medical intern. Those interns stabilise, and make the calls in the first critical hour, frequently as the only clinician present, because their seniors in the staffing structure exist mostly on paper.

The health sector is staffed at 31 percent, regional referral hospitals at a critical 23 percent, according to the Ministry of Public Service’s own 2024 report. After the recruitment freeze, new health hires collapsed from 3,136 in 2022 to 930 in 2024. The medical interns have been quietly covering the gap the government created.

In May 2026, Cabinet reportedly resolved to thank them by stopping their allowances from August, reclassifying internship as an extension of university training rather than the professional service it plainly is. A student spends five years earning the Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery before reaching that ward. What they do there is not homework. It is the health system functioning.

Shortly after taking oath for his new term, the President openly declared there would be no more sleep. No Ugandan worker took that instruction earlier or more literally than the medical intern on a 36-hour call. That intern is the slogan, walking. From August, that intern will be doing it for free.

In Mr Museveni’s new term of office, the interns will not sleep. They will simply not be paid to stay awake.

Even last Tuesday’s small crowd tells the story. The Heroes’ Day gathering was kept under 25 by Ebola restrictions, measures enforced at the door of every ward by the same interns taking the 3am risk on the thinnest layer of protection. Last week, we honoured heroes in their absence while preparing to stop paying the ones still on duty.

The money argument does not survive contact with the budget. The government wage bill grew from Shs5.5 trillion in Financial Year (FY) 2021/2022 to Shs7.9 trillion in FY2024/2025, more than 43 percent in four years.

Whether Uganda can afford one year of intern allowances is a question of priorities, not capacity.

Research published in BMC Medical Education in 2026 confirms what common sense suggests, that withdrawing financial support from clinical trainees drives attrition and undermines quality of care. This decision walks in the opposite direction.

The President says he does not want the angels to lock him out of heaven. Neither do the rest of us. But the parable is clear about what the rich man was judged on. Not his wealth. The gate. And ours has young doctors standing at it, unpaid, waiting to be seen.

President Museveni, reconsider the medical interns, the heroes at the gate.

World Cup’s new mystery nation, Curaçao, learns a brutal lesson

For 17 minutes in Houston, the smallest nation ever to reach the FIFA World Cup dared to dream.

Curaçao (kyuor·ruh·sau), a Caribbean island of barely 156,000 people, stunned Germany when 22-year-old Livano Comenencia swept home the country’s first-ever World Cup goal to cancel out Felix Nmecha’s early opener.

Then reality arrived. By the final whistle, four-time champions Germany had romped to a 7-1 victory, inflicting the heaviest defeat of the 2026 tournament so far and reminding football’s newest dreamers just how unforgiving the World Cup can be.

Not quite a country

Curaçao’s appearance in this World Cup has left many football fans scratching their heads.

Unlike most nations at the tournament, Curaçao is not a sovereign state. The island is a constituent country within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, sharing that arrangement with Aruba, Sint Maarten and the Netherlands itself.

Curaçao governs most of its domestic affairs but remains part of a wider kingdom. Yet FIFA recognises it as a separate footballing entity, allowing it to compete independently.

The arrangement mirrors the situation in the United Kingdom, where England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland all compete separately despite belonging to the same sovereign state.

That distinction has transformed Curaçao from a Caribbean curiosity into one of the most fascinating stories of the 2026 World Cup.

A historic journey

Simply qualifying was an extraordinary achievement.

Led by veteran Dutch coach Dick Advocaat, Curaçao navigated a difficult qualifying campaign to become the smallest nation by both population and land area (444 km², 540 times smaller than Uganda) ever to reach football’s biggest tournament.

The squad reflects Curaçao’s deep footballing ties with the Netherlands. Only one player in the 26-man group, Sheffield United winger and former Manchester United prospect Tahith Chong, was actually born on the island, while the remaining 25 were born in the Netherlands and developed through Dutch academy systems before opting to represent their ancestral nation on the international stage.

For many neutrals, Curaçao’s qualification represented one of the feel-good stories of the expanded 48-team World Cup.

Germany deliver a reality check

The fairytale, however, collided with one of football’s most ruthless tournament teams.

After Curaçao briefly levelled matters, Germany exposed the gulf in quality.

Germany coach Julian Nagelsmann said after the match: ‘We really needed this convincing win. We needed this self-confidence. We have to show that we can perform…’

The result was severe, but not unprecedented.

World Cup history is littered with heavy beatings. Hungary’s 10-1 demolition of El Salvador at Spain 1982 remains the tournament’s largest victory, while Hungary’s 9-0 thrashing of South Korea in 1954 and Yugoslavia’s 9-0 win over Zaire in 1974 stand among the competition’s most one-sided contests.

Germany themselves have previous form. Their 8-0 destruction of Saudi Arabia at the 2002 World Cup remains one of the defining routs of the modern era.

The 7-1 defeat was a reminder of the gulf that can exist between established powers and ambitious newcomers.

Advocaat defended the result in calm terms: ‘It’s not a shame to lose 7-1 against a team like this. That team is worth pound 850 million and Curaçao pound 25 million. The joy of the people was fantastic. What we achieved to qualify is already extraordinary.”

How rare is Curaçao’s presence?

Curaçao belongs to a very exclusive club. Only a handful of teams that are not fully sovereign states have ever appeared at a World Cup. The four British home nations have long enjoyed separate Fifa membership, while the Dutch East Indies, then a colony of the Netherlands, competed at the 1938 World Cup.

Curaçao has now joined that short list. For a tiny Caribbean island occupying a constitutional grey area between nation and territory, merely walking onto a World Cup pitch was already a victory.

BIGGEST WORLD CUP ROUTS

Year Match Score

1982 Hungary vs El Salvador 10-1

1954 Hungary vs South Korea 9-0

1974 Yugoslavia vs Zaire 9-0

2002 Germany vs Saudi Arabia 8-0

1950 Uruguay vs Bolivia 8-0

1938 Sweden vs Cuba 8-0

2014 Germany vs Brazil 7-1

2010 Portugal vs North Korea 7-0

2022 Spain vs Costa Rica 7-0

1974 Poland vs Haiti 7-0

2026 Germany vs Curaçao 7-1

WORLD CUP’S NON-SOVEREIGN TEAMS

Team Status

England Constituent country of the UK

Scotland Constituent country of the UK

Wales Constituent country of the UK

Northern Ireland Constituent country of the UK

Dutch East Indies (1938) Dutch colony

Curaçao (2026) Constituent country of the Netherlands

Judiciary lacks money to hear 118 election petitions

The Judiciary is facing a financial crisis that has stalled the hearing of 118 election petitions arising from the January 2026 general elections, raising concerns over compliance with legally mandated tight timelines for resolving electoral disputes.

Sources within the Judiciary revealed that the institution has been waiting for more than a month for funds from the Ministry of Finance to facilitate judges across the country to hear parliamentary and Local Council election petitions filed before the High Court.

According to the sources, the Judiciary’s proposed budget for hearing the petitions was removed from the ministerial policy statement because the exact number of cases to be filed could not be determined in advance.

“Our budget for the hearing of election petitions was removed from the ministerial statement on grounds that it was speculative since we could not tell exactly how many petitions would be filed,” a source who preferred anonymity said over the weekend.

The source added that the Judiciary had requested at least part of the funds to enable the commencement of hearings, with the balance to be provided after the exact number of petitions was established.

“We pleaded with them to give us at least half of the required funds so that we could start the process and receive the balance once the exact number of petitions was known, but our request was not considered,” the source said.

Under the Parliamentary Elections Act, the High Court is required to conclude the hearing and determination of parliamentary election petitions within six months from the date of filing. Appeals arising from the decisions are handled by the Court of Appeal, which serves as the final court in parliamentary and Local Council election disputes.

However, more than a month has already elapsed without any of the petitions being heard.

“The concerned parties and their lawyers are constantly asking when hearings will commence. The delay is becoming a matter of concern and is creating anxiety among litigants,” the source added.

When contacted, the Judiciary spokesperson, Mr James Ereemye Mawanda, confirmed that the institution was ready to begin hearing the petitions but lacked the necessary funding.

“As the Judiciary, we have been ready to start the election petitions. We have only been constrained by the budget. The six months have already started running, and we therefore need the money urgently,” Mr Ereemye said at the weekend.

Asked how much funding was required, he briefly said, ‘No exact figure ascertained.’

On his part, the Ministry of Finance spokesperson, Mr Jim Mugunga, said the ministry releases funds to government entities at the beginning of every quarter and expects them to implement their activities according to approved plans and priorities.

“The Ministry of Finance publicly undertakes quarterly budgetary releases at the beginning of every quarter, and we expect that ministries, departments and agencies deploy the funds released in accordance with their activity plans and priorities,” Mr Mugunga said on Monday.

Earlier this month, the Executive Director of the Judicial Training Institute (JTI), Prof Justice Andrew Khaukha, disclosed during a training programme for Court of Appeal justices on election appeals that 118 election petitions had been filed.

Of these, 107 relate to parliamentary elections, while 11 concern Local Council elections.

Among the notable parliamentary election petitions are those filed by NUP’s Hillary Kiyaga, popularly known as Dr Hilderman, challenging the election of former Trade Minister Amelia Kyambadde for Mawokota North Constituency; Rose Nalubowa against Justin Nameere for Masaka City Woman MP; Sarah Opendi against Angella Akoth for Tororo District Woman MP; and NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya against Minsa Kabanda for Kampala Central MP.

Other pending petitions include those involving Birungi Kobusingye and Harriet Nakwedde for the Kayunga District Woman MP seat, Muwonge Nkoko and Cissy Namujju for Lwengo District Woman MP, Grace Nalubega and Ruth Katushabe for Bukomansimbi District Woman MP, and Tonny Kitara against Norbert Mao for the Laroo-Pece Division parliamentary seat in Gulu City.

The delay in hearing the petitions has heightened concerns about the Judiciary’s ability to meet statutory deadlines and ensure timely resolution of electoral disputes.