Category: Daily Monitor

The Archbishop of Mbarara, Lambert Bainomugisha, has implored the newly ordained priests to emulate the Deeds of Jesus Christ while serving people and transforming them without segregation.

Archbishop Bainomugisha was leading Mass for the ordination of 16 seminarians to the diaconate and 8 deacons to the priesthood at Our Lady of Perpetual Help Cathedral grounds in Nyamitanga on Saturday.

‘While doing the work of the Lord, do it in a way that unites Christians through Christ and the Holy Spirit; always be inspired by the deeds of the good lord and his son Jesus Christ who came to serve the world,’ he said.

He urged the priests and deacons to remain focused on the gospel of truth. ‘As shepherds of God’s flock with all your heart and love filled with joy, don’t serve two masters. Be disciplined and wise servers, be rooted in faith, never lose hope, and spread the word of God based on your deeds’.

The Deputy Speaker of Parliament of Uganda, Mr Thomas Tayebwa, in his remarks as the chief guest at the ordination, reaffirmed the archbishop’s remarks, urging the new priests and deacons to embrace unity and transform communities regardless of religion.

‘Continue from where your predecessors had stopped while working with all people regardless of their religion. Let us embrace unity and work with people from other religions,’ he noted.

Mr Tayebwa asked church leaders to ensure that church projects benefit all people despite of religious affiliation.

‘Let those church projects you are working on benefit all people in our communities without selecting beneficiaries based on religion. As government, we shall support all the church developmental projects for the good of our communities,’ he said.

He added, ‘There is an issue of poverty in families, and I urge all church leaders to support the government in the fight against poverty. When you are the leader of a certain church, you should know the standards of your people and know how you can support them to develop’.

Mr Tayebwa tasked church leaders to as well support the government efforts in the fight against corruption.

‘I implore you, church leaders, to help the government in the fight against corruption, which has become a virus to the development of our nation; report PDM corrupt officials and service commission offices where people are asked bribes to be recruited,’ he said.

The Rwampara East legislator, Mr Charles Ngabirano, wants the newly ordained priests to ensure that local communities escape poverty by guiding them on the best ways to transform themselves.

‘I congratulate the priests and deacons who have been ordained today and welcome them to service. I am happy when I get other leaders who join me to enhance the development of our people. I believe that working together with them, we shall ensure that our communities get out of poverty,’ he said.

He added, ‘I like the coffee project that was started by the church. Community people will be developed in two dimensions: in the spirit and in physical development.’

Ms Ritah Bwahika Atukwasa, former woman MP Mbarara City, appealed to the locals to welcome and support the new priests in their communities once they come to them in the fight against poverty.

‘We have been privileged to get priests and deacons ordained; I congratulate whoever has been there on their journey. Most of them have been on this journey for over nine years. I also want to appeal to people in the areas where these priests have been deployed to welcome and support them; you know priests have no salaries, support them on their human daily needs to be able to serve you well,’ she said.

She added, ‘I also implore the ordained priests to support government programs through fighting poverty, encouraging people to plant coffee, doing a four-acre model, and doing backyard gardens so that they can improve their livelihoods.’

Police in Lugazi have launched a crackdown on drivers of Subaru vehicles fitted with modified exhaust systems that produce loud ‘pop and bang’ sounds, following complaints from residents over night-time noise pollution.

One driver is currently in police custody after being arrested on Saturday while driving a noisy Subaru in Lugazi Town, Ssezibwa Region.

Ms Hellen Butoto, the Ssezibwa Region police spokesperson, yesterday said the operation followed complaints from residents through the Buikwe Resident District Commissioner, Maj David Matovu.

‘We still have two vehicles that we seized on Friday. We are having one driver in custody while the other is still on the run,’ Ms Butoto said yesterday.

She added that although the initial complaints were specifically against Subaru drivers, the operation would target all vehicles producing excessive noise.

‘For now, the complaint we have is from the residents of Lugazi against Subaru drivers, but as police we shall arrest any vehicle that makes noise for the people,’ she said.

In an interview yesterday, the RDC said security agencies are actively searching for a blue Subaru and several motorcycles whose operators have been terrorizing residents with loud, modified exhaust systems.

‘Lugazi is turning into a no-go area due to indisciplined Subaru drivers. As authorities, we shall not tolerate this behavior,’ Maj Matovu warned.

The RDC also revealed that a group of youth has been deliberately modifying motorcycle exhausts to produce loud and unnecessary noise, which he described as a public nuisance. He said all culprits will be arrested and prosecuted.

Authorities have urged the public to report such cases as efforts intensify to restore order and safety in the area.

Police said the operation follows complaints that some Subaru drivers have modified their exhaust systems to produce loud explosive sounds, particularly at night.

Ms Butoto said one of the suspects was arrested after driving through Lugazi while producing sounds that residents compared to gunshots.

‘The suspect was driving through Lugazi Town while producing loud explosive sounds similar to gunshots at a time when most residents were asleep. The noise also disrupted patients receiving treatment in nearby health facilities,’ she said.

Maj Matovu, according to police, raised concerns that the night-time noise was interfering with residents’ sleep, prompting the enforcement operation.

The crackdown comes amid growing popularity of modified Subaru vehicles whose exhaust systems are altered to produce a louder ‘boxer rumble’ and, in some cases, deliberate ‘pop and bang’ sounds.

The crux of the matter followed a recent incident in which a woman reportedly collapsed into a coma after being exposed to the loud explosive sounds from a modified vehicle. She was later admitted to hospital.

Mr Julius Nanawula, a resident of Lugazi, also recounted a similar ordeal involving his pregnant wife, Irene Mutesi. He said the incident occurred while he was rushing her to Kawolo Hospital.

‘I almost lost my wife after a Subaru driver’s vehicle with a modified exhaust produced a loud bang that caused panic. She collapsed and had to be admitted and put on oxygen,’ Mr Nanawula said.

While some exhaust modifications are intended to improve exhaust flow or enhance engine sound, excessively loud systems can fall foul of regulations governing noise pollution.

What the law says

The National Environment (Noise Standards and Control) Regulations, 2003 define noise as unwanted or annoying sound that is intrinsically objectionable or which can have, or is likely to have, an adverse effect on human health or the environment.

The regulations set the maximum permissible sound level in residential areas at 60 decibels (dB(A) Leq) during the day and 40 dB(A) Leq at night.

For vehicles intended to carry passengers and equipped with not more than nine seats, including the driver’s seat, the regulations provide for a maximum hooting sound level of 78 dB(A) Leq.

The decibel scale is used to measure the intensity of sound, while Leq represents an equivalent continuous sound level over a specified period.

Some modified exhaust systems can produce substantially higher sound levels, particularly under heavy acceleration, potentially putting them above the limits prescribed under noise-control regulations.

The crackdown therefore presents a test of how traffic and environmental regulations can be enforced against motorists whose vehicle modifications create excessive noise.

Police have not indicated how long the operation will last, but Ms Butoto warned that enforcement would not be limited to Subaru drivers.

The operation is expected to continue as authorities seek to balance motorists’ freedom to modify their vehicles with residents’ right to a peaceful environment, particularly at night.

The question of whether Dr Kizza Besigye’s treason trial can proceed while he remains hospitalised is likely to put Uganda’s constitutional guarantees of a fair trial to a significant test when the case returns to the High Court on Tuesday.

Dr Besigye collapsed in the court dock on July 29 after protesting for nearly 30 minutes against the commencement of the treason trial without his preferred defense lawyers.

He was subsequently rushed to Mulago National Referral Hospital, where he has remained in intensive care.

Since the collapse, the trial has been adjourned three times at the request of his state-appointed lawyer, Ms Sylvia Namawejje, who has argued that a criminal trial cannot ordinarily proceed without the physical presence of the accused.

The presiding judge, Justice Emmanuel Baguma, is expected to receive a medical report from Uganda Prisons Service indicating whether Dr Besigye is medically fit to attend and participate in the proceedings.

At the heart of the dispute is Article 28 of the 1995 Constitution, which guarantees an accused person the right to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time.

Legal experts say the provision does not merely require the State to bring an accused person before court; it also safeguards the accused’s ability to understand the proceedings, follow the evidence and participate meaningfully in his defence.

Advocate Eron Kiiza says Dr Besigye’s absence on account of illness cannot be treated in the same way as an accused person deliberately refusing to attend court.

‘A trial is not a formality performed on an accused – it is something he must be present for,’ Mr Kiiza said, arguing that the right to be present allows an accused to hear the evidence, face witnesses and instruct his lawyers.

Article 28(5), however, provides limited circumstances in which criminal proceedings may continue without an accused person being physically present. These include situations where an accused consents to being tried in their absence or voluntarily absconds after being duly summoned.

The Constitution also allows the court to remove an accused person from proceedings where their conduct makes it impossible for the trial to continue.

That provision could become particularly significant in Dr Besigye’s case because his July 29 protest was disruptive. However, his lawyers and human rights advocates maintain that the disruption cannot be separated from the circumstances surrounding it – particularly his objection to proceeding without lawyers of his choice.

Mr Kiiza argues that Dr Besigye has neither consented to the trial proceeding in his absence nor voluntarily absconded from court.

‘He has not consented. He has disrupted nothing. He is simply unwell – and illness is not misconduct,’ Mr Kiiza said.

Human rights defender Dr Livingstone Sewanyana similarly argues that the physical presence of an accused person is one of the fundamental safeguards of a criminal trial.

He says proceeding without Dr Besigye could render the trial vulnerable to challenge because the accused would be unable to follow proceedings or give instructions to his lawyers.

‘The principle is clear: the accused must be tried in his/her presence and with a lawyer procured by him/her or by the state with his/her consent. So in their absence, it’s a trial in futility as it will be lacking the constitutional safeguards, and it will be an abuse of court process,’ he warned

Adding, ‘The Trial judge should be mindful of the tenets of a fair trial and should they be trampled on, they are subject to appeal.’

The Uganda Law Society has also cautioned against what it described as sacrificing fundamental safeguards in the name of speedy justice.

In a statement issued on July 30, the lawyers’ body cited Article 28(1), warning that haste should not be confused with speedier justice where medical fitness, legal representation and other fair-trial guarantees are at stake.

The stakes are even higher because Dr Besigye faces a capital offence.

ULS president Isaac Ssemakadde has warned that proceeding to conviction and sentencing without Dr Besigye being present and medically fit could result in an appeal.

He cited Article 28(3)(d) of the Constitution and Article 14(3)(d) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Uganda ratified in 1995.

‘For a capital offence like treason, the trial cannot meaningfully ‘go on’ to conviction and sentencing without Dr Besigye being present and in full medical fitness to hear witnesses and give instructions to counsel of his choice,’ Mr Ssemakadde said.

Where the dispute gets complicated

The prosecution’s position and the court’s previous conduct suggest that the case is not simply about whether Dr Besigye is physically in the courtroom.

The July 29 proceedings showed the difficult balance the judge must strike between the accused’s constitutional rights and the State’s interest in having a criminal case determined without unnecessary delay.

Justice Baguma had directed the prosecution to call its first witness after rejecting defence objections over the absence of Dr Besigye’s preferred lawyers.

The prosecution then called Mr Andrew Wilson, alias Orlando, an American national, as its first witness.

Before the witness could meaningfully testify, however, Dr Besigye began protesting from the dock, repeatedly banging his fists on the wooden surface and demanding that the proceedings stop.

Prison officers eventually restrained and handcuffed him. He continued protesting before his voice faded and he collapsed.

The incident transformed the courtroom from a setting for the commencement of testimony into an emergency scene, forcing an abrupt halt to the proceedings.

Dr Besigye’s preferred lawyers include former Kenyan Justice Minister Martha Karua, who has been barred from accessing Uganda, and Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, who is himself in Luzira Prison facing a related charge of misprision of treason.

The prosecution alleges that Dr Besigye, Hajji Obeid Lutale and Capt Denis Oola participated in meetings in Uganda and abroad between 2023 and 2024 as part of a plot to overthrow the government. The accused deny the allegations.

What happens next?

The medical report expected could provide the immediate answer.

If Dr Besigye is found medically unfit, the court is likely to face pressure to adjourn until he is sufficiently recovered to participate in the proceedings.

If he is declared fit, the court could direct that the trial resumes immediately, potentially reopening the question of how his objections over legal representation should be handled.

The more difficult constitutional question would arise if the court attempted to proceed substantially with the trial while Dr Besigye remains medically incapable of participating.

That could turn the case into a broader legal battle over the limits of judicial discretion, the meaning of personal participation in a criminal trial and the extent to which the right to a fair hearing can be protected while courts seek to prevent delays.

For the prosecution, the case is about bringing serious allegations of treason to a conclusion. For the defence and human rights advocates, it is about ensuring that the State does not secure a conviction at the expense of constitutional safeguards.

The Tuesday`s court decision may therefore determine more than the next hearing date. It could establish an important precedent on how Uganda’s courts should handle criminal trials when an accused person becomes medically incapable of participating in proceedings.

At the weekend, the Minister of Health, Dr Chris Baryomunsi, checked on Dr Besigye and said that he was steadily recovering.

“I paid a visit to Dr Besigye this morning at Mulago Hospital, where he is hospitalized. He is steadily recuperating, and I wish him a quick recovery. I thank the team of medical workers that are attending to him.’Dr Baryomunsi posted on his X handle.

Things were not supposed to pan out the way they eventually did. On a July 2, 1976, Friday afternoon bathed in sunshine, a Mossad agent flying in a light aircraft busily clicked away with his camera. The puddle jumper he was travelling in was hovering above Entebbe Airport. And with good reason. In slightly under 24 hours, assault teams would depart the now defunct Lod Air Force Base near Tel Aviv, Israel, single-minded in their determination to rescue hostages numbering 106. The hostages-83 of whom were Israeli-had been held captive at Entebbe’s Old Terminal Building after Wilfried Böse and his accomplices hijacked Air France Flight 139 on June 27, 1976.

The grainy image the Mossad agent captured was brought to the attention of soldiers of the elite Sayeret Matkal (‘the Unit’). Under the commandership of Lt Col Yonatan ‘Yoni’ Netanyahu, the unit’s commandos had for days been honing their skills ahead of the assault force on Entebbe. The vital information-taken together with the granular details Michael Cojot, the French hostage released on July 1, 1976, provided Israeli intelligence about the Old Terminal Building-was supposed to be catalytic.

It was meant to ease the load of a work of considerable difficulty and danger. And, to a great extent, it did. As Saul David’s recollection of the clandestine mission with great novelist detail in a 2015 book-Operation Thunderbolt: Flight 139 and the Raid on Entebbe-shows, the maps, diagrams and notes meticulously put together before the rapid surprise attack came in handy.

The operation put a premium on speed and, moments before the four Hercules planes touched down at Entebbe, the assault force’s commander was at pains to reiterate the same. It was 2030hrs GMT and Hercules One was in Kenyan airspace en route to Entebbe when Netanyahu went over the contingencies.

He said: ‘If there is a cordon of Uganda troops round the terminal, the Mercedes keeps going whatever happens and the Land Rover teams mop up. If the lights are out in and around the terminal, the Land Rovers swing their headlights to illuminate the hall through its plate-glass windows and the assault groups use the light-projectors on their guns.’

Meticulously planned

The black Mercedes on the most pregnant of four Hercules planes flown by Joshua Shani was intended to trick Ugandan soldiers on the tarmac into thinking a senior officer was on the move. Not alone, but, typically, with soldiers squeezed into two Land Rovers in tow. The motorcade would move at a steady pace-40 miles per hour with full headlights-down the original runway towards the Old Terminal. The Old Terminal Building’s doorways are where the unit’s break-in teams would gain forced entry. The prized asset was the former departure lounge, a large hall where the hostages were being held. It was sandwiched by two small halls, one of which-to the left-was customs.

‘If the terminal doors are locked, each team has the charges to blow them open. If one team is knocked out, the reserves fill in. If any force fails to carry out its objectives, radio me for immediate reinforcement. Remember. We are going to be the best soldiers at that airport tonight, and there’s nobody there who can beat us. And above all-speed, speed,’ Netanyahu dotted the i’s and crossed the t’s one last time on Hercules One.

Per David, a British military historian, Netanyahu clad in a heavy web harness ‘had had custom-made: eight drab brown magazine and grenade pouches sewn on to a wide foam-rubber backing for comfort; field dressing, knife, rope; and silenced Beretta 22 pistol tucked into his combat blouse’.

After a statue of Netanyahu holding an assault rifle was unveiled in Entebbe last Saturday, the tribute plunged Ugandans into debates about the unit’s weapons of choice for the audacious hostage rescue mission. David’s body of work provides clarity.

‘Most of the unit’s soldiers were armed with Kalashnikov AK-47s,’ David writes, adding, ‘though a few had Galil ARMs, an Israeli-made assault rifle modelled on the AK-47 but with a folding stock and firing a smaller 5.56 round. All the paratroopers on board were issued with Galils.’

On the ground

Netanyahu and Giora Zussman, who alongside four others were shoehorned into the black Mercedes, fired the first shots of the operation. This was after the faint glow of the Old Terminal made it terribly difficult to judge the reactions of one of two Ugandan sentries.

Netanyahu ordered that an adjustment be made to the plan and the sentry be taken out. It, however, took more than just a couple of bullets from the pistols of Netanyahu and Zussman mounted with silencers to liquidate the sentry. Unsilenced firing from the Kalashnikov AK-47s of the unit’s commandos on the Land Rovers took away the element of surprise. Return fire from Ugandan soldiers meant that, writes David, the unit’s motorcade ‘stopped short of the control tower and at least fifty yards from the edge of the Old Terminal, rather than the five they had planned for.’

David further discloses what, stripped of the element of surprise, Netanyahu had to confront per Muki Betser who had also been in the black Mercedes.

The military historian writes: ‘From the darkness to his right came a burst of fire. Flicking his AK-47 to automatic, he fired back as he ran, his bullets hitting his assailant and causing him to fall. On reaching the corner of the Old Terminal he paused ‘while the rattle and crack of rifle and sub-machine gun fire shook the air, kicking up bits of asphalt at our feet’. Behind him [Netanyahu] the rest of the assault teams were ‘bunched up, instead of heading to the assigned entrances’. It was a ‘complete contradiction of the battle plan’, caused no doubt by the loss of surprise and the threat of incoming fire.’

It would get worse. For Netanyahu.

‘Yoni Netanyahu was almost opposite the first entrance [of the big hall], and not far from the point where he planned to set up his command post, when he stopped and turned to his left. He may have wondered why Muki Betser’s squad had run past the blocked entrance; or he might have been checking on the progress of Yiftach Reicher and Giora Zussman, the leaders of the other assault teams. But by pausing in open ground, when most of his men were hugging the front of the building, he was vulnerable to Ugandan snipers,’ David reveals.

Man down!

A sniper struck Netanyahu in the chest and lower right arm. They would prove to be fatal blows. Dr David Hassin, the medical officer on the unit, sprung to Netanyahu’s rescue after the wounded soldier had been ‘dragged behind the relative cover of a low wall’. David further discloses that ‘Hassin could tell by the paleness of his face and other indicators that Netanyahu had already suffered significant blood loss. There was little blood on Yoni’s clothing and he feared haemorrhaging was internal.’

Adding: ‘At first, having cut off Netanyahu’s ammunition belt and shirt with a knife, the doctor could only find an exit wound close to the spine on his lower back. But on closer examination he located a small slit below the collarbone on the right side of Netanyahu’s chest. That confirmed that the bullet, fired from above, had passed obliquely down through Netanyahu’s torso, tearing organs and most likely arteries as it went. He put dressings on the wounds, but knew that Netanyahu was unlikely to survive.’

Indeed, Netanyahu would go on to be part of the raid’s body count that also counted three hostages, seven hijackers and scores of Ugandan soldiers. David describes in breathless detail how one of the hostages-the French-Israeli Jean-Jacques Mimouni ‘who all week had kept the hostages’ spirits up with his stories, jokes and constant drinks service’-was tragically claimed by friendly fire during the operation. He also recounts how Betser radioed Netanyahu at 2107hrs after accomplishing the mission. Unbeknownst to Betser, Netanyahu was barely alive.

‘[Betser] found [Netanyahu] lying on his back on the tarmac, his shirt torn open, with David Hassin ‘kneeling by his side… trying to treat him’. The scene reminded him of another doctor’s desperate attempt to save the life of an officer shot during the failed operation to destroy the PLO camp at Karameh in 1968. He had failed, and Betser suspected that Hasson would too,’ David writes.

Kenya’s key role

Betser took over command. After 51 minutes of the operation ‘the Hercules-with its cargo of 101 hostages, including two dead and a number of wounded-accelerated past the New Terminal and rose slowly into the air above Lake Victoria.’ The next destination was Nairobi, Kenya, where the Hercules refuelled.

In his 2015 book, David reveals the critical, if secret, role that Kenya played in the operation-allowing the Hercules to be refuelled with the demand that the 11 MiG fighters of the Ugandan Air Force be destroyed. Tel Aviv made good on that promise, with newly declassified documents that were released by the Israel State Archives ahead of last month’s 50th anniversary of the raid attesting to the diplomatic balancing acts behind the rescue mission.

‘To facilitate the operation, our aircraft have to refuel on their way home from Entebbe, at a Kenyan airfield. I trust you will instruct the appropriate people to enable us to [do] so during this night, since the operation is now underway and our aircraft are already in the air,’ Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin informed President Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya in a July 3, 1976, letter.

‘I [would] like to assure you that we shall stand by Kenya with all possible resources in case [you] will face any outside threats as a result of recent events,’ Rabin added.

South African-born Bruce McKenzie helped broker the secret deal that secured Israel planes the green light to refuel at Nairobi. The deal was sealed at the abode of Charles Njonjo, the Attorney General of Kenya at the time. After the raid on Entebbe, Israeli hostage Dora Bloch, who was in New Mulago Hospital when the operation took centre-stage, was killed at the behest of Amin on July 4, 1976. McKenzie would also go down, [in]arguably, as another revenge killing statistic when he died nearly two years later on May 24, 1978.

‘On a spring morning in 1978, Bruce McKenzie boarded a small twin-engined Piper Aztec light plane at Nairobi’s Wilson Airport for the short flight to Entebbe. Accompanied by two businessmen, Keith Savage and Gavin Whitelaw, he was due to meet President Idi Amin at State House to discuss an arms deal and the ongoing poor relations between Kenya and Uganda,’ David writes.

‘After landing at Entebbe on May 24, McKenzie, Savage and Whitelaw were driven to nearby State House where they had ‘friendly’ talks with Amin. Back at the airport, however, they were told the plane could not take off until one of Amin’s cars had arrived with a gift for McKenzie. [After a long delay] McKenzie was handed Amin’s present: a mounted lion’s head. He carried it on board the Piper Aztec which took off at 4.19pm with a pilot and three passengers. [The plane] was due to land at 6.15pm but the time came and went. The plane had crashed into the Ngong hills with no survivors. The most likely explanation is that Amin’s gift, the lion’s head, contained a time bomb,’ David adds.

An abiding influence

Amidst all this, the enduring presence of Netanyahu-now immortalised in a monument-tenaciously hugs the contours of the collective consciousness of Uganda. While unveiling Netanyahu’s statue, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the Chief of Defence Forces of Uganda, described the part that the Amin administration played in the hijack as “a painful chapter in our history’.

The hijack of the Paris-bound plane came with demands of $5m and the freeing of 53 militants jailed in Israel, France, Germany, Switzerland and Kenya in return for the hostages. Two of the hijackers were from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). Another two were from Germany’s Baader-Meinhof gang. The four were joined by three more colleagues.

During the daring rescue operation, Böse-a former sociology student who helped from the Revolutionary Cells in his native Germany-was the first of the seven hijackers to be put out. That was at 2104hrs when his ‘head twitched as a bullet hit it.’

Brigitte Kuhlmann, another German, and Fayez Abdul-Rahim al-Jaber, a Palestinian operative of the PFLP, were almost immediately liquidated by Amnon Peled as they looked to open fire on fellow Israeli commando Amir Ofer. By 2107hrs the paratroopers were in control of the Old Terminal Building.

‘Ordering the soldiers in the room to collect the terrorists’ weapons and treat any wounded hostages-the most serious of whom was Holocaust survivor Pasco Cohen who had been shot in the pelvis as he tried to shield his children from the hail of bullets that killed the Peruvian-Betser went outside to check on Netanyahu,’ David writes.

Like Yoni Netanyahu, Pasco Cohen would die from his wounds. He had been on the hijacked plane with his wife Hannah and their two children Tzipi, eight, and Kobi, six. In June this year Tzipi made an emotional return to the old airport terminal for the first time since the 1976 episode.

‘My father was shot dead. My brother was missing at the time. In the confusion of the exchange of fire, I never knew whether he was killed by Ugandan soldiers or during the rescue operation,’ Tzipi said during a media briefing at Entebbe in June.

‘The moment I walked in, the memories came back as if it was yesterday. I could still picture everything clearly,’ Benny Davidson, who was 13 during the dramatic hostage crisis, said at the same media briefing.

Fifty years on, recollections of one of the most daring hostage rescue operations in modern history still contrive to touch an open wound. They look set to continue doing so.

A wave of public solidarity has erupted on social media as Ugandans on X (formerly Twitter) rally to support renowned academic, satirical cartoonist, and human rights advocate Dr. Jimmy Spire Ssentongo following a High Court ruling ordering him to pay Shs30 million or face three months in civil prison.

The controversy stems from an ongoing legal dispute between Dr. Ssentongo and Kampala International University (KIU). On June 18, 2026, the High Court (Civil Division) registrar, Mr Kintu Simon Zirintusa, ruled that Dr Ssentongo was in contempt of a prior court order issued on December 17, 2025, which restricted him from publishing content deemed damaging to the institution’s reputation.

The source of the dispute

The contempt application arose from a March 18, 2026 post by Dr. Ssentongo on his X handle regarding a tuition dispute involving his late brother’s sons. In the post, the academic recounted how his nephews had paid Shs15.57 million to KIU before opting to transfer to another institution prior to starting classes.

“Having failed even to get the partial refund provided for in the University’s policies, they talked to the DVC FA for the option of transferring the fees to two other students who were already at KIU,” Dr Ssentongo posted at the time. “He accepted and said it was sorted. But it never reflected on the system, and they continued demanding for fees from the two students until they paid not to miss exams. One year later, they haven’t transferred the fees! Dear KIU, no amount of suing is going to clean up your name in the public’s eyes when you continue to act with impunity and meanness like this. Address stakeholders’ concerns.”

KIU filed an application seeking to have Dr. Ssentongo committed to civil prison, alongside demands for Shs1 billion in exemplary damages and a Shs200 million fine for violating the December 2025 injunction.

In his ruling, Registrar Zirintusa noted that Dr. Ssentongo failed to act in good faith by continuing to post about the university despite being aware of the existing court order.

“Appealing against the order does not guarantee you a right to violate a court order with no order of stay obtained,” the registrar held, ordering Dr. Ssentongo to pay a fine of Shs10 million within 14 days or face three months in civil prison. Additionally, the court ordered him to pay Shs20 million in punitive and exemplary damages to KIU, as well as the legal costs of the application.

Public backlash and fundraising drive

The court’s decision quickly ignited widespread outrage among human rights defenders, political figures, and ordinary citizens, who viewed the sentence as an attempt to gag a prominent public voice. Within hours of the ruling, a public fundraising initiative via Mobile Money was launched to help cover the fine, rapidly raising over Shs3 million in its early stages.

Prominent human rights lawyer Eron Kiiza criticized the ruling, describing it as an attack on public accountability and freedom of expression.

“This oppressive court order is a gag order dressed in legal robes. It is an attack on freedom of expression, and on every Ugandan’s right to ask a powerful institution to account for how it treats the people in its care,” Mr. Kiiza stated on X. “When a university can walk into a courtroom and walk out with the power to silence, intimidate and threaten to jail a prominent lecturer and national figure – what fate waits for an ordinary student who dares to disagree with it?”

National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, also called on the public to rally behind the academic, alleging that state machinery was being used to suppress vocal critics.

“Dr. Jimmy Spire Ssentongo has spent years using his voice and talents to hold power accountable as his contribution towards a better society for us all. Instead of honoring his work, the regime is actively working to silence him,” Mr. Kyagulanyi posted. “A court order was recently issued against him, by which he is required to pay a total of Shs30,000,000 within 14 days or spend three months in prison… I am calling on all Ugandans of good conscience, in Uganda and abroad, to stand with Dr. Spire in whatever way we can.”

While the fundraising drive continues to gather momentum across digital platforms, several legal analysts and advocates are simultaneously urging Dr. Ssentongo’s defense team to appeal the ruling, arguing that the decision sets a concerning precedent for public interest advocacy and consumer rights in Uganda.

Eight senior staff of Namitooma District have been interdicted following a visit by the Local Government Minister, Mr Balam Barugahara, over numerous allegations of corruption and incompetence in the area.

On Saturday, August 8th, Namitooma District Chief Administrative Officer, Mr Masereka Amis Asuman, submitted a list of the affected staff to the Permanent Staff of the Ministry of Local Government, notifying them of the decision.

The affected staff include: Dr Sadic Byamugisha, the District Health Officer; Barungi Peace Gloria, the District Education Officer; Eng Godfrey Tumusiime, the Civil Engineer (Water); and Godwin Kagumir, the Senior Environment Officer.

Others are; Vincent Rugamba, the Senior Assistant Secretary, Godfrey Mugumya, a driver, Dr Patrick Oloya, a Medical Officer and John Baptist Tumwebaze, the Senior Engineer/ Ag. District Engineer.

”As a result of various complaints, I was directed to interdict the following staff with immediate effect to pave way for investigations by the State House Anti-Corruption Unit and other relevant Government Agencies.” The letter signed by the CAO read in part.

The decision followed a meeting held by Minister Balam and stakeholders at Namitooma District Council Hall on strengthening accountability, enhancing transparency, improving service delivery and fostering the fight against corruption.

The staff, according to the letter, have been interdicted for six months in line with Section (F-s) of the Uganda Public Service Standing Orders 2021.

Key provisions under interdiction

Under interdiction, a staff member is put under temporary suspension, and this formally halts an officer from exercising their office duties or reporting to the workplace pending the conclusion of investigations.

During suspension period, the interdicted officer is entitled to receive one-half (50%) of their basic monthly salary during the suspension period.

Interdiction also prohibits the affected officer from leaving the country or the designated jurisdiction without explicit prior permission from a competent authority.

Likewise, under interdiction, the staff is restricted from visiting their work premises or office bounds unless formally summoned or authorised by the accounting officer.

The Local Government Minister, together with his assistant, Ms Justine Nameere, are conducting high-profile anti-corruption inspection tours across various Ugandan districts to crack down on the misuse of public funds, ghost workers, and poor service delivery.

These impromptu visits have led to arrests of district officials, closure of substandard facilities, and orders for major investigations.

Inspected areas

In Ankole region (Mbarara and Isingiro), the Minister investigated mismanaged city resources, controversial infrastructure, and ordered the interdiction of the Isingiro Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) over missing road funds.

In Bugisu region (Mbale and Bulambuli), he uncovered ghost staff at Busiu Health Centre IV and exposed a poorly constructed public toilet costing Shs73 million that lacked an actual pit latrine beneath it, whereas in Namisindwa District, he ordered a temporary closure and investigation of Namisindwa Secondary School due to severe sanitation issues and severe toilet shortages for over 550 students.

In Buhweju District, the Minister demanded formal investigations by anti-corruption security agencies into top officials over the alleged mismanagement of Shs5 billion allocated for road maintenance.

Fifty three years ago, early last month, the government of the United States of America announced that its substantive ambassador to Uganda, Thomas Patrick Melady, who had been in Washington for five months of consultations with his superiors, would not be returning to his duty station in Kampala.

A statement issued in Washington on July 6, 1973, by Mr Robert Blackwill, the spokesperson of the United States’ Department of State on behalf of the executive secretary, Theodore L. Eliot Jr, also announced that Washington would not be naming another person to replace Melady.

According to The Office of the Historian, which prepares and publishes official documentary history of the US’ foreign policy, the announcements were precipitated by the decision by President Idi Amin to send out two telegrams in which he not only mocked President Richard Nixon, but also criticised the US’ policy on Cambodia.

Amin criticised the US involvement and bombing campaigns in the Cambodian conflict.

It should be remembered that the US’ involvement in Cambodia dated back to March 1965, when its Marines landed in South Vietnam, where they were later joined by other American forces to back up the South Vietnamese army in its fight against the Khmer Rouge (Communist forces) in the North of Vietnam. US bombers attack targets in North Vietnam.

According to information published on the website of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, by 1967, the North Vietnamese army and South Vietnamese insurgents were operating from inside Cambodia, which forced US forces and their South Vietnamese forces to resort to cross-border incursions.

In March 1969, president Nixon secretly ordered the US Air Force to carry out an extensive bombing campaign which was aimed at disrupting the supply lines of the North Vietnamese forces.

In March 1970, Norodom Sihanouk, who had led Cambodia since it gained independence from France in 1953, was overthrown while he was out of the country. Gen Lon Lol, a pro-American member of the armed forces, took charge of the country.

Norodom Sihanouk responded by allying with the Khmer Rouge and urged all Cambodians to join the Khmer Rouge in fighting to take control of Cambodia.

Information on the website of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum reveals that the call had the effect of causing war to break out all over the whole of Cambodia.

In April 1970, US and South Vietnamese ground forces entered eastern Cambodia to attack Communist sanctuaries there. The Vietnamese Communists, meanwhile, moved deeper into Cambodia and began seizing large sections of the countryside for the Khmer Rouge.

Amid increasing pressure at home over the Vietnam War, president Nixon ordered US ground forces out of Cambodia, but gave the green light for Gen Lon Nol’s government and army to continue receiving military assistance.

The US Air Force also continued carrying out airstrikes on suspected enemy positions in the Cambodian countryside.

Information on the website of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum reveals that US fighter jets dropped more than 2.7 million tons of bombs on more than 113,000 sites in Cambodia.

Amin’s protests

It is not clear whether president Amin’s protests were linked to the visit earlier in 1973 to Uganda of the president of South Vietnam, Nguyn Van Thiu, or his ties Norodom Sihanouk, whom he had earlier hosted on a state visit to Uganda, but in his July 3, 1973, telegram, Amin took issue with the US’s bombing campaign in Cambodia.

Whereas he did not get into discussing the effect of the bombing on the population, the website of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum suggests that more than two million people fled their homes to escape communist rule, ground fighting and the bombing campaigns which took a heavy toll on combatants and civilians alike.

It adds that most of the displaced persons fled to the capital, Phnom Penh and a few provincial cities where Gen Lon Nol still had some control.

Mocking Nixon

At the time, president Nixon’s government was under pressure under what was famously known as the Watergate scandal, a political crisis that was precipitated by the June 17, 1972, break-in at the headquarters of the National Democratic Committee by five men who were heavily linked to Nixon’s re-election campaign.

Efforts by Nixon to cover up the crime failed, leading to an investigation that eventually brought to light the existence of tapes of secretly recorded conversations within the White House, which the Supreme Court ordered Nixon to surrender.

Amin latched on to the Watergate Scandal to also call on Nixon to resign. Nixon was forced to resign on August 9, 1974, slightly over a year after Amin had urged him to step aside.

In the same telegram, president Amin called for the appointment of more African Americans to positions in the US government.

None

‘Dear Mr President, it now appears clearly from the latest developments that the leadership of your government will not recover from the scandal of the Watergate affair. The best chance, therefore, for the United States of America to restore its dignity in the world is to have a new leadership which should have a majority of the Black Americans in it. Although the present executive leadership of the United States of America is against me, they should know that I am not at all against them or the United States,’ Amin wrote.

He added, ‘In fact, as far as we in Uganda are concerned, we do not hold any ill-feelings against the United States of America and whatever criticisms we have labelled against the United States have been constructive and based on truth and a deep sense of friendly concern. An American government having a majority of Black representatives will be assured of big support in the non-aligned world in which about two thousand million people live. By the same token, the problems that America faces domestically will be considerably reduced if not solved altogether.’

US hits back

Two days after Amin’s telegram to president Nixon, the US Department of State hit back, describing the contents of the telegrams as ‘insulting’, adding that Amin’s messages were ‘totally unacceptable in both substance and tone’.

‘Although we usually simply ignore Amin’s steady stream of vituperation, these are perhaps his most obnoxious messages yet involving the President, and they clearly call for a firm reaction on our part,’ Mr Blackwill’s statement read.

The Office of the Historian also revealed that on July 6, 1973, the State Department called in Uganda’s top diplomats in New York to ‘reject Amin’s assertions’ which it they say ‘grossly distorted’ the US’ foreign policy and to question whether Uganda wishes to reciprocate the US’ ‘desire for good relations’, and to inform Uganda’s diplomat of the US’ decision not to appoint a new ambassador at this time’.

‘Our own charge in Kampala has delivered a similar written and oral protest to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,’ the statement read.

By the time the tiff between Uganda and America descended to this level, American presence in Uganda had drastically shrunk.

According to the Office of the Historian, all employees attached to humanitarian agencies like the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) had already been ordered to leave the country for their own safety.

The number of members of staff had also been reduced to six Marines and 12 essential employees and members of their families.

The number of American citizens who were engaged in private work was said to be about 280 in number.

On June 26, 1993, William Mullins-Johnson was babysitting his brother’s three children. At the time, he was 22 years old and living with his brother’s family at their home in Toronto, Canada. He frequently babysat the children, and the children really loved him. That day, however, one of the children, a four-year-old girl, had a fever. He checked on her half an hour after she went to bed and found her sleeping.

William was awoken the next morning by the crying and screaming of the mother of the children. She had gone to check on the girl who had a fever and found her dead with vomit on her bed. Her body was subsequently taken to the nearby general hospital, where a pathologist performed a post-mortem examination.

Prior to the dissection of the body, the pathologist consulted a much-celebrated senior colleague at a famous children’s hospital. The senior pathologist opined that the child could have been sexually abused.

The pathologist then consulted another doctor who specialised in cases of child abuse. To the specialist, this was among the worst instances of child sexual abuse that she had encountered. The pathologist then concluded that the cause of death was asphyxiation due to external compression of her airways, meaning that she had been suffocated, and that the child had been sexually abused repeatedly in the past.

William was arrested for first-degree murder and aggravated sexual assault of his niece on June 27, 1993, less than 12 hours after the child’s body had been found. William, who is Indigenous and had a prior conviction for robbery, would later speculate that had he been White, the police investigation would have been longer.

William’s trial began on September 6, 1994, and lasted a little over two weeks. The jury heard testimony from several expert witnesses who told the court that the child had been sexually abused and suffocated to death, as indicated by dilation and damage observed in her genital area, as well as bruising to her head, neck, and chest.

In addition, one expert gave evidence to support the prosecution’s theory that William had killed his niece while sexually assaulting her. This, in law, is a necessary element for a first-degree murder conviction. The expert further testified that he had found microscopic evidence of recent sexual abuse around the time of the child’s death.

On September 21, 1994, after deliberating for six hours, the jury found William guilty of first-degree murder. He was sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole for 25 years. While incarcerated, William received death threats from other inmates, whom he feared might slash his throat. At one point, he spent four months in solitary confinement for his protection.

William appealed his conviction to the Ontario Court of Appeal. On December 19, 1996, a two-to-one majority of the court dismissed his appeal. The majority stated that the court of appeal’s role was limited when reviewing evidence on which a jury reached its verdict; it should give appropriate deference to the jurors, who actually saw and heard the witnesses. The majority recognised that the evidence against William was not overwhelming, but declined to interfere with the jury’s guilty verdict, finding that this verdict was not unreasonable.

In addition, the majority found that the fairness of William’s trial had not been compromised when the judge failed to instruct the jury not to infer guilt from his psychiatric history.

The third judge, in dissent, said he would have given William a new trial. The judge identified a number of deficiencies in William’s trial, including inadequate jury instructions pertaining to his defence. Notably, the judge observed that only one expert witness testified as to evidence of a recent sexual assault. He presciently stated that, in his view, the evidence of whether William or anybody had sexually assaulted the deceased, or had attempted to do so, was weak.

Because one of the Ontario Court of Appeal judges dissented, William had an automatic right of appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada; the Supreme Court was required to hear his appeal if he brought one. William, therefore, appealed his conviction to the Supreme Court, but the appeal was dismissed in a mere one-paragraph judgment on May 26, 1998, on the ground that the judges were all of the view that this appeal be dismissed for the reasons of the majority of the Court of Appeal.

Having exhausted his appeal options, William sought help from an organisation known as the Association in Defence of the Wrongly Convicted. In February 2003, the defence counsel requested that the Crown release the microscopic slides and related materials obtained from the child’s autopsy to an independent forensic pathologist who would review William’s case.

Over the following year and a half, the pathologist who performed the autopsy did not provide these materials and failed to respond to repeated requests for them. He lied to the prosecution, police, and other doctors as to where they had gone. Finally, the slides were retrieved from the pathologist’s office with the assistance of the Chief Coroner for Ontario.

The Chief Coroner asked a senior pathologist to review the slides, during which review the senior pathologist realised that the initial findings had been gravely misinterpreted. The senior pathologist discovered that the tissue preserved from the child’s post-mortem examination in the slides was normal and did not suggest that any kind of assault had occurred.

The apparent tissue damage and dilation observed during the initial post-mortem examination in the child’s genital region, and bruising to her upper body, were no more than the result of normal processes following death or were caused by procedures connected to the post-mortem investigation.

In other words, the pathologist who carried out the initial post-mortem examination had mistaken body changes that occur naturally after death, as well as the changes caused by the post-mortem examination itself, for indicia of an especially horrific violent crime.

Imagine stepping into a homestead that feels like a time capsule-not merely a rural home, but a place that recreates a way of life that has steadily faded from everyday Ugandan society. This is the experience that greets visitors at Ewaffe Cultural Village in Nagalama, Mukono District. The compound is neatly manicured. Fruit trees provide shade over wooden benches and stools scattered under a mango tree.

At the centre stands a traditional round house, its architecture evoking memories of a bygone era. Visitors are welcomed with fresh banana juice served in a gourd through a bamboo straw before a troupe of dancers emerges with drumbeats and songs that set the tone for the experience ahead. Ewaffe, which translates to ‘Our Home’ in Luganda, seeks to immerse visitors in aspects of Uganda’s cultural heritage that are becoming increasingly uncommon in everyday life.

Among its most popular experiences is the preparation of luwombo, a traditional Buganda dish whose origins are often traced to the royal kitchens of the Buganda Kingdom. But before the cooking begins, there is a journey to undertake. Visitors are led through gardens and footpaths toward a spring well tucked away among trees and shrubs. The walk doubles as a lesson in indigenous knowledge.

Along the route, guides point out medicinal plants and herbs whose uses have been passed down through generations. Some are familiar plants that many Ugandans encounter regularly but know little about. Others are species that have almost disappeared from urban landscapes. The spring itself appears frozen in time. Water lilies spread across its surface while two logs provide a simple drawing point reminiscent of an era before piped water and plastic containers became commonplace. Water is fetched for the cooking process before the group returns to the homestead.

The art of Luwombo

Awaiting them is a carefully arranged cooking station. Banana leaves, baskets, traditional knives, unpeeled matooke, vegetables, chicken and cooking utensils are laid out in preparation for what is both a culinary and cultural lesson. Aprons are distributed, and the work begins. Banana leaves are softened over an open flame to make them flexible enough for wrapping. Vegetables are chopped. A richly flavoured tomato mixture is prepared. The chicken is seasoned before being carefully folded into the leaves and secured alongside bundles of matooke destined for the cooking pot.

The process demands patience. Unlike many modern meals designed for speed and convenience, luwombo requires time, attention and skill. That patience, Aisha Nabwanika Mayanja, founder of Ewaffe Cultural Village, says is precisely what makes preserving traditional cooking important. ‘We need to know where we started from. We started from clay pots before aluminium cookware came. We need to trace back where we came from so that we can align very well with the future without throwing away where we came from,’ she says.

‘Many of these things may not be practised exactly as they were before, but preserving the knowledge is important. Future generations need to understand how people lived, cooked and solved everyday challenges.’ Her concern reflects broader changes taking place across Uganda. Traditional dishes that once formed part of everyday life are increasingly reserved for ceremonies, holidays and family gatherings. Urbanisation, changing work schedules and shifting lifestyles have transformed eating habits, often leaving little room for meals that require hours of preparation. The result is that younger generations are growing up with limited exposure to the techniques and traditions that shaped the diets of their grandparents.

All for cultural tourism

For Nabwanika, preserving traditional cooking is about more than safeguarding recipes. It is about protecting a body of knowledge that encompasses farming, food preparation, environmental stewardship and community life. Her own journey into cultural tourism began unexpectedly. A commerce graduate by training, she entered the tourism industry after university and spent several years working with the Uganda Tourism Association. The role exposed her to destinations across Uganda and allowed her to observe how the country’s tourism products were being packaged and promoted. Over time, she noticed that much of Uganda’s tourism narrative focused heavily on wildlife.

‘People travel hundreds of kilometres to see gorillas or go on safari, but along those journeys there are communities, farms, food, stories and traditions. There is so much more to experience,’ she says. ‘Uganda has always been proud of its cultural diversity, but we were not packaging it as a tourism product. We were appreciating it, but not really showcasing it in a way that people could experience and learn from it.’ Those observations eventually inspired the creation of Ewaffe Cultural Village. The concept began as a simple idea centred around traditional food.

But Nabwanika soon realised that food alone could not tell the full story. Cooking, after all, does not exist in isolation. The ingredients come from farms. The cooking methods are shaped by the environment. The recipes are passed down through families and communities. Understanding traditional food requires understanding the broader cultural systems that produced it.

Culture meets conservation

This connection becomes evident throughout the luwombo experience. The banana leaves used in the cooking process are not merely wrappers. They are part of a long tradition that predates modern packaging and cookware. They help preserve moisture, infuse flavour and eliminate waste. Likewise, the herbs introduced during the walk to the spring well reflect generations of accumulated knowledge about plants and their uses. For Nabwanika, these connections between culture and nature are inseparable. ‘Trees provide food, medicine and shade. There is no way you can talk about culture without talking about nature because everything is connected,’ she says. ‘The trees support us, we support them, the livestock supports us, and the soil supports all of us.

It is an ecosystem. If you lose one part of it, you begin losing some of the cultural practices that depend on it.’ The observation resonates at a time when conversations around sustainability are becoming increasingly prominent. Long before environmental conservation became a global concern, many traditional cooking methods relied on local ingredients, reusable materials and practices that generated little waste. The banana leaves used for luwombo are a simple example of this principle. Readily available and biodegradable, they served practical purposes while enhancing the quality of the meal. Such traditions evolved out of necessity, but today they offer valuable lessons about sustainable living. Yet preserving them remains a challenge.

Keeping traditions alive

Across Uganda, many traditional practices are gradually disappearing as younger generations adopt new lifestyles and technologies. In some cases, cultural customs have been abandoned because they are perceived as old-fashioned or irrelevant. Nabwanika believes this perception is contributing to the erosion of cultural knowledge. ‘Some people do not even know why a banana leaf is used to cover food. Many things are disappearing because people assume that everything from somewhere else is automatically better,’ she says. ‘It is good to adopt new and more efficient ways of doing things, but not everything should be discarded. If we throw away everything that came before us, we lose part of our identity.’

The challenge extends beyond food preparation. Knowledge about medicinal plants, traditional farming techniques, cultural ceremonies and indigenous technologies is also at risk. As elders pass away, valuable information often disappears with them.

Globally, such traditions are increasingly recognised as part of what the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) describes as intangible cultural heritage, the practices, skills and knowledge that communities inherit and pass from one generation to another.

Food occupies a particularly important place within that heritage. Meals carry stories about migration, trade, agriculture and social organisation. Cooking methods reveal how communities adapted to their environments. Shared meals reinforce social bonds and create opportunities for knowledge transfer between generations. At Ewaffe, visitors encounter these realities through participation rather than observation. Instead of simply ordering a traditional meal, they take part in the process of preparing it. They fetch water, learn about herbs, handle banana leaves and witness the patience required to transform simple ingredients into a finished dish.

Back at the homestead, the fire burns steadily as conversations continue beneath the shade of the trees. There is no rush. The slow pace feels deliberate, almost defiant in a world increasingly defined by convenience. Eventually, the luwombo is ready. The banana leaves are carefully unfolded, and a rich aroma escapes into the air. The chicken is tender, the sauce thick and fragrant. The matooke has absorbed the flavours of the meal during steaming. The food is satisfying, but perhaps the greater reward lies in understanding everything that preceded it. The walk to the spring. The stories about medicinal plants.

The careful preparation of the leaves. The patience demanded by the cooking process. The generations of knowledge that made the meal possible. In many respects, luwombo is more than a dish. It is a reminder that food can serve as a bridge between past and present. As Uganda continues to modernise, preserving traditional cooking may require more than safeguarding recipes. It may require creating spaces where people can experience the practices, stories and values that give those recipes meaning.

The challenge is not choosing between tradition and progress, but ensuring that neither erases the other. As the cooking fire slowly dies down and the last servings of luwombo are shared, it becomes clear that what is being preserved here is not simply a meal. It is a record of how communities once lived, related to nature and passed knowledge from one generation to the next. And in a rapidly changing world, that knowledge may prove just as valuable as the food itself.

For decades, Uganda’s financial system revolved around banks. It is little wonder that people had no choice but to endure long queues to pay school fees, make cash deposits, or withdraw money. Then came mobile money and telecom-led fintechs, which changed the game. Paying school fees became easier, and the services on offer continued to evolve to meet users at their point of need. This sparked a battle for customers and market share, one that continues to be reflected in profits reported with each financial year.

Dara Assim-Ita, Senior Product Designer at Paystack, says in Nigeria, the dynamic is far more nuanced than a simple fintech-versus-bank narrative. From where she sits, it is more collaboration than confrontation.

‘Nigeria’s financial services ecosystem has also developed through a lot of collaboration between banks, fintechs, switches, regulators and other licensed players. A good example is payments. Nigeria has one of the most active real-time payments ecosystems in Africa. NIBSS (Nigeria’s Central Switch) Instant Payments processed nearly 11 billion transactions in 2024, up from about five billion in 2022, and NIBSS itself is owned by all licensed banks and the Central Bank of Nigeria. The infrastructure that has enabled a lot of fintech innovation is deeply connected to the banking system,’ she says.

The data tells a similar story, as Nigerian bank deposits grew by 24 percent in 2025, even as fintech transaction volumes hit record highs. Both occurred simultaneously because they are not really competing for the same thing.

‘Fintechs brought a large portion of economic activity that was already happening in markets, small businesses and informal trade into a system where it could be tracked, settled and built upon. That formalisation benefits the whole ecosystem, including banks,’ she says.

Merchants do not think in terms of ‘bank versus fintech’; they simply want money to move reliably.

Therefore, the question that matters is how to make that process better for the businesses at the centre of it all. Nigeria still has a $32b small and medium business (SMB) credit gap that neither banks nor fintechs have fully solved on their own.

‘The way to navigate this is not to position ourselves against banks, but to stay focused on the role we play in the ecosystem. For instance, Paystack’s job is to provide reliable payments infrastructure that helps businesses accept payments, move money and build better financial experiences for their customers. In many cases, that means working with banks and other regulated financial institutions, not replacing them,’ she discloses.

Consequently, the real opportunity lies in building a stronger, safer and more inclusive financial system, where each player contributes what they do best. ‘We circumnavigate that by being collaborative, deeply compliant, and very clear about the value we add to businesses and consumers.’

Financing

Reaching this point has not been easy for fintechs, as funding remains one of the biggest challenges they face. For Paystack, the journey happened in stages. In the early days, the company raised venture capital from investors who believed in the scale of the opportunity and the quality of the team.

‘Paystack was part of Y Combinator in 2016, and in 2018 we raised an $8m Series A round led by Stripe, with participation from Visa, Tencent, Y Combinator and other investors. That brought our total investment to a little over $10m then,’ she says.

In 2020, Paystack was acquired by Stripe, giving the company the opportunity to continue building from Africa with stronger global support, while maintaining its independence and continuing to serve businesses across the continent. Some innovators, however, become overly dependent on funding, even though it is intended primarily to help businesses start and scale. Moving beyond that requires a focus on sustainability, which is built on a strong business foundation.

From west to east

East Africa’s fintech sector continues to grow, but the region has yet to see a significant influx of West African fintech players. That said, some companies have made the move, while others, such as Paystack, are already operating in Kenya, plus Chipper Cash, which was built with an explicitly pan-African ambition.

‘The bigger point is not ambition or interest but that African fintech expansion isn’t plug-and-play. West Africa and East Africa are both very dynamic, but with different market structures,’ Assim-Ita says.

Her argument is that in Nigeria and much of West Africa, fintech innovation has largely developed around bank accounts, cards, bank transfers and merchant payments. On the other hand, in East Africa, particularly in markets such as Kenya and Uganda, mobile money has been central to how people and businesses move money.

‘Therefore, a fintech entering East Africa has to understand different customer behaviour, different rails, different partnerships and often a different regulatory path,’ she explains.

In that sense, the barriers are not merely geographical. They are regulatory, infrastructural and cultural, requiring a deep understanding of local dynamics and the ability to adapt accordingly.

AI in fintech

Artificial intelligence (AI) is revolutionising many industries and is becoming increasingly important within fintech. Yet it can only help financial technology companies do three things better: understand risk, improve customer experience and help businesses make faster, smarter decisions. Assim-Ita nevertheless says AI can help fintechs detect unusual patterns, strengthen fraud monitoring and support compliance teams with better signals.

‘That matters because, as digital transactions grow, trust and safety become even more important,’ she says.

AI also makes financial tools easier to use. With AI, a small business owner can ask simple questions, identify trends, understand revenue patterns and make decisions more quickly.

‘That’s mainly why Paystack rebuilt its dashboard with an AI-native command centre,’ she says.

The Paystack Dashboard is one of the most important tools used daily by Paystack merchants. Through it, they monitor payments, track revenue, manage customers, review settlements, investigate failed transactions, handle disputes and gain insights into business performance.

Joining fintech

Before joining Paystack, Assim-Ita worked as a consultant for several banks through a marketing agency. A friend later introduced her to Paystack’s former head of design, which proved to be a turning point.

‘Honestly, I wasn’t actively looking to work in fintech at the time. From the outside, I thought the space was a bit boring and that there wasn’t much new to build,’ she says.

That perception changed quickly after joining Paystack. She realised there was still so much to solve, particularly in the areas of payments, financial management, data interpretation and business growth.

‘Most of the most important problems in fintech aren’t always visible from the outside, but once you see them up close, you understand how much work is still worth doing,’ she says with a smile.

Assim-Ita has particularly enjoyed working at the intersection of product, design and engineering.

‘I’m less interested in design as just one lane, and more interested in how those disciplines come together to solve real problems for businesses,’ she says.

While Assim-Ita represents some of the women who have entered the technology sector, she is quick to acknowledge that her experience may not have been as difficult as that of many others.

‘Therefore, I’m careful not to speak as if I fought through obstacles that I didn’t personally experience in the same way other women may have. I know many women have had to work much harder to be seen, trusted or taken seriously in technical spaces,’ she says.

She stresses the importance of having supportive bosses, friends and colleagues who believe in you, mention your name in the right rooms and open doors that you might not otherwise have entered.

Assim-Ita encourages aspiring professionals to learn enough technical language to work alongside engineers as peers. That is not because they need to become engineers themselves, but because it helps them collaborate effectively and ensures that nothing gets lost in translation.

‘The barrier is smaller than it looks from the outside. Fintech needs people who can understand users, simplify complexity and build trust. Those skills matter a lot,’ she says.