Category: Daily Monitor

Jinja Regional Referral Hospital is set to establish a modern medical imaging and diagnostic centre in a bid to improve healthcare services and curb the overwhelming number of patient referrals to Mulago National Referral Hospital.

The initiative was announced by Dr Gerald Mutungi, the Assistant Commissioner in charge of Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs) at the Ministry of Health. The project is a collaborative effort between the Health Ministry and the Smart African Village Development Consortium (SADO).

According to Dr Mutungi, the First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for East African Affairs, Ms Rebecca Kadaga, has been one of the key pillars driving the establishment of the imaging centre in the region.

The diagnostic centre will be equipped with advanced medical technology, including:

A standard 64-slice CT scan machine from Germany

A Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) scanner

Advanced X-ray equipment

Modern laboratory diagnostic tools

“These facilities will support doctors and medical consultants in making accurate diagnoses and prescribing effective treatment for patients without guesswork,” Dr Mutungi said.

He added that the Ministry of Health, SADO, the Jinja hospital management, Jinja City Council, and the Office of the President have already secured space within the hospital premises for immediate construction.

Dr Mutungi expressed grave concern over the growing burden of NCDs, describing them as “silent killers” affecting children, youths, and adults across the Busoga sub-region.

“There is a significant increase in non-communicable diseases in Busoga communities due to poor nutrition, excessive alcohol consumption, substance abuse, lack of physical exercise, and limited awareness about regular medical check-ups,” he said, noting that many patients only seek help when conditions are severe after self-medicating.

Dr Alfred Yayi, the Senior Executive Consultant at Jinja Regional Referral Hospital, revealed that the development coincides with the approval of the hospital’s new master plan designed to align the facility with modern healthcare technologies.

Dr Yayi explained that much of the hospital’s existing infrastructure was constructed in the 1950s and can no longer support the installation of sophisticated modern medical systems.

He added that while the hospital boasts qualified consultant medical doctors across all departments, the lack of advanced diagnostic equipment has historically hindered specialized services, forcing them to refer patients to Mulago.

Dr Nelson Muzira, the Executive Director of SADO, stated that the broader project aims to transform healthcare delivery by providing accessible and affordable imaging services across five hospitals and 76 health centres in the East and Central sub-regions.

Welcoming the initiative, Jinja City Health Officer Dr Fredrick Isabirye noted that the centre would save countless lives.

“Many non-communicable diseases present symptoms similar to other illnesses, making them difficult to diagnose without advanced laboratory and diagnostic equipment. This centre will greatly improve early detection and treatment,” Dr Isabirye said.

Anxiety is growing among islanders, leaders and transport operators in Kalangala District after revelations that the government’s agreement to pay passenger fees on the MV Ssese and MV Pearl ferries plying the Bugoma-Bukakkata route will expire in two weeks.

Officials from Kalangala Infrastructure Services (KIS), the company managing the ferries, say prolonged delays in finalising a new long-term agreement have left the future of the vital transport service uncertain.

Speaking during a district consultative meeting on June 20, KIS spokesperson Joseph Mulindwa said the company’s original 13-year agreement with government expired in August last year and has since been extended several times on a short-term basis.

“The government’s first 13-year agreement ended last year in August and was extended for six months to allow enough time for the government to finalise a new agreement. Since then, we have continued receiving short-term extensions,” Mr Mulindwa said.

He added that the latest extension is expected to expire in two weeks.

“Negotiations for the new long-term agreement have been going on for more than three years now. We have been receiving short-term extensions ever since the expiry of the 13-year agreement,” he said.

Under the current arrangement, government pays passenger fees for travellers using the two ferries, enabling residents to cross Lake Victoria between Kalangala and Masaka districts free of charge. If the agreement lapses without renewal, passengers could be required to pay ferry charges.

Mr Mulindwa accused some government technocrats of frustrating President Museveni’s directive that ferry services in Kalangala should remain free and operate throughout the night.

While campaigning in Kalangala last December, President Museveni pledged that ferry services should be free of charge and also be available at night to ease transport challenges faced by islanders.

“It is these technocrats who are blocking what the President promised the people of Kalangala. This contract is going to expire in two weeks, which is not what it should be. We request the government and our leaders to amplify our concerns to the President so that the agreement is finalised,” Mr Mulindwa said.

He noted that uncertainty has limited the company’s ability to make major investments in transport infrastructure.

“We cannot invest heavily when we are not sure whether the agreement will be renewed. We need assurance that the agreement will be awarded before making substantial investments,” he said.

According to documents seen by Daily Monitor, a draft agreement being discussed between government and KIS proposes a six-year contract period. However, KIS officials argue that such a timeframe is insufficient to justify major investments aimed at improving water transport services in Kalangala.

He further revealed that the draft agreement proposes only two additional return trips daily, despite islanders requesting four more trips during stakeholder consultations conducted by the Ministry of Works and Transport.

“The President said he wants ferries to operate at night, and we are ready to work throughout the night until morning without stopping. We believe this would boost Kalangala’s economy and improve emergency response services,” he said.

The ferry services are regulated and licensed by the Ministry of Works and Transport, and the Ministry of Finance pays for passengers to use the ferries for free.

Local leaders have appealed to government to expedite the signing of a new agreement, warning that any disruption would severely affect the district’s economy.

The Ssaza Chief of Kyaggwe, Augustine Kasirye, said the ferries serve as the district’s main transport link to the mainland.

“These ferries are our roads. It is the government’s responsibility to ensure that every district is connected to neighbouring districts. We ask the government to continue paying for passengers using the ferries because Kalangala contributes significantly to the country’s economy,” Mr Kasirye said.

Kalangala Town Council chairperson Lodovic Kiberu said demand already exceeds capacity.

“With the current 16 trips per day, more than 50 vehicles are left on either side daily. We need more trips added,” he said.

“We request the government never to tamper with this route because it is the only reliable connection between Kalangala and other districts. The agreement under which the government pays passenger fees should be made long-term because failure to do so would be disastrous for the district and for leaders who promised better services to the people.”

Richard Setubba, chairperson of Mugoye Sub-county, said schoolchildren are among the beneficiaries.

“Many children use the ferries to cross to Bukakkata for school. If they are required to pay ferry fees, some may stay at home and fail to attend school. Mugoye Sub-county could also lose a major source of revenue because many cargo transporters may leave Kalangala if ferry charges are introduced,” he said.

Kalangala Deputy Resident District Commissioner Henry Sebunya said district leaders intend to raise the matter directly with President Museveni when he visits Kalangala on June 22 to campaign for the ruling National Resistance Movement candidate in the forthcoming Woman Member of Parliament by-election.

“We shall use the President’s visit to raise our concerns and emphasise the need for the government to conclude this agreement,” Mr Sebunya said.

The uncertainty comes as Kalangala residents await a final decision from government on the future of one of the district’s most important transport lifelines.

The Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB) has deregistered a total of 37,702 companies that it says failed to apply for restoration.

The exercise, according to the Registrar of Companies, is in pursuance of section 130(6) of the Companies Act, Cap 106.

URSB says the affected companies were notified on 20th July 2023 and 14th August 2023 to file annual returns for a period of five years, but they failed.

The companies desirous of being restored on the register were required to apply to the Registrar of Companies to be restored within twelve months from the date they were struck off, the Registrar of Companies said in a public notice dated June 18, 2026.

”The Registrar of Companies has deregistered 37,702 companies that failed to apply for restoration.” The notice added.

With the deregistration, the names of the affected companies are recorded in the list of dissolved companies and will be available for use after twelve months from the date of deregistration.

Anyone can select one of the names and apply to register a new company using it.

On my Facebook page this week, I asked my many contacts a question which remained unanswered. Before asking the question, I first shared the socio-economic slogan, which goes ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.’ Popularised by the German thinker Karl Marx in 1875, the slogan describes an ideal, classless society where goods and services are distributed based on what a person requires, rather than their social status or labour output. I then asked my Facebook contacts why this foundational ideal is ignored and why, by extension, people eschew communism, from whence this ideal is gleaned.

My answer to my own question was that people were generally products of collective brainwashing. Their answer was silence. Agreed. Ugandans and people in general these days are not ideologically inclined. Less charitably, and more specifically, President Museveni has frequently argued that many Ugandans and Ugandan politicians have historically ignored, misunderstood, or rejected core ideological principles. Instead of addressing ideological foundations, he claims citizens have traditionally gravitated towards the ‘pseudo-ideology’ of identity politics-based on tribes and religion-or personal economic gain.

However, on the flipside, elite Ugandans confront ideology with a ‘been there, done that’ mentality. Subsequently, they believe ideology has nothing left to reveal to them. They cannot feed on Marxian theories any more than they could the ruling National Resistance Movement’s diet of corrective measures envisaged in its previously 10, now 15-point programme. Ideology does not put food on the table. It does, owing to ideological cleavage, bring division to the home. But consider this ideology: the difference between us is reflected in what holds our attention. For instance, the following three options would probably catch your attention in this successive order. One, I’ve got your Shs50 million. Two, I’ll show you how to make Shs50 million.

Three, you have my Shs50 million!

The first would probably capture your attention as much as the third, because by then your interests are likely to take a hit or experience a windfall. The two have similar financial impact, thus impacting where your attention goes first and last in life. By this token, if the first is like the last option, then possibly the first is the last. Thereby shaping a vicious cycle of survival. This cycle implies the rolling back of any corresponding virtuous cycle. Then, as things go from good to bad, we must ensure the good stares down the bad. Our civic survival points to a collective effort to be able to gain it all by losing it all.

In this vein, Marxist-Leninist thinking says we must deconstruct to reconstruct the revolutionary. This concept describes how working-class consciousness is formed. It involves stripping away internalized bourgeois ideologies and replacing them with a strict scientific, class-based worldview to mold effective revolutionary cadres. Amílcar Cabral, the anti-colonial leader of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, presents an upshot to this thinking with the concept of class suicide. This is a revolutionary concept, coined by Cabral, arguing that for the privileged petty bourgeoisie to successfully lead a national liberation movement, they must abandon their class interests and embrace the struggles, culture, and material reality of the working masses.

In the process, our attentions are shifted away from material loss or gain towards redefining shared success and discovering intrinsic fulfilment. It involves recognising that material objects provide only temporary satisfaction, pivoting societal focus toward collective growth, meaningful materialism, and authentic civic connections in the shape of patriotism. In fine, what we give our attention; we give our power. It’s time we gave our attention to a better Uganda.

Talk us through your previous ministerial appointment to the Lands docket…

Being appointed Minister of Lands took me by surprise. I didn’t plan for it. I didn’t lobby for it. President Museveni rang me and said, ‘I’m taking you, come and serve with me. The country is for all of us’.

I remember my first day in office. I was wondering what I was supposed to do because there was nobody to induct me. So, I asked: Why are people suffering in these land issues?

Number one, corruption. I knew corruption comes when there is no structure and no procedure for doing things. Number two, I said I must find out what happens in these land registries. I made my first visit around Kampala.

I went to Masindi, Lira and found that there was little business and very little organisational structure. People were never in the office, and no work was being done. I had not given them advance notice that I was coming.

So, I asked which was the biggest land office in Uganda. I was told Wakiso, which brings in Shs3b per day into the coffers of the government in terms of Stamp Duty, mortgage registration and transfers. I decided to start from there.

I did my research because I wanted to find out what happens there [at the Wakiso land office]. One word came out: Mess. […] I ordered the closure of the office until Tuesday of the following week.

During the period, security was deployed there. […] The office was reopened under circumstances I can’t explain here. The good thing is it was opened, and everybody was ordered to go back, but a task force was immediately put in place.

As I talk now, Wakiso land office, especially the Busiro section, is a centre of excellence. It is a one-stop centre. There is a bank there. As soon as they assess what you have to pay, it is paid at the bank, and the transaction is done. I understand the mortgage can be done the same day you submit.

Having done Busiro, I decided to go to Bukalasa [in Luweero District], where I found another mess. I did the same-dismissed people who were there. I was told it can’t be done and that there was someone untouchable. I went for him.

Now, Bukalasa is nearly completed. The biggest land practices are Wakiso, Bukalasa and Mukono. If you get those right, then you have sorted out almost everything.

There is still work to be done, but we had to start somewhere. Now those same offices testify that from the Shs100m they were collecting before my actions, the three land offices-Wakiso, Bukalasa and Mukono-now collect Shs1 trillion in Stamp Duty.

How have you been applying the law as the Lands minister?

Section 48 of the Registration of Titles Act, I think, prioritises titles. The first prevails over the others. So, mine was to say: Bring your titles […] I would say this is the right one, and then order the cancellation of the others.

Now [President Museveni] has directed the perfection of the Land Information System, where everything is digitalised. You enter the title; the system tells you whether there is already an existing one. You want to get a title in a forest, the system tells you this is a forest, you can’t have a title in it.

Now, the main issues are that the majority of the people on the land have no titles. They are legal, bona fide occupants. But the law gives them security of occupancy, and that has created another problem.

You have now created two owners on the same piece of land. I have a title which is recognised by the Constitution. That is the only way land is vested in me. But there are people occupying that land, and another Article grants them security of occupancy. So, his occupancy is guaranteed constitutionally.

That is where the clash is. People have refused to recognise the limitations put on the title by the Land Act. It says if the legal bona fide occupant pays the rent, then don’t touch him. But how much is that rent? Shs5,000. Even the cost of collecting that rent is higher.

So, the title holders quote the Registration Act, which states that the person whose name appears on the title is the owner of the land. But the man occupying the land, says the Constitution guarantees me occupancy and that’s fortified by the Land Act.

So, now the Kibanja holder [bona fide occupant] doesn’t have the title to take to the bank to get credit or a loan. But also, the title owner can’t get a loan from the bank because the land is full of bona fide occupants.

The problem is legal-you can’t have two people on the same piece of land, both claiming ownership of the land and both recognised by the law. That must be separated, and it requires a constitutional provision.

There are four tenures. The Bibanja holders have no land invested in them. So, they are discriminated against constitutionally. They have never put in place a law where the Bibanja holders would have titles. There must be a constitutional amendment to ensure that it is revised.

When you look at all tenures, they all end up being freehold. There is a provision that allows a leasehold to be converted to freehold. Customary can be converted to freehold, freehold is freehold, Mailo is freehold.

Let us have a constitutional amendment: Let us have one tenure, and whoever is on the Kibanja should get a title. I see no problem with each Kibanja holder getting a title of the land he is occupying and getting a freehold title for it.

I think the issue is the compensation value, but we can say give me Shs5,000 for 100 years, which can’t even get to Shs1m. It is useless keeping things the way they are because of compensation value.

The chief government valuer three years ago came out with the valuation of Shs47 trillion-that’s what the government requires to compensate landlords so that Bibanja holders can have titles. I confronted him and asked on what basis he came up with this? What is the beneficial interest that justifies paying these trillions?

First of all, when there is a Kibanja holder, there is no beneficial value except Shs5,000. Eventually, when you investigate you find that there are those behind him who don’t want this thing to happen.

Is that all to Uganda’s land question?

There is somebody who owns land, but we don’t know under which law he owns it. Ninety-one square miles of land belong to the traditional ruler [Kabaka] of Buganda. I always ask them under which law does he own the land? Then they tell me there was a Restitution Act. How can you restitute what wasn’t taken?

The law is very clear that what is restored is what was confiscated by the 1967 Constitution. There is nothing that was confiscated from them under the 1967 Constitution.

Even a simple look at the history is clear: the beginning was the 1900 agreement, which divided Buganda into two-half private mailo, half went to government, it became public land.

Now private mailo was divided into two-official mailo and private mailo. Official mailo was the public land on which the Ssazzas, Gombolala resided. The official mailo was governed by the 1919 official ordinance, which clearly states how that land is governed. It is that Act that governed that land until 1967.

The other one that went to the public was under the Crown Ordinance of 1903, and in 1962, when we were about to get independence, the government put in place the Public Land Ordinance. It converted the Crown Lands into freehold and created district land boards and federal land boards in which the public land was transferred.

Buganda, for example, the government created federal body called the Buganda Land Board; not this one you are hearing about: The limited one. This one was a statutory body and it was in all federal units of the body.

Then, in 1966, what I call a successful revolution happened, and all these federal units were swept away. So public land came from the federal boards to the Uganda Land Commission. So, which land was confiscated from them? Nothing.

There must be an amendment to bring the Traditional Rulers Act to conform with the Constitution. Anybody, who claims that he has land and claims that the Traditional Rulers Act to be his authority, he has air.

What will be your modus operandi as Uganda’s Attorney General?

I think my fidelity to the law is going to be key. As head of the bar, I’m supposed to ensure that the Bar has a good relationship with the Judiciary and with [the] government. The issue is the performance of the Judiciary. The lawyers aren’t satisfied, and the public is unsatisfied.

The song of the Judiciary was that they don’t have enough judges. They don’t have enough retirement packages. Even their current package isn’t good. Even the premises they operate in aren’t good.

Ugandan judges, when you look at the African continent, are the best paid. And when they are retired, they go with three-quarters of their emoluments up to the time of their departure from this world.

The number of judicial officials has increased. Office accommodation has improved. […] The Judiciary has run out of excuses. Why aren’t they performing? We have given suggestions. The law already provides that where such a situation exists, I think the Chief Justice can turn to the Bar, and any litigant can be appointed as an acting judge.

For example, 30 advocates can be appointed as acting judges in the lands [division], and they go back to their Bar. The Judiciary will remain with its lean staff, and the government will not have to recruit bodyguards or buy new cars.

At the stroke of a pen, a temporary budget, which is not part of the current one, will cover these 30 lawyers who are now acting judges, and the backlog will be eliminated within two or three years.

Why isn’t this done, and instead, you ask for a bigger perk? You ask for bigger cars. You ask for bigger numbers. This is not sustainable.

A little story that many people merely skim over. For 40 years, between 1115 and 1075 BC, Israel was led by Eli the high priest. Pre-monarchy days. Eli was a fusion of executive, priestly, legislative, and judicial power, all exercised at the Sanctuary at Shiloh. Towards the end of the 40 years, as his sun began to set, Eli, old and tired, began to relinquish control of the nation to his sons Hophni and Phinehas. His biggest mistake – which caused catastrophe for the nation, and eventually brought down God’s judgment in devastating fashion.

Being a great leader doesn’t always mean your children have the ability to fit in your shoes – or are even worthy to try them on for size. The two boys were a ‘gruesome two-some’: a joint enterprise of criminality, corruption, and oppression. Hophni and Phinehas wrought oppression in Israel with incredible arrogance and ‘what-can-you-do?’ impunity. They robbed worshippers, intimidated people, and treated God’s house and the State as private property. They even sexually exploited women who served at the tabernacle. The victims were ordinary people.

See, as a theocracy, everything in Israel rotated around the Sanctuary. People came to worship or seek justice – and encountered predators. The very institution that should have protected them became the source of their suffering. Naturally, the Israelites were like, ‘Where is God?’ ‘Does He not see?’ ‘Does He not care?’ ‘What did we do to Him that He should forsake us so?’ ‘Who can stop them?’ ‘Who will investigate them?’ ‘Who will judge the judge’s sons?’ Theory cats posit that justice delayed is justice denied; but this is not always the case with the Lord, because His ways and timing are often at odds with those of humans. Because of that, those with power often mistake God’s seeming silence and delay for approval.

Eli, old and comfortable, ignored the cries of the people and the warnings of the Lord. He let his sons continue their impunity. When power becomes concentrated, and impunity becomes a governing philosophy, and those entrusted with oversight become protectors of wrongdoing rather than guardians against it, ordinary people begin to feel helpless. Israel was desperate. Human accountability had failed because the accountability mechanisms themselves had been captured. The father, who should discipline them, would not. The institution that should restrain them was controlled by them. The victims had nowhere to appeal. But the Bible is clear here: when you oppress the helpless, you insult the God who made them. So, heaven intervened, with both immediate and long-term consequences.

A simple, routine battle against familiar and inferior foes – the Philistines – unexpectedly went south! Hophni and Phinehas, the untouchables of Israel, were killed. Eli, shocked at the unexpected news, collapsed, falling backwards and breaking his neck. God was not merely judging a negligent father; He was judging a national leader who allowed impunity to flourish on his watch. Eli was not the perpetrator, but he was the enabler. On hearing Phinehas was dead, his wife went into labour prematurely and, after delivering the baby, died in bitterness and anguish. That is why unchecked evil is so dangerous: by the time judgment arrives, it sweeps through far more lives than those who started the wrongdoing.

In a single day, the family that had dominated Israel’s religious and judicial life for 40 years was wiped out, its grip on power effectively extinguished. And the Lord imposed a curse: every descendant of Eli would die in their prime – none would get grey hair, and they would no more lead Israel. God’s judgment on Eli’s house was not merely death; it was the destruction of continuity, inheritance, and future influence. The succession plan was terminated. The dynasty ended right there. The old order collapsed; a new one emerged – Samuel took over.

The story of Eli is many things. Impunity. The accountability and vicarious liability of a parent. Authority sorely abused. The failure of State institutions. More critically, Eli’s story speaks sharply to the certainty of divine judgment: the Lord may seem afar off and silent. But, at the appointed time, He strikes with a firmness and finality that reminds humans that this world has an Owner and He is always watching.

Before, during, and after sunset, trucks, motorcycles, and tricycles roar along dusty roads in West Nile, winding through woodlands loaded with timber, charcoal, and wildlife from protected zones across the 13 districts bordering South Sudan and DR Congo.

From a distance the vehicles appear to carry agricultural produce. But beneath tarpaulins lie hundreds of bags of freshly made charcoal, logs, and wildlife products destined for urban markets hundreds of kilometres away. Environmental activists, local leaders, and conservation experts say it is a nature crime network thriving in the region.

The trade includes illegal logging, charcoal burning, timber trafficking, and wildlife smuggling. It is eating away at ecosystems that communities have depended on for generations. Interviews with locals, leaders, conservationists and authorities reveal a web fueled by poverty, weak enforcement, market demand, and cross-border trafficking.

The result is an ecological crisis already felt through shrinking forest cover, unpredictable weather, degraded land, and declining wildlife. From Pakwach to Adjumani, huge tree stumps dot former woodlands and hillsides once covered in indigenous trees now stand exposed to erosion.

Adjumani resident Solomon Agwe gave the history on Thursday: ‘Back then in the 1990s, there used to be Mvule trees that gave Adjumani a unique identity. The trees used to be part of us because they provided a cool environment and support for ecosystems. But they are gone.’

He said those involved ‘have acquired land in the forests, especially Zoka forest and East Madi Wildlife reserve in Adjumani, Mt Kei in Yumbe district. Despite the directives by the President, the charcoal business has continued.’

Mr Agwe noted that illegal loggers and wildlife traffickers use tricks and technology ahead of conservationists.

Boda boda rider Joseph Anyanzo, who once ferried charcoal from Zoka forest, told Daily Monitor on Wednesday: ‘I have ever transported bags of charcoal from Zoka forest at night to a location that I was directed to take them. At first, I didn’t know it was by the illegal loggers. They could pay me Shs 20,000 per trip.’

He added: ‘Upon realising that it is for the illegal loggers, I moved out of the business because it was risky and realised that they were finishing our trees.’

Anyanzo now faces the effects: ‘During the dry season that starts in December to March, it is like you are in hell. You just burn. It is because people have cut down most natural trees for timber and charcoal.’

Investigations show the lucrative charcoal business operates under the watch of security personnel. Mature trees like Afzelia Africana, Mahogany, Mvule and Shea Nut are cut, converted into charcoal, logs and timber, then sold to traders for Kampala and other urban markets where demand remains high.

Mr Mustafa Gerima, activist with Save the Shea Nut Foundation in Yumbe, said: ‘We have been fighting this vice, but with minimal efforts, because it is like a cat-and-mouse game.’

‘I shed tears when I see trucks loaded with charcoal or timber leaving West Nile. This has left us reeling with unpredictable weather patterns. Unfortunately, the army and police that are meant to enforce the law are part of the racket. The few sacks they impound end up being bought by the same people,’ he noted.

Underneath the trade are tricks to avoid detection. Charcoal burners use kilns in remote places and cover logs with soil to kill smoke. Motorcycles transport sacks to village collection points before trucks load at night when monitoring is limited. A resident of Kei in Yumbe, Salama Sali, said: ‘Deep in the night, you would hear motorcycles moving at a fast speed. By the time leaders or law enforcement wake up, charcoal is already far from here.’

Traffickers also mix illegal timber with legal consignments, use forged permits, recycled documentation, and informants on roadblocks. The geography makes monitoring hard with extensive borders through remote areas.

On June 10, police PRO North West Nile Collins Asea said a group fled Zoka forest after officers found them loading mahogany and Afzelia logs. ‘A total of 63 pieces of timber were recovered, with 21 pieces retained as evidence. Illegal logging and the harvesting and transportation of forest products have been persistent issues in the Madi sub-region,’ he said.

Despite President Museveni’s May 2023 Executive Order No. 3 banning large-scale commercial charcoal production in Northern Uganda, enforcement has expanded to small-scale use while traders use panya routes to escape.

Wildlife crime is also rampant. Team Leader of Zoka Forest William Amanzuru said: ‘People feed on bushmeat, and here they call it ‘black charcoal’. The different species of animals in East Madi Wildlife are no more because of this crime.’

He noted nature crime is ‘heavily militarised, which traffickers and illegal loggers use as a shield. The law on nature crime is a bit weak, and the traffickers and loggers use that loophole maximally.’

The Executive Director of Civic Advisory Hub, Yona Wanjala, said: ‘Nature crime is not a single offence, it is organised. It is a chain that is aided by different stakeholders from dealers, transporters, law enforcers, the local communities and even the banking sector.’

UWA Executive Director Dr John Musinguzi said a DNA Wildlife forensic laboratory launched this month will help prosecute poachers by identifying species and origin of meat. UWA recorded 367 poaching cases between February and June 2020, more than double the 163 cases in the same period in 2019.

Globally, environmental crime is the third-largest criminal economy after counterfeiting and drug trafficking, generating $110-281 billion annually and growing 5-7% per year, according to the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime.`

After dominating national boxing competitions with an impressive haul of 12 trophies and several championship belts, Lukanga Boxing Club has now shifted focus from the ring to the community, unveiling a new initiative aimed at grooming the next generation of boxing champions.

The initiative, launched during the club’s annual celebrations in Kampala, will see former boxing legends like 2000 Sydney Olympian Muhammad Kizito, aka Sande Swico and senior athletes attached to the club return to communities to identify, mentor and train talented young people.

Speaking at the event, the founder of the club, (Jjajja) Samuel Lukaga, said the programme is intended to strengthen grassroots boxing and sustain the club’s legacy of producing national champions.

‘We have embarked on training the younger generation from different communities. All the legends produced by Lukanga Boxing Club have been tasked to give back to society by identifying young talents who can become future champions,’ Lukaga said during the victory party in Masajja, on Entebbe Road.

Founded in 1992, Lukanga has become one of Uganda’s most successful boxing institutions by winning titles, producing celebrated national team boxers and coaches.

Discipline

Lukaga said the club’s success has not been accidental, but rather a result of discipline, patience and long-term investment in talent development.

‘The club does not grow because of the number of fighters but because of the victories we achieve. That is why we want to produce fighters capable of breaking through the national team,’ he said.

The renowned boxing enthusiast added that boxing champions are built over time through consistency and proper mentorship.

‘The team that wins trophies must first train for more than 10 years. I started as a coach to produce more coaches and legends who can continue transforming boxing,’ he added.

The celebrations were marked by jubilation after the club’s excellence in the national championships, sweeping trophies across different categories.

At the National Novices Championship, Lukanga dominated the Juniors, Youth, and Elite categories.

The dominance continued in the Intermediates Championship in March, where the club again won the Juniors, Youth, and Elite titles despite some but unstained challenge from Brawn Boxing Club, in the elite category.

Record

In April, Lukanga retained the National Open title for a record seventh time, again winning all age categories thanks to stars like cruiserweight Ismail Kanyike, middleweight Yannick Monga, light flyweight Nelson Oluoch, light middleweight Brian Kidega, and captain light welterweight Reagan Magumba, among others.

‘In total, the club walked away with 12 trophies from the three national competitions,’ said the club manager, Daniel Musanje, adding that the club also secured individual championship belts through outstanding individual performances.

Bruno Kakande claimed the light flyweight belt, while Farahat Manirola, who also doubles as a professional, won the light welterweight belt.

Another standout performer is Resty Nanono, who won the women’s welterweight division.

The club also scooped awards for best team, best coach, and best player after collecting 112 points, almost three times the number of points gathered by second-placed Cobap, who managed only 42 points, while Brawn Boxing Club got 37 points.

Lynnet Lenz, manager Galiya Furniture, one of the partners and supporters congratulated the club for maintaining a winning culture and promoting discipline among young athletes.

‘We pledge to remain working with Lukanga Boxing Club, and these wins have given us the courage to stand with the club in all the competitions for more victories,’ she said, urging the athletes to remain focused and determined if they are to achieve greater success.

‘You must remain strong and focused so that you continue winning and shining the light of Lukanga Boxing Club,’ she said.

Best female

Sawuya Nawudo was among the standout performers. The Global High School student emerged the best female boxer after winning gold medals in Novices, Intermediates, and National Open.

The rising boxer, who joined boxing only last year, said the sport has transformed her life and enabled her to showcase her talent on national platforms.

She attributed her success to her coach, Grasan Kakande, whom she credited for mentoring and guiding young athletes.

She added that the coach has equipped the athletes with different tactics and techniques that have enabled them to defeat opponents in several competitions.

However, ‘I need a manager who can support me financially with equipment to help me continue to advance my career,’ she said.

Meanwhile, Laura Ndagire, of Brawn Boxing Club, said her club is now prioritising the empowerment of the girlchild through boxing.

‘This year we have put emphasis on bringing more girls on board so that we can promote boxing in the country,’ Ndagire said.

She noted that although boxing was previously a male-dominated sport, more girls are now embracing it and excelling.

‘Previously, it was hard to have girls in the ring, but now many are participating. Lukanga has supported us in bringing more girls into boxing, and many of them have already won different competitions,’ she added.

Future

Sports enthusiasts say the growing involvement of women and youths in boxing is a positive sign for the future of the sport in Uganda.

For Lukanga Boxing Club, however, the mission goes beyond winning belts and trophies. The club believes boxing can transform lives, create opportunities, and empower young people from disadvantaged communities.

With club legends returning to communities to mentor upcoming athletes, the club hopes to extend its influence beyond the ring and continue shaping Uganda’s boxing future for generations to come.

Petrol pumps have become incongruous noticeboards of Uganda’s economic anxieties because every adjustment on the price board sends ripples through taxi parks, trading centres, supermarkets and households. It is a reminder to consumers that the cost of fuel shapes and determines their daily life.

In recent weeks, the price of petrol fuel has climbed as high as Shs6,600 per litre. This has increasingly necessitated the question about the viability of Uganda’s oil reserves, which were discovered nearly two decades ago. According to Prof Ezra Suruma, the oil could help ease the burden of expensive fuel.

Speaking to The Transcript, the economist, a former Finance minister, former deputy governor of Bank of Uganda (BoU) and former Chancellor of Makerere University, talked about oil with the caution of a man who has spent a lifetime studying how nations succeed and how they fail.

‘The real question is how oil can transform the economy,’ he offered, observing that Uganda currently imports most of its petroleum products, a dependence which leaves the country exposed to global price shocks, supply disruptions and foreign exchange pressures.

While oil production alone will not automatically translate into cheaper fuel, Prof Suruma believes strategic investments in refining, infrastructure and industrialisation could strengthen Uganda’s energy security and reduce some of its vulnerabilities.

Across Uganda, rising fuel costs have become a recurring concern for families and businesses alike. The economic pinch is felt by transport operators whose margins continue to shrink, then traders who have to pass on higher costs to consumers and manufacturers worrying about the impact on production expenses.

Prof Suruma notes that these realities reinforce the importance of thinking beyond the immediate gains associated with oil revenues. Natural resources, he argues, have little value if they do not contribute to broader economic transformation.

Childhood values

The former Finance minister’s remark speaks to the conviction that shaped much of his public life. Before he occupied some of the most influential offices in Uganda, Prof Suruma was a boy growing up in Kigezi, a region known for its terraced hills, hardworking communities and deep appreciation for education.

The lessons he learnt there would stay with him throughout his life. He speaks fondly of the values discipline, honesty, hard work and a belief in the transformative power of education.

These values-instilled by his family and community-have carried Prof Suruma through his academic journey and eventually to the United States (US), where he pursued higher education in economics and finance. The experience broadened his understanding of global economic systems while strengthening his desire to contribute to Uganda’s development.

When he returned home, Prof Suruma found a country navigating enormous challenges. Uganda’s economy was recovering from years of instability. Institutions were being rebuilt, and confidence needed to be restored. The economist became part of a generation of professionals tasked with helping shape a new economic direction.

Rebuilding Uganda

His work at Uganda’s central bank placed him at the centre of critical reforms aimed at stabilising the economy and strengthening financial institutions. Later, as managing director of Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB), he found himself involved in one of the most sensitive debates in the country’s financial history.

He remains passionate about indigenous participation in economic development and often speaks about the importance of building strong local institutions capable of supporting national growth. Ditto liberalisation.

‘In 1990, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund, Michel Camdessus, visited Uganda. I had just been promoted from director of research to the high-profile position of deputy governor of the central bank. After Camdessus arrived, he was immediately ushered into the State House to meet President Museveni, and I was privileged to be present. He immediately went to the issue of freely floating the exchange rate. The President answered that we were still contemplating the matter,’ Prof Suruma writes in his 2014 book Advancing the Ugandan Economy: A Personal Account.

‘Camdessus suggested that we could send a delegation to other African countries, which were floating their exchange rates, and learn from their experience. The President agreed. A few weeks later, I was instructed to head a team of five officials to visit Ghana, Malawi, and Mauritius to find out how those countries were managing their foreign currency rates. […] Upon returning, our team recommended that foreign currency bureaus be permitted to operate freely in Uganda,’ he adds.

His appointment as Finance minister further expanded his influence. The ministry gave him a front-row seat to Uganda’s development aspirations and challenges. During his tenure, the country experienced strong economic growth and increasing international confidence. He has, however, never shied away from the fact that Uganda pretty much remains a work in progress.

‘The main challenge is to convert Uganda’s macroeconomic level achievements (such as improvements in economic growth, reflected in an annual average growth rate of about 6.0 percent from 1987 to 2018) into economic development-that is, visible improvements in Uganda’s poorest households,’ he writes in Advancing the Ugandan Economy.

‘This challenge is perhaps best exemplified by the current situation: despite Uganda’s significant progress in macroeconomic performance, its poverty level remains a stubborn problem, especially in the rural areas where the absolute number of people living below the poverty line has actually been increasing,’ Prof Suruma adds in his 2014 book.

The resource curse

As a matter of fact, Prof Suruma remains cautious about celebrating growth figures in isolation. His argument is that economic progress must ultimately improve people’s lives in respect of employment and improved household income. Statistics are important, but they are only meaningful when they translate into tangible improvements for ordinary citizens.

This same philosophy informs his thinking on oil. Many countries have discovered valuable natural resources only to become trapped by corruption, wasteful spending and over-dependence on a single commodity. Economists call it the resource curse.

Prof Suruma argues that oil revenues should be invested in sectors which can generate lasting value through increased productivity and support for farmers and expanding value addition.

Manufacturing, technology, tourism and education feature prominently in his vision of economic transformation. Uganda’s future prosperity, he suggests, cannot rest solely on what lies beneath the ground but must also come from what citizens produce above it.

As our interview progresses, the conversation shifts from economics to leadership. The former Finance minister repeatedly returns to themes of stewardship and responsibility. He observes that leadership is about making decisions that benefit future generations.

His years as Chancellor of Makerere University deepened his appreciation for the role young people will play in shaping Uganda’s future. He believes Uganda’s most valuable resource is its people.

As such, investing in human capital offers the highest return any nation can achieve. The observation carries particular weight coming from someone whose own life was transformed by educational opportunities.

The resource blessing

Uganda’s oil story, he believes, will ultimately be defined by the wisdom with which those reserves are managed because the resource offers possibilities which shape hope for economic growth, but it also demands discipline if it is to be valuable for generations of Ugandans yet to come.

Two prongs on Uganda’s oil story are a takeaway in his 2014 book. He writes that, ‘the people of Uganda must wake up to the unprecedented amount of money that will be coming into the country from the sale of oil. […] When the oil companies sell the petroleum to other countries, they will first deduct the cost of producing the oil and then pay the government of Uganda an amount equal to about 65 percent of the balance from the oil exports. […] the companies are [also] required to pay a tax on their profits and a royalty payment for mining the oil in Uganda.’

He added: ‘In my estimation, as much as 50 percent of the net revenue from oil could be placed at the disposal of Uganda, by means of a ‘Uganda Petroleum Wealth Fund.’ […].’

For now, though, ordinary Ugandans are preoccupied with just how they will manage to fill their tanks amid global shocks that have pushed pump prices up to punishing levels.

Forty-one years ago, the British government issued a statement in London in defence of the government of President Milton Obote. The June 19, 1985, statement claims that Obote’s rule until then was worse than that of former President, Idi Amin, was ‘unacceptable’.

Amin was at the time living in exile in the Saudi Arabian town of Jeddah, having been kicked out of power on April 11, 1979, after eight years in which anywhere between 100,000 and 500,000 people were reportedly killed, with 10,000 reportedly killed in his first year in power. Amin died in August 2003.

Obote, who had been ousted by Amin in January 1971, had lived in exile in Tanzania until he returned to Uganda on May 27, 1980, to lead the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) into the December 1980 elections.

He bounced back as president after his UPC party was declared the winner of the elections with 75 seats in Parliament, followed by the Democratic Party (DP) of Dr Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere, which had 50 seats.

Amnesty report

The British government’s statement was issued eight days after the global human rights watchdog, Amnesty International, released a 64-page report that accused the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) of committing serious atrocities against the civilian population in Luweero Triangle and other parts of the country in its war against the National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels and other rebel outfits that had taken up arms against it.

The report, which the watchdog said was the product of a compilation made over a four-and-a-half-year period, was issued on June 11, 1985. The report accused the UNLA of, among other crimes, torture, rape, murder and extortion.

The report detailed allegations of harassment of suspected sympathisers of the National Resistance Movement/Army (NRM/A) and supporters of the political opposition, especially those of the biggest Opposition party then, DP and those of the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM), the party that rebel leader Yoweri Museveni had led into the controversial 1980 general elections.

Worth noting is the fact that Mr Museveni was also a candidate in the Mbarara North parliamentary elections, where Mr Sam Kuteesa was the DP candidate. Mr Guchwa Mingyi was the UPC candidate. Mr Kuteesa won the seat with 15,657 votes, followed by Mr Mingyi, who garnered 12,747 votes. Mr Museveni came last with 12,682 votes.

Torture

The report accused the UNLA of illegally detaining civilians in military garrisons where they would be subjected to torture.

‘For the past four and a half years, Amnesty International has been concerned about persistent reports of the widespread and systematic use of torture against detainees in Uganda. Those most at risk are civilians unlawfully imprisoned for political reasons in military barracks where the use of torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment is routine,’ the report read in part.

It added that some of those who had been subjected to torture appeared ‘unconnected with the armed opposition to President Obote’s government’.

The report further claimed that many of the victims of torture had ‘disappeared’ in custody and were feared dead.

Whereas the government had consistently denied reports of widespread torture, the report said, a variety of sources, including torture victims who had been released, associates and members of families of some of the victims and former security operatives, had pointed the watchdog’s investigators and researchers to places where acts of torture were being carried out.

The report listed Makindye Military Police Barracks and the UNLA barracks of Lubiri and Kireka as some of the military installations that gained notoriety insofar as torture was concerned.

The watchdog reported that it had commissioned two medical doctors, a surgeon and a forensic pathologist to examine 16 people who had been held at different times between 1981 and 1985 and confirmed that all, but one, had been tortured.

‘One of these did not bear physical scars consistent with her account of ill-treatment. The remaining 15 displayed physical signs and described symptoms consistent with their accounts of being tortured,’ the report noted.

Torture methods

The report also accused the army and National Security Agency (Nasa) of employing an array of diabolical methods of torture, including deliberate congestion of cells, which had forced detainees to sleep in ‘squatting positions one behind the other’.

‘In or outside the ‘quarter guard’, new prisoners are usually beaten with iron bars, cable, pieces of wood into which nails have been driven, rifle butts, and pangas (machetes) or hammers. In some cases, prisoners are alleged to have died as a result,’ the report disclosed.

Other forms of torture include denying prisoners food and water, especially in a cell known as ‘go-down’ in Makindye.

‘People often begged for your urine because they had gone so long without water,’ a former detainee is said to have told the watchdog.

Some other methods include routine beatings and burning, which consisted of tying the victim down with a car tyre suspended over them and setting the tyre on fire so that the molten rubber could drip on the victims’ limbs; or by having a red-hot cooking-stove coil placed against their faces, necks, chests and thighs.

In other instances, the report said prisoners were descended upon with iron bars and gun butts, while others were killed by hitting their heads on walls.

Women, including pregnant ones, the report claimed, had been raped while in detention, which had in some cases led to miscarriages.

Unlawful detentions

The report also accused the UNLA and Nasa of holding political prisoners incommunicado in military barracks, intelligence headquarters or secret prisons run by Nasa. The detainees in military garrisons and installations, the report said, were always informed that they were either anti-government guerrillas or had knowledge of the guerrillas.

The Nile Mansions Hotel, Park Hotel, Kamukuzi in Mbarara, Ihungu in Masindi, Mpoma Earth Satellite Station in Mukono and some Nasa-run ‘safe houses’ were listed as some of the other places where people were being unlawfully detained.

The watchdog also accused the army of having set up within the Luweero Triangle, camps where suspects who had been arrested in the capital, Kampala, and Bunyoro, where widespread arrests had been reported in May 1985, were being detained. The detention camps had reportedly been set up in Katikamu, Bowa, Mityana, Bukomero and Kabunyata.

The detention camps, the report stated, did not have basic amenities like toilet facilities. Detainees were being forced to use either buckets or empty oil drums that were said to be located within the same rooms where they were being held.

Deaths

The report further claimed that many detainees had died in Kireka and Makindye barracks.

‘It is reported that many prisoners die in the ‘go-down’, either from starvation or as a result of their beatings. Their bodies may not be removed for up to two weeks,’ said the report.

The watchdog claimed that mass graves had been dug up near some military installations, adding that it had been informed by some former detainees that they had on several occasions been forced to go out at night and load dead bodies onto lorry trucks and Land Rover trucks, which would then ferry the bodies to mass graves for burial.

‘In 1984, an Australian television crew filmed an open mass grave within a few hundred yards of an army barracks. Interviewed by the television reporter, a Ugandan Government representative said that he did not know who was responsible,’ the report said.

The report, which claimed that there were other mass graves in Namanve and Luweero, did not name the government official who was quoted by the Australian television crew.

The report also listed cases where children or members of families that were considered to be well off would be arrested and taken to those military detention facilities for purposes of extorting their families, who would be forced to pay some kind of ransom to obtain their release.

Conclusions

The report concluded by calling on the government to investigate the allegations of torture; state where those who had reportedly ‘disappeared’ were; ensure that confessions obtained through torture are never used in law; compensation of victims of torture and dependents of those who had ‘disappeared’ and; prosecution of perpetrators of rights abuses.