Category: Daily Monitor

On Mother’s Day, Paige Atwiine does not make plans.

While others mark the day with calls, visits, and social media tributes, she often withdraws into herself, avoiding the celebrations as much as she can. It is not resentment, she explains, but a feeling she has never quite been able to shake.

‘Those days; Christmas, Easter, Mother’s Day, they make me feel so sad. Even when I am surrounded by people, I feel like… where is my family?’ she says.

It is a question engrained in a childhood marked by loss.

Atwiine’s father died when she was just three months old. Her mother passed away when she was 10. Between those two losses, and in subsequent years, she moved through different homes, growing up under the care of relatives who stepped in where they could.

Her earliest years after her mother’s death were spent with a cousin who had just started working as a primary school teacher in a rural area. Life there was simple and structured, and it introduced her to responsibility at an early age.

‘It was quite a different environment, far from Kampala. ‘But it taught me how to live with a family, how to adjust,’ she recalls.

After about three years, she moved to her paternal uncle’s home in Kampala, once his circumstances had stabilised. There, her life took on a different rhythm. One that, in many ways, resembled a typical childhood.

‘Growing up with my uncle was a good experience. It was a complete home with parents. We had tuition, food, and holidays. We went sightseeing even beyond borders,’ she says.

Her uncle’s job allowed the family a modest but comfortable life. At 12, she boarded a plane for the first time, an experience she still remembers clearly, one that many may not have experienced.

‘It felt like a normal childhood,’ she says.

She grew up alongside her cousins, many of them close to her age, sharing daily routines and family life. From the outside, there was little to suggest that anything was missing. But for Atwiine, there was always an awareness that her situation was different.

A mother remembered in fragments

Atwiine’s memories of her mother are few and mainly tied to sensory detail.

‘I remember she cooked rice and groundnuts. And she had flowers outside her house… purple, maroon,’ she says.

She pauses, as if trying to reach further back.

‘That is what I remember.’

She was about five years old at the time of that visit. Her parents’ families had not agreed after her father’s death, and her mother had returned to her own home. Decisions about where Atwiine should live were influenced as much by financial capability as by family ties.

‘My father’s family could afford school fees and a good home. So it became about what is good for the child, not necessarily being with my mother,’ she explains.

As a result, she grew up largely away from her.

Even now, her mother’s face is not something she can easily recall.

‘I cannot remember her face unless I see a photo. And sometimes I even doubt if it is really her,’ she says.

Yet, for years, the idea of her mother offered a sense of comfort.

‘All my life, I told myself I have a mother somewhere. Even if I did not see her, I believed she loved me. That was my consolation when things were hard,’ she says.

The terrible journey

When Atwiine was 10, a message came through that her mother was unwell and that she should go and see her.

For Atwiine, it was a moment she had long imagined.

‘I was so excited. I wanted to tell her everything; what I had gone through, who had been kind, who had not. I wanted to just be with my mother,’ she says.

She set off on the journey believing she would finally have that chance. Somewhere along the way, the story changed.

‘We were travelling from Kampala to Kabale. I thought I was going to see her in hospital,’ she recalls.

Instead, before they reached their destination, she was told that her mother had died.

‘I started wailing. People on the bus were asking what was wrong with me,’ she says.

When her aunt explained, the reaction was immediate.

‘They were saying, ‘Bambi, poor child, poor child.”

At the burial, she was asked to view the body.

‘I could not bring myself to do it. I did not want that to be my last image of her,’ she says.

Still, fragments of that moment stayed with her; the sight of the coffin, the brief glimpse of a face, the finality of the burial.

‘I remember the grave,’ she says quietly.

That day marked a shift in how she understood her world.

‘I sat myself down and told myself I am now alone. Because all my life, the only consolation I had was that I have a mother somewhere,’ she says.

With that gone, she felt she had nothing left to hold onto.

Raised by many, shaped differently

In the years that followed, Atwiine was raised by a network of relatives who took on different roles in her life. Her uncle became a central figure, providing stability and structure.

‘I feel like he filled both the father and mother gap more than anyone else,’ she says.

Her uncle’s wife also stepped into a motherly role, taking on the day-to-day responsibilities of raising her.

‘She did her best. She never missed my visitation days at school,’ Atwiine recounts.

But the relationship was not without its challenges.

‘There were things she would say about me, about my body. And those things stayed,’ Atwiine says.

Even now, as an adult, she finds herself shaped by those early comments.

‘I still hear that voice telling me what I can or cannot wear,’ she admits.

Later, living with her paternal aunt as she prepared for university, Atwiine found different care. One that focused more on affirmation and guidance.

‘She talked to me about my body. She told me I had a beautiful body, that I was fine. If anyone says anything now, I remember what she told me,’ Atwiine says.’

Her aunt also took practical steps to support her, including taking her to a gynaecologist when need arose.

Looking back, she sees each of these women as having played a role, none fully replacing her mother, but each contributing in different ways.

Growing up without desired guidance

Despite the support she received, there were areas of her life where Atwiine felt lonely.

One of the most difficult was navigating puberty.

When she got her first period in Primary Six, she did not tell anyone.

‘For a whole year, I used cloth and toilet paper. I was scared to tell my aunt,’ she says.

She relied on what she had learnt in school; basic lessons delivered during sessions for girls, but much of it was trial and error.

‘I would wash the cloth and hide it in the room. Sometimes I would stain my uniform, so I would tie a sweater around my waist,’ she recounts.

It was only later, when the situation was discovered, that it came into the open.

By secondary school, access to sanitary products became easier, but the experience had already left its mark.

‘There are things you figure out on your own. But maybe if I had a mother, she would have told me,’ she says.

The part that remains missing

Atwiine says despite everything she received growing up, there is a part of her experience that remains incomplete.

‘They did 90 percent, but there is always that 10 percent void no one can fill. I became independent but very guarded,’ she says.

That absence has shaped her personality in lasting ways. Trust does not come easily.

‘I feel like people do not stay. Because when my mother died, it felt like everything was temporary, especially the people you love,’ she explains.

At times, the impact surfaces unexpectedly.

‘When bad things happen, I find myself grieving my mother through crying,’ she says.

Days that bring it back

There are specific times of year when the absence feels sharper. Mother’s Day is one of them. So are Christmas and Easter occasions centred on family and togetherness.

‘I always feel left out. Even when I am with people, I feel like… where is my own family?’ she notes.

In those moments, she finds herself imagining a different life.

‘As a child, I used to think maybe there was a mistake. That one day a family would come looking for me and say I belong to them,’ she says.

It was a way of holding onto the possibility of having both parents again.

Living with the absence

Today, Atwiine does not try to frame her experience in terms of gain or loss in a conventional sense. For her, the reality is simpler.

‘You do not gain anything from loss. Loss is loss,’ she says.

She acknowledges the care she received, the opportunities she had, and the people who stepped in. But, what could not be replaced.

‘There is a love that comes from your mother that no one else can give. No matter what they do,’ she says.

As she looks ahead, she sometimes wonders how her experience will shape the kind of mother she might become. For now, she carries both the strength and the gaps that came from her upbringing.

And on days such as Mother’s Day, she leaves a message.

‘I hope people who have mothers know what they have and cherish it,’ she says.

Parents play a central role in shaping how children see themselves and interact with the world. One of the more delicate responsibilities they face is helping their children develop confidence without tipping into pride. While confidence allows children to trust their abilities, take initiative, and persevere through challenges, unchecked pride can lead to arrogance, entitlement, and a lack of empathy for others. The distinction between the two is subtle but significant, and navigating this thin line requires intentional guidance, consistent modeling, and thoughtful communication.

To begin with, it is important to understand the difference between confidence and pride. Confidence is rooted in a realistic appreciation of one’s abilities and a willingness to grow. A confident child believes, ‘I can try, and I can improve.’ Pride, in its unhealthy form, is often tied to an inflated sense of self-importance, where a child may think, ‘I am better than others, and I don’t need to improve.’ Parents who recognize this distinction are better equipped to nurture one while preventing the other.

Parents can foster healthy confidence is by emphasizing effort over innate ability. When children are praised solely for being ‘smart’ or ‘talented,’ they may begin to tie their worth to fixed traits. This can create fragility in their self-esteem and encourage pride when they succeed or insecurity when they struggle. Instead, parents should focus on praising effort, persistence, and problem-solving. Statements such as ‘You worked really hard on that’ or ‘I am proud of how you kept trying’ reinforce the idea that growth comes from dedication. This approach not only builds confidence but also instills humility, as children learn that success is earned rather than inherent.

Teach children to handle success with grace

When children achieve something-whether it is winning a competition, earning high grades, or mastering a skill-parents should celebrate their accomplishments while also encouraging perspective. This might involve acknowledging the contributions of others, such as teammates, teachers, or even competitors who pushed them to improve. By doing so, parents help children understand that success is rarely achieved in isolation. This awareness naturally tempers pride and fosters gratitude.

Modelling behaviour is another powerful tool. Children learn as much from what parents do as from what they say. Parents who demonstrate humility, admit their mistakes, and treat others with respect provide a living example of balanced confidence. For instance, when a parent acknowledges, ‘I was wrong about that’ or ‘I learned something new today,’ they show that confidence does not mean always being right. This kind of modelling normalises growth and reinforces the idea that no one is above learning from others.

Encouraging empathy

A child who can understand and appreciate the feelings and perspectives of others is less likely to develop an inflated sense of superiority. Parents can cultivate empathy by discussing emotions openly, encouraging children to consider how their actions affect others, and exposing them to diverse experiences. Simple questions like ‘How do you think your friend felt when that happened?’ or ‘What would you do in their place?’ can prompt children to look beyond themselves. Over time, this habit of perspective-taking becomes a natural counterbalance to pride.

Another key aspect is teaching children to accept and learn from failure. Confidence is not about always succeeding; it is about believing in one’s ability to recover and grow. When parents respond to failure with understanding and constructive feedback rather than criticism or overprotection, children learn resilience. They come to see mistakes as opportunities rather than threats. This mindset reduces the likelihood of pride, as children recognise that they are not infallible and that improvement is always possible.

Parents should be mindful of overpraising

While encouragement is essential, excessive or insincere praise can lead to an inflated sense of self. Children are perceptive and may come to expect constant validation, which can foster entitlement. Instead, praise should be specific and earned. For example, rather than saying ‘You’re the best,’ a parent might say, ‘You explained your ideas clearly, and that made your presentation strong.’ This kind of feedback is both affirming and grounded in reality, helping children develop a balanced self-view.

Setting boundaries and holding children accountable. Confidence thrives in an environment where expectations are clear and consistent. When children understand that their actions have consequences, they learn responsibility and self-discipline. This prevents the development of pride, which often flourishes in the absence of accountability. For instance, if a child behaves disrespectfully, addressing the behaviour firmly but calmly reinforces the idea that no one is above treating others with respect.

Parents can also encourage children to engage in activities that require teamwork and cooperation. Whether it’s sports, group projects, or community service, these experiences teach children to value collaboration and recognise the strengths of others. Working as part of a team naturally shifts the focus from individual achievement to collective success. This helps children build confidence in their contributions while avoiding the trap of thinking they are the sole reason for success.

Open communication plays a vital role

Parents should create a safe space where children feel comfortable discussing their thoughts and feelings. This includes conversations about self-perception, achievements, and relationships with others. When children express prideful attitudes, parents can gently challenge them by asking reflective questions. For example, ‘What do you think helped you succeed?’ or ‘How do you think others contributed?’ These questions guide children toward a more balanced perspective without dismissing their accomplishments.

Expose children to role models who embody confidence and humility. This could include historical figures, community leaders, or even family members who demonstrate these qualities. Discussing their stories can provide concrete examples of how confidence and humility can coexist. Children often find inspiration in real-life examples, and these narratives can reinforce the values parents are trying to instill.

It is also important for parents to recognize the influence of external factors, such as social media and peer culture. In today’s world, children are often exposed to messages that equate self-worth with popularity, appearance, or material success. These influences can blur the line between confidence and pride. Parents should engage with their children about these messages, helping them critically evaluate what they see and hear.

Encouraging media literacy and self-awareness can empower children to form their own balanced sense of identity.

Patience is essential in this process. Developing a healthy sense of self is not a one-time lesson but an ongoing journey. Children will inevitably have moments of both self-doubt and overconfidence. Rather than reacting harshly, parents should view these moments as opportunities for guidance. Consistency in messaging and behavior over time is what ultimately shapes a child’s character.

Finally, parents should remember that each child is unique. What works for one child may not work for another. Some children may naturally lean toward self-doubt and need more encouragement to build confidence, while others may be more prone to pride and require gentle grounding. Understanding a child’s temperament and tailoring approaches accordingly can make parental guidance more effective.

Bottomline, helping children navigate the thin line between confidence and pride is a nuanced and ongoing task. It involves fostering a realistic sense of self, encouraging effort and growth, modeling humility, and promoting empathy and accountability. By providing consistent guidance and creating an environment that values both self-belief and respect for others, parents can equip their children with the tools they need to thrive. Ultimately, the goal is not to eliminate pride entirely but to channel it into a healthy form of self-respect that coexists with humility and compassion.

The Director General of the World Health Organisation (WHO), Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, has attributed heightened public anxiety over the Hantavirus outbreak aboard the cruise ship MV Hondius to unhealed trauma from the COVID-19 pandemic.

‘This disease is not COVID, and we have said it many times, as the WHO. And when we say this, we don’t take it very lightly. Of course, the risk to the local population is low. One is because of the nature of the disease itself, but secondly, the risk is low because the Spanish government has made all the preparations to prevent any problem,’ Dr Tedros said.

He made these remarks on Saturday evening to residents of the populous Tenerife Island in Spain, where he has gone to check and supervise as the ship docked in Granadilla port under strict protocols and the travellers disembarked.

Responding to safety concerns raised by locals in the Spanish island, he said: ‘The concern is legitimate, because of COVID, especially in 2020. That trauma is still in our minds, so people will have questions, people will have concerns, but that is what I tried to address in my letter to the people of Tenerife…[the current public health risk from hantavirus remains low].’

The MV Hondius, carrying around 150 passengers and crew, has recorded eight confirmed or probable cases of the Andes strain of hantavirus, including three deaths. No symptomatic individuals are currently on board as the vessel arrived for a controlled disembarkation.

By 12 PM on Sunday, the disembarkment of the first group of MV Hondius passengers has started. ‘WHO experts on the ground are working with the Spanish Health Ministry on the epidemiological assessment of the passengers and coordinating charter flights with the Interior Ministry. This collaboration remains essential to ensuring a safe and managed disembarkation,’ Dr Tedros said on X.

Information from the WHO indicates that by May 8, four patients were hospitalised -one in intensive care in Johannesburg, South Africa, and two in different hospitals in the Netherlands, and one in Zurich, Switzerland.

About the virus

Information from the World Health Organisation (WHO) indicates that Hantaviruses, first isolated from a rodent (rat) in 1978 in South Korea, are a group of viruses carried by rodents that can cause severe disease in humans.

Several strains of Hantavirus have been infecting and killing people for centuries, especially in the Americas, Europe, and Asia, with 200,000 global cases and hantavirus-like symptoms reported annually, according to Gavi.

People usually get infected through contact with infected rodents or their urine, droppings, or saliva, and the infection with hantaviruses can cause a range of illnesses, including severe disease and death.

Although strains that have been endemic in Europe and Asia can kill between 5-15 percent of infected persons, other new strains, such as the Andes virus, can kill between 30-50 percent of infected people.

The new outbreak of hantavirus was identified among individuals travelling on the international cruise ship MV Hondius, which departed Ushuaia, Argentina, on 20 March 2026 for the Canary Islands via Cabo Verde.

In Uganda, government scientists said it is not a concern because the virus poses a very low risk and has been in existence for centuries.

‘It is not of concern to us in Uganda. It has a known mode of transmission that requires vectors and contamination of foods,’ Dr Daniel Kyabayinze, the Director of Public Health at the Ministry, told Daily Monitor.

The barrage of insults hurled at the Archbishop of the Church of Uganda Stephen Kaziimba, at a church service in Boston, Massachusetts, leaves no one in doubt that some Ugandans are very angry with him. The Church tried to play down the incident, calling it a ‘brief disruption…caused by a small group of individuals who have not yet been identified’. But the insults are not surprising. On social media, it is common to find memes and crude jokes targeting Archbishop Kaziimba. Rightly or wrongly, many Ugandans view him as an extension of the ruling elite that is blamed for repression.

Matters are not helped by the fact that when he tried to respond to his critics on social media, he said in no uncertain terms that it is not his job to speak out for the victims of repression. In fact, he cited the famous example of former Archbishop Janani Luwum, who was murdered by Idi Amin’s government for condemning human rights violations – and said he did not want his life to end the same way. Many expect religious leaders to speak out when people are suffering, when politicians are jailing innocent men and women for their political views or affiliations.

ICYMI: Church to State: In Luwum’s name stop ongoing torture

Free political rivals, bishops ask Museveni

‘Today’s Church would abandon Archbishop Luwum for big cars’

Archbishop Kaziimba has not been completely silent. A quick search shows he has, at times, condemned rights violations. But few people know this, and many will remember religious leaders who have spoken out the most such as Archbishop Paul Ssemogerere of Kampala Archdiocese. While Archbishop Kaziimba’s critics think they are right, they need to manage their expectations. As he rightly said: ‘I am a person. I need life also. I have life to live. I am not your saviour to carry all your problems. You take them to the cross.’

These words are pregnant with meaning. Religious people have high expectations of religious leaders, and sometimes this leads to disappointment. Religion, it should be noted, works in strikingly similar ways to politics. In politics, interests are pretty much everything. If a religious leader knows that working closely with a government that has been widely criticised for human rights violations will further his interests, he will not say what needs to be said. He does not want to rock the boat, as they say.

That is how most people behave. They focus on the practical side of their interests. Here’s another example to drive my point home. On March 15, Daily Monitor published a story with this headline: ‘Clergy appeal to Museveni for special government support to improve their livelihoods’. It quoted Dr Girado Olukol, the chairperson of the Bukedi Council of Bishops, as saying: ‘We are not opposed to the saying that our rewards await us in Heaven, but we also want to enjoy the blessing on earth…’

The bishops were asking the government to consider them for poverty-alleviation programmes. It contributed Shs50m to organise the event. This suggests that even if Uganda’s human rights record deteriorated further, some religious leaders would be less inclined to speak out. Perhaps religious leaders would behave differently if all their material needs were taken care of by God. But He does not. If the clergy do not get money from people they serve or politicians, God does not provide it. If they criticise an authoritarian government and it retaliates, God cannot provide any real protection.

That is why Archbishop Kaziimba said he does not want to go the Luwum way. Religious leaders fear death just like the people they lead. So while many Opposition supporters, especially those of the National Unity Platform, continue to languish in prison, some religious leaders will continue to ignore their plight.

They know that innocent people are suffering. They know who is detaining them. And they know that the rights of those illegally incarcerated are being violated. But they will continue to pretend that all is well.

I went to my car company for the yearly revision, and to change winter tyres to summer ones. As I was waiting for my turn, an elderly gentleman was talking to the receptionist while the latter was preparing the invoice. The elderly man was talking about politics, precisely the political situation in our neighbouring country, France. The receptionist was listening to him with great patience, and from time to time he nodded his head with approval. The discussion also focused on the harsh economic situation created by the recent outbreak of clashes in the Middle East, of course there is no subject these days that does not start or end with this alarming situation.

Another employee who is Portuguese said you should come and see the situation in Portugal. People with low salaries find it very hard to make ends meet, and more than ever before public transport has become the norm. People cannot afford petroleum prices anymore. According to this person, it looks more and more like the Indian buses and trains, where you have to push one foot in to be able to put the second in. Honestly, I have never heard about such a situation in this part of the world.

When the service time for my car took longer than anticipated, and the showroom was quiet, the vendor offered me some coffee. We continued to chat. This time we talked about the long periods of waiting in the emergency room of our national hospitals. With all the available funds here, it seems the problem of congested emergency rooms is far from being resolved. The wait can go up to five hours, even before a doctor attends to you. Unfortunately, I had the displeasure of being in there a couple of times.

The first time, I almost lost my thumb that was full of infection, but I was given only an antibiotic, too little too late. The next day, I found my way to another hospital. I was told that a few more hours later, my thumb would have been amputated!

I remember the first time we walked the hallways of Mulago Hospital’s emergency department. My head was spinning from horror. People were lying on the floor, on both sides of the corridor. Waiting in pain. The view is not much different here, except maybe for the hygiene standards that are quite good, and a few chairs and benches for the patients.

There are so many stereotypes about Europe. Some people still think that some of us walk out every morning and pick money bills that grow on trees! There are indeed some systems in place to protect people, health insurance, and pension plans, but all that comes with hard work, and again, it depends on which country you live in. For example, in Greece, pension allocations were reduced because of the bad economic situation. So, many plans of having a comfortable retirement evaporated, just like that!

In a country such as Luxembourg, I can confirm that the refugees whose status was approved and who could bring along their families under the scheme of family reunion are indeed benefiting from the government’s help. To a degree that some do not feel the urge to work anymore! However, they too have to find a place to live once they leave their camp. Sometimes it is easy, many times it’s not, I hope that their dreams of reaching the Promised Land don’t turn into a nightmare!

‘If you want peace, prepare for war’, a dictum by Roman general Vegetius. He believed that if a country desires peace, it must have an army, armed and prepared, to protect its citizens from those who desire to overtake it. Some thinkers argue for “If you want peace, prepare for peace”; suggesting investment in diplomacy rather than military strength. “Jaw-jaw is better than war-war” is a famous maxim by Winston Churchill advocating that negotiation is always preferable to armed conflict.

The latter mindset befits the celebration of the first anniversary the pontificate of Leo XIV On May 6, 2026. According to media reports, ‘peace through dialogue’ has become his central theme. He has shown an ever-growing willingness to apply the Gospel of Jesus Christ as an antidote to violence and ?the glaring violations of human rights that surround us.

On the outset of his just-concluded visit to four African countries, the Pope said that the ‘world is being ravaged by a handful of tyrants.’ He was addressing the insatiable greed for power among many leaders and the maxim of ‘Might is right’, among other ills. On April 11, 2026e, the Pope led a ‘Prayer Vigil for Peace’, in which he criticized how the name of God has been used to justify war and death. He stressed that military action will not create space for freedom because true freedom can come only from patient dialogue.

Pope Leo is just being true to his double leadership of Christ’s Church and head of the Vatican State. Vatican diplomacy is recognized as a unique system of international relations focusing on moral authority, peace-building, and humanitarian issues. ‘Stability and peace are not built with mutual threats nor with weapons that sow destruction, pain and death, but only through a dialogue that is reasonable, authentic and responsible.’ (Pope Leo XIV). He invites individuals and nations to be open to peace, welcome it and recognize it, rather than believing it to be impossible and beyond our reach. ‘Peace is more than just a goal; it is a presence and a journey.” (Pope Leo XIV).

Jesus came into the world as the Prince of Peace. Peace was the fruit of Easter, resolving the two greatest threats to our peace; the internal discord of sin and the existential threat of death itself. His first words to the disciples after His resurrection were ‘Peace be with you’ (John 20:19). His victory has deeply impacted the world, and has come to those of goodwill throughout history. Humanity may now address its threat with an even greater power.

Christian martyrs, more than anyone else, proclaim the Easter peace of triumph over death, one that disarms the enemy and proclaims the coming of God’s kingdom. By laying down their lives rather than taking up arms, overcame the enemy dominions, bringing them faith through the power of their blood. St. Augustine, Pope’s Leo’s mentor, spoke of peace as the tranquility of order, which must be rooted first and foremost within the soul itself. Christians are meant to sanctify the world and enable it to share, even if only in limited ways, in the victory of Christ over sin and death.

The Catholic Church does have a tradition of ‘just war theory,’ which argues that war can be waged ethically. Christians could take up arms, but only in the cause of justice. After World War II, however, the Church has stated its opposition to war clearly and consistently, since modern warfare is so destructive.

Conclusively, we realise that peacemaking is an active process. It requires action based on right principles. Living the right way and keeping God’s law in respect of human relationships leads to peace and reconciliation. The Church must proclaim Christ as the only lasting source of peace. He is the one who provides our true standard for judging what we must do. If it is to suffer evil, we do so trusting in His victory over sin and death. If it is to engage evil in combat for the good of others, we do so without hatred and respecting the dignity even of our enemies. Eventually, we ought to believe that force alone cannot bring true peace, because it requires the tranquility of order that comes from above.

Women in the boda boda industry in Kampala have called for improved road safety and greater protection for female riders, citing rising accidents, harsh working conditions and persistent stigma in the sector.

The concerns emerged during a Mother’s Day engagement in Kampala on Sunday, where members of the Twezimbe Women Boda Boda Association said female riders continue to face challenges ranging from reckless motorists and nighttime insecurity to discrimination in the male-dominated industry.

The association, which has more than 150 female riders, says many women have turned to boda boda riding as a source of livelihood to support their families amid limited employment opportunities.

Ms Dathive Mukeshimana, the Chairperson of the association, said female riders face heightened risks on the road, especially at night.

‘It is challenging to be both a mother and a boda boda rider because the work itself is risky. We operate in an environment where accidents and fatalities are common due to reckless driving,’ she said.

She added that negative public perception toward women riders continues to affect their work.

‘Our biggest prayer is to return home safely to our children every day. We request that road safety guidelines be tightened and improve the status of the roads, which also leads to accident shortcomings,’ she said.

Boda boda remains one of the most widely used means of transport in Kampala and other urban centres, employing thousands of youths and increasingly attracting women seeking income-generating opportunities.

However, road safety experts have repeatedly warned that the sector also contributes significantly to road crashes, injuries and deaths due to speeding, poor road discipline and limited use of protective gear.

According to transport sector stakeholders, women riders often face additional barriers, including harassment, limited access to financial support and doubts about their ability to compete in the transport business.

During the engagement, Mr Steven Turyarugayo, the Public Relations Consultant with the Intelligent Transport Monitoring System (ITMS), said there is a need to support road safety awareness among boda boda riders.

‘Women in the transport sector are playing a major economic role, yet they remain vulnerable on the roads,’ he said.

The engagement also highlighted calls for more sensitisation on responsible road use among motorists and riders as Uganda continues to grapple with increasing road crashes, particularly involving motorcycles.

The latest road safety reports have consistently identified boda bodas among the leading contributors to traffic injuries and fatalities in the country, especially in urban areas such as Kampala.

Mr Godwin Tumwesigye, the Officer in Charge of Traffic at Nateete Police Station, urged motorcyclists to prioritise safety by wearing standard helmets and ensuring passengers are also protected.

‘Helmets greatly reduce the chances of severe head injuries during crashes,’ he said.

Mr Tumwesigye also cautioned riders against speeding, dangerous overtaking and carrying excess passengers, especially on busy roads.

‘Road users must remain alert, obey traffic signs and use reflective gear, particularly at night and during bad weather conditions when visibility is poor,’ he added.

The 2025 Annual police report indicated that road traffic deaths in Uganda rose to 5383 in 2025 from 5144 deaths in 2024, averaging 15 fatalities per day.

As God’s dog, I know the name of the Almighty will be uttered with solemnity by very many people being installed in high offices, as if they expect God to assist them at work. You remember the phrase: ‘So help me, God.’ Do not be carried away by the pomp and ceremony. Gone are the days when God was young, a sprightly new invention that freely knocked at the doors of kings and prophets. God is now in divine rest, a quiescent state. He cannot help any ruler to do the right things.

Uganda has a rather curious problem. After 40 years in power, President Museveni and his command of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) have been so rust-welded in the machinery of the State that almost any contemplation of action by government without the President’s approval verges on treachery.

As President Museveni himself clearly understood way back, the afflictions that come with overstaying in power are all assembled in the body of the regime he leads.

With the casualness of a guardian discouraging his grandchildren from going to the circus, the President can now advise the citizens who have no fuel to stay home instead of going to their workplaces. The people who used to add value to the thought processes of the regime are either dead, retired, alienated or in prison. Low-brow is now in.

A Hajati Saidat who cannot control her ecstasy when she calls in Kamagu’s wacky Top Radio show does not only portray how a cash envelope from Kyambogo’s Hajati Namyalo transforms a moderately literate NRM fanatic into the happiest woman in the universe, rapping angelically about the sweetness of the scent around the Kyambogo icon; Saidat can also claim to be an ‘authority’ on President Museveni’s rule. But when the singing and the swearing are done, President Museveni has to run the country.

The plagues are still there. Crippled institutions. Corruption. A bloated government’s extravagance. Fractured justice. A zombie of democracy. Scandalous inequality. The President has got all these things on his plate. By choice; his choice. The slogan ‘Help me, God,’ has ceremonial value. But with God in a state of divine rest, He cannot help the President.

Who will help our beloved, or only President?

I have an idea. AI; a robot; a computerised wizard; call it what you will. The President has elevated science and technology almost to a religion. So, why not deploy science and technology for national duty? In a real-world situation where Cabinet ministers, presidential advisors and government technocrats are believed to be scared of contradicting or seriously advising the President, a machine and the magic of state-of-the-art data-based software can be engineered to prompt the President in real time on virtually any matter he may be addressing with his voice.

For instance, the President might start on a theme of giving (or promising to give) taxpayers’ money to some useless rapper or an Afro-beat non-scientist, or to a Mafioso-cum-medical science researcher. The machine would almost instantly beep a designated alarm signal and even utter: ‘No, Your Excellency.’

If it is a good course of action, the machine would beep a different signal: ‘Proceed, Your Excellency.’

As God’s dog, aware of God’s current state, I would recommend spending money on this technology instead of breakfast prayer sessions that you will hear announced between 2026 and 2031. Miniaturisation today is such that the device could be worn in a breast pocket or even between the President’s scalp and the ‘First Hat’.

Police in Butaleja District are investigating the suspected suicide of a 21-year-old student found hanging on a tree in Busaba Sub-county.

The deceased has been identified as Opendi Donato, also known as Junior, a Senior Three student at Alliance High School Busolwe and a resident of Nagondo B Village, Mulagi Parish.

Bukedi South Regional Police spokesperson, IP Johnson Moses Mugwe, said the incident occurred in Nagondo B Village on the morning of the discovery.

The matter was reported by LC1 Chairperson Muduwu Peter after residents found the body at around 6:00am.

‘It is alleged that one resident who was going to the garden found the deceased hanging on a tree within the village. He informed relatives and the LC1 chairperson, who later reported the matter to Police,’ Mr. Mugwe said.

Busaba Police Station registered a case of suspected suicide by hanging. A team led by the Officer in Charge of Butaleja Police Station, along with Scene of Crime Officers and homicide detectives, visited and documented the scene.

Officers recovered exhibits including a rope, a suicide note, and the deceased’s Primary Leaving Examination results slip. Statements from relevant witnesses were also recorded.

The body was taken to Mbale City Mortuary for postmortem examination as investigations continue.

Police appealed to members of the public to seek guidance and support whenever faced with challenges in life instead of resorting to taking their own lives. The force also conveyed condolences to the bereaved family.

According to the Annual Crime Report 2025, suicide cases were attributed to complex psychological, social, and environmental factors such as mental illness, trauma, and extreme stress. Police described suicide as self-directed injurious behaviour carried out with the intention to die.

A total of 258 suicide cases were registered by Police across the country. The highest number was recorded in the West Nile Region with 27 cases, followed by Masaka East with 18 cases, and Kampala Metropolitan Police East with 15. Aswa East and Busoga North registered 13 cases each.

In Bukedi South Region, where Butaleja District falls, Police recorded 10 suicide cases in 2024 compared to seven cases in 2025.

The European Union (EU) does not provide electoral support to the Ugandan State because of human rights abuses by its government, led by 81-year-old Yoweri Museveni. But it is also not supporting grassroots activists in their fight for democracy in the country. ‘We were told we should not support troublemakers.’

Ever since Uganda’s 2016 General Election, marred by claims of fraud and violence, the EU has significantly reduced its direct involvement in funding or observing elections in the country. Even specific funding for election-related programmes was phased out following the violent 2021 election, when scores of people were shot in the streets by security forces.

According to an account received from the EU, the only funding formally allocated to support democracy in Uganda in the run-up to the 2026 elections was pound 2 million (Shs8.8b) in 2024, given to the Netherlands Institute for Multi-Party Democracy for ‘training, dialogue, and capacity building for political actors and youth’, through projects such as its ‘Democracy Academy’.

Recent elections in January 2026 were once again marked by allegations of mass arrests, killings, and kidnappings.

The EU has not supported the human rights activists currently still searching prisons for confirmation of detentions, deaths, or torture. Civil society funding has dried up since 2021, when the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government closed a multi-donor fund called the Democratic Governance Facility (GDF), which had previously assisted pro-democracy activists and independent investigative journalism. The President said the fund ‘undermined’ government authority.

Under increasing fire

Ever since, civil society and the Opposition have come under increasing pressure in the country. On January 15, election day, this culminated in the killing of at least 15 Opposition supporters, eight of whom were reportedly killed by security operatives at the home of an MP.

MP Muwanga Kivumbi, the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) deputy president for the Buganda region, was arrested and charged with terrorism, joining a list of hundreds currently incarcerated.

Prosecution alleges that Kivumbi and his co-accused orchestrated attacks on Kibibi Police Station and the Butambala Electoral Commission tally centre without regard for public safety.

National leader of the NUP, Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, and his family say they faced persecution in the aftermath of the January polls and are currently in exile. Opposition doyen Kizza Besigye, who was abducted in Nairobi, Kenya, in December 2024 and renditioned to Uganda, remains detained in Luzira, Uganda’s largest prison on the outskirts of Kampala.

The human rights and accountability platform, the Agora Centre for Research, says it has documented hundreds of arrests during and after the January elections. Despite a nationwide internet shutdown, the team, in coordination with 30 journalists across the country, continued to receive constant reports of extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, arrests, and State brutality.

‘I don’t think I slept for more than three hours a night between January 13 and early February,’ says Agather Atuhaire, Agora’s team leader. ‘During the period the Internet was cut off (by the government), I was continuously on the phone with our colleagues across the country. When the Internet was restored, photos and videos to support the information came through. Months later, we are still receiving information about victims we had not known about.’

Delivering his victory speech on January 18 at his Rwakitura residence, President Museveni defended the killing of suspected attackers and the continued detention of Opposition figures, arguing that firm security action prevented Uganda from descending into instability after the disputed January 15 election.

‘Those who came to [State Lodge] Nakasero on January 13 told me that was the plan. What these people were planning is what happened in Butambala with Kivumbi. They were planning to do it all over… of course, we were ready to deal with them decisively,’ he told a gathering of dozens of senior NRM and top religious leaders in Kiruhura District, adding that some of these actors were linked to foreign groups, including homosexual organisations, and were seeking to manipulate Uganda’s political process.

‘So, all the traitors…This is free advice from me that stop what you’re doing because we know everything and you will not do it. Either peacefully or unpeacefully, we shall maintain peace in Uganda,’ he added.

A strong statement

On February 12, in a strong statement, the EU Parliament condemned ‘the conduct of the Ugandan elections on January 15, 2026, which were marred by abuses, widespread intimidation, fraud, violence, and a nationwide internet blackout’, and called for ‘independent and impartial investigations into crimes against humanity committed by political and military leaders’.

The seriousness of this declaration might, however, be questioned in light of another EU event which, amid far less publicity, was held in Uganda itself only one week later. On February 19, during the anniversary marking 50 years of donor ties to Uganda, held at the residence of the Swedish head of the EU delegation to Uganda, Jan Sadek, the latter told gathered dignitaries that they were there to ‘celebrate a partnership that has lasted, adapted and delivered’.

In his speech, Sadek focused more on improving trade ties with the EU and praising Uganda’s tasty avocados and pineapples, announcing a cooling storage facility at the airport to accommodate perishable fruits and vegetables, than on recent events. Throughout his speech, he made no mention of the victims of enforced disappearances or extrajudicial killings.

Apparently still smarting from the EU statement, the Ugandan government sent only John Leonard Mugerwa, head of international legal and social affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, instead of a minister.

No ruffling feathers

The event, the speech, and the Ugandan snub fit a pattern in which expressed criticism by the EU appears to be immediately punished by a clear frost – and subsequent European backpedalling. EU sources who spoke to ZAM on condition of anonymity confirm that the Union has gradually become reluctant to ruffle the feathers of the Ugandan government. ‘We were told not to support troublemakers,’ said one.

An example of this was the cancellation of an EU member state-sponsored annual human rights conference slated to take place in December 2025, a month before the elections. The prestigious event, which has honoured activists like Jimmy ‘Spire’ Ssentongo, was cancelled because ‘EU member states were not comfortable with an event on human rights at such a time’, in the words of another anonymous diplomat.

Persona non grata

The regime’s volleys against EU ‘meddling’ had already started in July 2020, when Marco de Swart, an elections officer at the Europe-financed Democratic Governance Fund (DGF) that supported civil society in Uganda, was blocked from returning to the country after travelling and was declared persona non grata. Five months later, in December 2020, EU elections adviser Simon Osborn was briefly detained and deported.

After the 2021 elections, which saw scores of protesters shot in the streets, one of the first acts of the once-again elected President Museveni, upon returning to office in February 2021, was to launch an attack on the DGF fund. Alleging that the facility was financing ‘subversive activities’ in Uganda, the President ordered the suspension of all DGF activities. Although it briefly became operational again after a presidential meeting with the Danish minister for Development Cooperation on June 22, 2022, it shut down fully a year later. It marked the death knell for many civil society initiatives in the country.

The EU appeared increasingly browbeaten under Uganda’s onslaught, often expressed in terms of ‘fighting the imperialists and colonialists’. When, in 2024, Ugandan activists exposed the theft of millions of US dollars in taxpayer funds through a parliamentary swindle, the UK and US imposed personal sanctions.

Speaker of Parliament Anita Among and two other Ugandan ministers implicated in iron sheet theft were subjected to asset freezes and travel bans by these two countries. The EU, however, said nothing.

A brief stir

In May 2025, there was a brief stir when German ambassador Matthias Schauer publicly expressed concern about army commander and Museveni’s son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba’s threats on X to ‘behead’ Opposition leader Bobi Wine, as well as his boasting on the same platform about the kidnapping and torture of one of Bobi Wine’s bodyguards.

But Schauer was immediately put back in his place by Gen Muhoozi, who announced the suspension of all military cooperation with Germany, while accusing Schauer of being involved in ‘subversive activities’ and of being ‘wholly unqualified’ to be in the East African state.

The Ugandan authorities now kept hammering at Germany. In October 2025, another German, head of that country’s development cooperation programmes in Uganda, Tasillo von Droste, was accused by Ugandan ‘security sources’ of being an ‘intelligence operative’ assigned to run a ‘covert espionage mission in the country’.

According to State sources, the country’s intelligence services allege that Germany’s Deutsche Gesellschaft fr Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), under Von Droste, was plotting ‘regime change’ under the ‘pretext of offering financial support to civil society.’ The fact that GIZ was also funding several State agencies for development projects did little to assuage the government’s anger: all government agencies were ordered to halt receiving funding from GIZ.

In the aftermath of the affair, several of the few remaining civil society projects in Uganda had to close down because of alleged links to Von Droste.

The same State sources quoted above said that Von Droste was deported from Uganda after the accusations, alongside the programme director of Germany’s education projects arm, DW Akademie, Miriam Ohlsen. The sources added that this was kept quiet because the affected organisations, the German embassy, and EU member states in general did not want to further anger Uganda’s army commander after the Schauer debacle.

Patching up

On January 7, Uganda announced that the two countries had patched up their differences and that military and other cooperation had resumed. State broadcaster UBC reported that: ‘Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba today met Germany’s Ambassador to Uganda, HE Matthias Schauer, reaffirming the long-standing bilateral relations between Uganda and Germany. Ambassador Schauer praised Uganda’s role in regional affairs and reaffirmed Germany’s commitment to continued collaboration, with both sides agreeing to address any differences through diplomatic dialogue.’

When asked about its silence on human rights issues, particularly in the aftermath of the EU’s condemnation of Uganda’s political and military leaders in Brussels, the EU office in Uganda responded: ‘The European Union’s different institutions have different roles, mandates, and ways of expressing themselves, and it is neither unusual nor inappropriate that this is reflected in different forms of engagement and communication.’

The response also stated that there is ‘regular contact with a wide range of Ugandan stakeholders, including civil society,’ and that ‘much of this work is necessarily conducted in confidence through diplomatic channels. The fact that every exchange is not carried out in public should not be taken to mean that these issues are not being raised.’

It further noted that the EU office’s ‘broader mandate is to maintain and develop the overall partnership between the European Union and Uganda across a wide range of areas – political dialogue, development cooperation, humanitarian support, trade and investment, governance, climate action and support to citizens,’ and that ‘the European Union is a longstanding and substantial supporter of civil society in Uganda.’

The EU now appears almost solely focused on its anti-poverty projects across northern Uganda. According to a list of 115 ongoing European Union-funded projects in Uganda, over pound 896 million (about Shs4 trillion) has been invested in poverty alleviation projects, nutrition, provision of water, and the grading of dirt roads, among others.

Within this broader development framework, only one portion is allocated to civil society. PACER, the Programme on Accountability, Civic Engagement and Rights, operates in the country’s north to empower ‘women and youth to participate in decision-making processes and hold duty bearers to account’.

‘Humanitarian exhibitionism’

Political historian and analyst Yusuf Serunkuma comments that such efforts mean little as long as a ‘thieving’ government continues to receive EU support. ‘The EU backs its businesspeople in Uganda, who are miners in marble, oil, gold and who exploit communities in poverty-stricken areas. And these are part of our collective problem.’ Serunkuma suspects that EU interests ‘in coffee, oil, debts, [and] land’ require the government, which ‘is ready to allow them unlimited access’.

Serunkuma also argues that support ‘for the poor’ creates an environment in which the State is absent and therefore cannot be held accountable for a lack of public service delivery or corruption. Fellow analyst Nicholas Sengoba simply labels these EU poverty alleviation projects as ‘spaces for humanitarian exhibitionism, not actual reform’.

According to the above, as well as other analysts, the main reason for the EU to pussyfoot around the Ugandan regime’s abuses is the fact that its army is a crucial partner of the West in containing conflict in the Horn of Africa and across the Great Lakes region.

The European Union has spent more than pound 2.5 billion (Shs11 trillion) between 2007 and 2024 to support the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom), now called the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia. The Ugandan contingent is the largest of several African countries’ troop contributions in the country.

The EU’s stated interest is stability in Africa, with many strategies explicitly referencing the need to prevent and curb migratory flows to Europe. This ‘realpolitik’ has already resulted in negotiations between Uganda and some EU governments to send rejected asylum seekers to Uganda. The Dutch government, for example, has been preparing to send rejected asylum seekers to Uganda as part of an agreement that resembles a deal secured by US President Donald Trump. The deal has been placed on hold by a newly incoming government in the Netherlands, but the EU strategy to send rejected migrants to ‘third countries’, including in Africa, is expected to become law in June 2026.

Following Trump

Are the ‘humanitarian exhibitions’, the Ugandan-allied peacekeeping in Somalia, and the silence on human rights and corruption all part of one agenda? Is it all about ensuring continued resource flows towards the West while African people are prevented from leaving their countries, even under oppressive conditions?

Yes, says Sengoba. ‘The EU and the West are prioritising these. They are following US President Donald Trump’s cue by investing more domestically to make their economies more competitive with China. A scramble for African resources such as rare-earth minerals is becoming the major focal point,’ he says.

While Sengoba sees a collapse of the old rules-based order in favour of aggression and quid pro quo dealings between Western and sub-Saharan governments targeting vital rare-earth minerals, Serunkuma believes that this rules-based order has never existed. ‘It has always been jungle law, but (in the past there was) a little sophistication, a veneer of talk of human rights.’ That sophistication, he argues, is now gone.

Meanwhile, the Ugandan regime is seeking to restrict pro-democracy activists from receiving foreign funding. The recently passed ‘Protection of Sovereignty Bill’ will require organisations in Uganda to disclose foreign funding within 14 days of receipt, and grant the Minister of Internal Affairs powers to restrict financial support for activities considered ‘detrimental to national interests’.