Police in Luweero arrest two in crackdown on electricity infrastructure vandalism

The Police in Luweero District have arrested two suspects and recovered three rolls of electric wire believed to have been vandalised from power installations across the Savannah Region.

A Toyota Starlet vehicle and a Bajaj motorcycle, which were being used by the suspects to ferry the materials, were also impounded and parked at Luweero Central Police Station, where the suspects are being held.

Police said on Thursday that last week’s arrest followed a tip-off arising from numerous vandalism of electrical infrastructure across the Savannah region, which has caused regular power outages in the area.

Savannah Regional Police Spokesperson ASP Sam Twiineamaziima explained that the operation targeted a hideout where the suspects reportedly collect the stolen materials before they are transported to Kampala.

“Preliminary inquiries indicate the recovered wire may have been cut from multiple locations across the Savannah Region and that buyers travelled from Kampala to collect the material,” ASP Twiineamazima said in a statement.

Two suspects, who are former employees of UMEME in greater Luweero, are also on the run in connection with the crime.

The operation, being manned by the Flying Squad Unit and Territorial Police, will reportedly extend to Kampala, where the chain for wider distribution and sale of the stolen electrical materials is being done.

Electricity vandalism remains a persistent challenge in Uganda, with cases of theft and destruction of power infrastructure often leading to costly outages and safety hazards for surrounding communities.

Uganda’s KPC bargain pays off with two board seats

Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) Plc just handed two of Uganda’s top bureaucrats a board pack and a vote on who runs Kenya’s most important piece of energy infrastructure.

That’s one way to read the July 28th appointment of Ramathan Ggoobi, Uganda’s treasury permanent secretary, and Irene Pauline Bateebe, his counterpart at the energy ministry, to KPC’s board.

The other way to read it: Uganda finally got what it paid for.

When KPC floated 65 percent of itself on the Nairobi Securities Exchange earlier this year, Uganda’s state oil company showed up with roughly $150 million and a list of demands.

Kenya, worried the initial public offering (IPO) might flop without a marquee anchor investor, said yes to all of them.

Uganda walked away with 20.15 percent of the company, at least two board seats, veto rights over pipeline tariffs, veto rights over hiring and firing the CEO, and approval power over dividends, the business plan and anything touching share capital.

Bankers call this a ‘strategic stake.’ Everyone else might call it a leveraged buyout of influence, minus the leverage.

The timing could not be more awkward for Kenya, or more convenient for Uganda.

KPC has been without a permanent chief executive since April, when Joe Sang quit along with Kenya’s petroleum principal secretary and its energy regulator’s boss.

The trio was arrested over an alleged $60 million substandard-fuel scandal involving a tanker that arrived carrying more trouble than diesel.

Kenyan directors reportedly stalled the CEO search rather than run it without Uganda’s nominees in the room, since Kampala’s new veto meant any pick could be sent back anyway. Problem solved: the nominees are now in the room.

Why did Uganda want this so badly? Because it has spent fifty years finding out what happens to a country with no port when the country that owns the port has a bad week.

Kenya’s 2008 post-election violence briefly cut the road and rail arteries carrying fuel to Kampala.

A 2020 trade squabble saw Nairobi throw up barriers against Ugandan exports. More than two billion litres of refined fuel reach Uganda every year, almost all of it through Kenya, and Kampala has never fully forgiven the fact that it doesn’t control a single mile of that route.

Uganda has hedged before. Its crude oil, once destined to flow through Kenya to the port of Lamu, now heads the other way entirely, through the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline, across Tanzania, a routing decision that had less to do with Tanzanian charm than with Ugandan distrust of Nairobi.

But that pipeline is for oil Uganda plans to sell abroad. For the diesel and petrol Uganda actually burns, there’s no Tanzanian bypass, just Kenya’s pipes, forever.

If you can’t build around the monopoly, the next best option is to join its board.

Uganda tried the confrontational route first and it went about as well as these things usually do.

In 2023 Kenya’s regulator refused to license Uganda’s state oil firm to import fuel on its own terms, prompting Kampala to sue Nairobi at the East African Court of Justice over transit-access rights, plus a side accusation that Kenya’s State House had leaned on the regulator directly.

Presidents William Ruto and Yoweri Museveni smoothed it over in mid-2024 with a deal letting Uganda import independently while still using Kenya’s pipeline, plus a promise, first made in 1995 and repeatedly shelved since, to finally build a pipeline extension from Eldoret to Kampala.

Uganda’s parliament has now lined up $2 billion in financing from the trading house Vitol, partly earmarked for that extension and for buying still more of KPC.

Some Kenyans are unnerved by all this, grumbling online that a foreign government now has a formal say over a Kenyan state company, wherever its head office sits.

Others point out that a bit of outside scrutiny might be exactly what an outfit that just watched its CEO get arrested needs.

Both takes miss the real story, which is less about sovereignty than about pricing risk correctly.

Uganda didn’t take over Kenya’s pipeline. It just stopped paying, year after year, for a dependency it had no say in, and started buying the say instead.

Police hunt suspects as two are killed during Jinja LC1 election violence

Two people were killed on Tuesday in Bumwenge Town Council, Jinja District, during violence arising from the Local Council One elections held countrywide.

Kiira Regional Police Spokesperson, Mr James Mubi, said violence erupted at Buwenge Progressive Academy Polling Station in Kabi Zone after a group of youths allegedly led by an LC1 chairperson candidate stormed the polling station and disrupted the voting process.

According to police, the group allegedly attacked Electoral Commission officials and security personnel after the candidate reportedly boycotted the election when his rival, Mr Nabikambi Muzamiru, took the lead and was later declared the winner.

“His supporters allegedly returned to the polling station, where they confronted election officials and security personnel, escalating the situation,” Mr Mubi said.

He explained that police officers deployed in the area fired warning shots into the air in an attempt to restore order.

During the chaos, Mr Fred Kalulu, 19, was struck by a stray bullet and died at the scene, while Mr Latibu Ikaali, 23, later died at Jinja Regional Referral Hospital after sustaining gunshot injuries.

The bodies were taken to the hospital mortuary pending post-mortem examinations.

Police have since named two suspects accused of actively instigating the violent confrontation which led to the loss of lives.

Kiira Regional Police Commander Mr Charles Nsaba urged residents to reject political violence and resolve election-related disputes peacefully.

“We urge all communities to shun violence and politics of hate and instead resolve political differences through lawful and peaceful means,” he said.

Meanwhile, Jinja Resident City Commissioner Mr Salim Komakech said all postponed LC1 elections in Jinja City, including those in Alidina Road and Kisima I villages, were successfully concluded without any incident.

The Electoral Commissioner has since ordered fresh Local Council I elections in 1,135 villages after voting failed to take place or could not be completed during the nationwide polls.

EC Chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama said the elections were largely peaceful and successful, with voting completed in 70,079 of the country’s 71,214 villages, representing a 98.4 percent success rate.

EC orders repeat LC1 elections in over 1,000 villages after disrupted polls

The Electoral Commission (EC) has ordered fresh Local Council I (LC1) elections in 1,135 villages after voting failed to take place or could not be completed during the nationwide polls held on July 28.

EC Chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama said the elections were largely peaceful and successful, with voting completed in 70,079 of the country’s 71,214 villages, representing a 98.4 percent success rate.

“The process was generally peaceful, orderly, transparent and well attended by eligible village residents,” Byabakama told journalists at the EC headquarters on Wednesday.

He said polling failed in 1,135 villages, or 1.6 percent of the total, due to disruptions, violence, destruction of polling materials, tied results, disputes over village registers and the death of nominated candidates, among other factors.

“There were, however, a limited number of villages where polling could not take place or be completed due to unforeseen circumstances such as disruptions and interference by some individuals and groups, chaos and violence, destruction of polling materials, tied results, disputes about the voters’ registers, or death of nominated candidates,” he observed.

Byabakama said some affected villages repeated voting on Wednesday where circumstances allowed, while the remaining polls will be conducted on Saturday, August 1.

He said villages where voters’ registers were destroyed, vandalised or stolen will conduct fresh registration of eligible residents on Thursday, July 30, followed by display of the register on Friday, July 31, before voting on Saturday.

In villages where polling was disrupted by violence or chaos but the register remains intact, voting will also be held on Saturday.

For villages where nominated candidates died before polling, fresh nominations will be conducted on Thursday, followed by campaigns on Friday and voting on Saturday.

“Nominations shall only be conducted to fill the vacancy created by the deceased candidate,” Byabakama said.

He clarified that candidates who had already been duly nominated would not be required to undergo the nomination process again.

The nationwide LC1 elections attracted candidates from political parties and independents.

Byabakama said some disruptions occurred after people whose names did not appear on the Village Residents’ Register attempted to vote using only national identity cards.

“In accordance with the applicable electoral laws, only persons whose names appeared in the Village Residents’ Register were eligible to vote. As a result, those who were turned away disrupted the electoral process, leading to the calling off of elections in some villages,” he said.

He appealed to residents in the affected villages to remain peaceful during the repeat polls and warned individuals planning to disrupt the exercise.

“We would like to send out a strong warning to all those characters who may be planning to cause violence and chaos to disrupt these repeat and residual elections that they stand warned and the long arm of the law will be firmly applied against them,” Byabakama said.

He said the Commission remains committed to concluding the remaining electoral activities in accordance with the Constitution and electoral laws.

Museveni promotes 301 UPDF officers, confirms ranks of 172 others

President Museveni, the Commander-in-Chief of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), has promoted 301 senior and junior officers and confirmed the ranks of another 172 in one of the military’s latest leadership appointments aimed at strengthening command and operational effectiveness.

The promotions and confirmations were announced by the Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs in a statement issued on July 28.

Acting Director of Defence Public Information Col Chris Magezi said the promotions, approved by Museveni, cover General, Senior and Junior officer ranks across the force.

According to the ministry, 83 officers who had been serving in acting appointments were confirmed in their substantive ranks, while 89 probationary Second Lieutenants were confirmed as full Lieutenants.

Among the senior officers, Acting Maj Gen Joseph Musoke Ssemwanga was confirmed in the substantive rank of Major General.

Five Brigadier Generals were promoted to the rank of Major General. They are Chris Musinguzi Bagonza, Chief of Staff – Land Forces; Godwin Karugaba, Joint Staff Logistics; Michael Nyarwa, Commander of the Marine Brigade; Richard Karemire, Joint Staff Formal Education, Sports and Culture (JS FESC); and David Robert Gonyi of the Air Force.

The Defence Ministry said the promotions form part of a broader exercise intended to strengthen leadership at every level of the military and ensure continuity in fulfilling the UPDF’s constitutional mandate.

“The Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs together with the Uganda People’s Defence Forces extend their congratulations to all the officers upon their elevation,” the statement said.

The ministry said the appointments are expected to enhance command efficiency, leadership continuity and operational effectiveness across the UPDF.

Lukwago denied bail for second time

Court in Kampala has for the second time denied jailed former Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago bail which he had sought to enable him travel to India for specialised medical treatment that he says he urgently needs to save his life.

In a ruling delivered on Thursday, Justice David Matovu of the High Court in Kampala held that although Lukwago had satisfied most of the legal requirements for bail, his application lacked a certified medical report from prison authorities confirming that the prison medical services were unable to manage his condition.

“The court finds that the applicant meets most of the requirements to be admitted on bail save for the lack of medical documents certified by the medical officer at the prison where the applicant is being held confirming that the prison medical services are not capable of treating the applicant,” Justice Matovu ruled.

The judge further noted that the application had been filed in relation to a criminal case before the Makindye Chief Magistrate’s Court that had since ceased to exist following Lukwago’s committal to the High Court for trial. He said a fresh case file was yet to be allocated by the Deputy Registrar of the High Court.

“In the final result, and considering the missing medical report duly certified by a person authorised in law to issue such a report and also the fact that this application was filed in relation to Makindye Chief Magistrates Court Criminal Case No. 0762 of 2026, which case no longer exists, and that the Deputy Registrar of this court is yet to allocate a freshly committed case file relating to the applicant, this court will exercise its discretion by not granting bail in order to give whichever judge that will be allocated this matter to effectively manage the case,” the judge ruled.

The decision marks the second unsuccessful attempt by Lukwago, the president of the opposition People’s Forum for Freedom (PFF), to secure temporary release on bail for medical reasons.

Mr Lukwago has been on remand at Luzira Prison since June 17 after being charged with misprision of treason before the Makindye Chief Magistrate’s Court. His first application for bail before the lower court was rejected.

In his latest application, Mr Lukwago said he suffers from several chronic illnesses, including hypertension, cylindrical bronchiectasis, irreversible persistent anosmia, tinnitus, residual cervical radiculitis, gastro-oesophageal reflux disease and hiatus hernia.

He told court that a team of five specialists at Mulago National Referral Hospital had recommended that he undergo specialised spinal review and treatment by his primary spine surgeons in India.

Lukwago also argued that he is 56 years old, has a fixed place of residence in Bulwa Zone, Wakaliga, Rubaga Division, Kampala, and had presented substantial sureties, including Mukono Municipality MP Betty Namboze.

However, Chief State Attorney Joseph Kyomuhendo opposed the application, arguing that Lukwago could interfere with prosecution witnesses because he knows them. The prosecution also maintained that he posed a flight risk given the gravity of the charge, which carries a maximum sentence of life imprisonment upon conviction.

State prosecutors further submitted that Mr Lukwago had not proved that the prison health system was incapable of managing his medical condition.

Mr Lukwago has since been committed to the High Court to stand trial during the next convenient criminal session.

According to the prosecution, Mr Lukwago knew of an alleged plot by his long-time political ally, Dr Kizza Besigye, to overthrow the government but failed to report it to the authorities.

The State alleges that, as leader of the PFF, Mr Lukwago knew that Dr Besigye and Hajj Obeid Lutale had travelled to Nairobi for a secret meeting where a plan to assassinate the President using drones was discussed but failed to inform security agencies.

Prosecutors also contend that Mr Lukwago facilitated the travel of 32 recruits to Nairobi for alleged military training and was aware of meetings held outside Uganda where plans to overthrow the government by force were discussed.

The prosecution also alleges that Mr Lukwago, Dr Besigye, Hajj Lutale and others acted with a common intention to commit offences relating to treason.

How Crane Bank’s ghost is still haunting dfcu

For most of the past decade, dfcu Limited has told a reassuringly story about a spectacularly messy inheritance.

In January 2017 the mid-sized lender took over the branches, deposits and performing loans of Crane Bank Limited (CBL), a failed rival that Bank of Uganda (BoU) had seized three months earlier.

The deal grew dfcu’s balance-sheet by two-thirds and vaulted it into the top tier of Ugandan banking almost overnight.

It also handed dfcu something it did not bargain for: a decade-long legal entanglement with one of the country’s richest men, playing out not in Kampala but in London’s Rolls Building, the home of England’s Commercial Court.

On July 29, dfcu issued a profit warning telling shareholders that unaudited results for the six months to June 30,2026 will show a loss, a reversal from a profitable first half in 2025.

The company noted legal costs from the Crane Bank litigation, not any deterioration in the underlying business.

For the full 2025 financial year, net profit went up 4 percent to Shs74.9 billion. The message to investors, in effect, is that the bank is fine but the lawyers are expensive.

How a takeover became a lawsuit

Crane Bank, owned mainly by the businessman Sudhir Ruparelia and his family alongside a Mauritius-based investor, was Uganda’s fourth-largest lender by 2016, with assets exceeding Shs1.8 trillion.

That October, BoU placed it under statutory management, citing capital erosion that regulators said left the bank with negative core capital of roughly Shs240 billion, driven by insider lending and non-performing loans concentrated among shareholder-linked borrowers.

A forensic audit by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), commissioned by BoU, catalogued undercapitalisation, understated bad loans and inflated income figures.

Mr Ruparelia has never accepted that account.

He argues that Crane Bank was fundamentally solvent and was tipped into a liquidity crisis only after BoU’s intervention triggered a run, a claim at odds with the PwC audit’s finding of negative core capital and a BoU capital call issued months earlier, in July 2016.

He further claims that the central bank blocked shareholders from bringing in outside investors, and that the resulting sale to dfcu, at what he calls a ‘giveaway’ price, was based on a bidding process that Uganda’s own Auditor General later found was not accompanied by any independent valuation of Crane Bank’s assets.

BoU and dfcu dispute this characterisation and stand by the PwC findings.

Mr Ruparelia’s own allegations against them like the corrupt-scheme and giveaway-price claims among them, have never been substantively tested or upheld by any court.

A separate, earlier fight went badly for the regulator. BoU and Crane Bank (in receivership) sued Mr Ruparelia in Uganda’s courts, alleging he had siphoned Shs397 billion ($112m) from the bank.

BoU lost at the High Court and the Court of Appeal, then withdrew its final appeal to the Supreme Court in December 2021.

The Supreme Court formally closed the case in Mr Ruparelia’s favour that February, a procedural outcome following BoU’s withdrawal, rather than a substantive ruling on the merits of BoU’s fraud allegations.

Round two, in London

In 2020, while the domestic fraud case was still working its way through Uganda’s courts, Mr Ruparelia, his family and Crane Bank Limited filed a separate claim against dfcu Limited, dfcu Bank and several Ugandan directors in the English High Court.

The claim, valued at more than £170m, alleges conspiracy to injure by unlawful means and dishonest assistance in what the claimants allege, but have not proven, was a corrupt scheme between BoU officials and dfcu to acquire CBL’s assets improperly.

dfcu denies the claims in full, has always dismissed them as without merit, and says it will defend them vigorously.

It has also stressed it relied in good faith on BoU’s resolution process and the PwC findings. No court has yet ruled on the substance of these allegations.

In October 2022 a High Court judge ruled England had no jurisdiction to hear the case at all and set aside service of the claim, a decision dfcu welcomed as a win.

The claimants appealed, and in July 2023 the Court of Appeal reversed that ruling, finding there were serious issues to be tried in England.

dfcu then sought permission to appeal to the UK Supreme Court.

in 2024 that court declined to hear the jurisdiction question further and sent the matter back down to the High Court for a full trial, meaning, after four years, the case was back roughly where it had started, only now heading for trial rather than dismissal.

Since then the fight has moved into disclosure skirmishes that read like a preview of the main event.

In July 2025 the court rejected an attempt by the claimants to exclude the PwC reports from evidence, a significant procedural win for dfcu, since those reports underpin the bank’s defence that BoU’s resolution of Crane Bank was properly grounded.

The court also ordered forensic examination of mobile phones and emails belonging to Mr Ruparelia and family members, including his daughter Sheena, to establish whether they hold documents relevant to the case.

Both sides have claimed victories from these interim rounds; neither has moved the underlying allegations an inch closer to resolution.

What the numbers actually show

dfcu’s own 2025 annual report, published at the end of March 2026, puts a hard figure on what was previously just “elevated legal costs.”

Litigation-related expenditure tied to the London case came to Shs76.6 billion in 2025 alone, up from Shs42.3 billion in 2024, and the company states plainly that this represented 23 percent of the Group’s total operating costs for the year.

Group-wide operating expenses rose to Shs332 billion in 2025 from Shs293 billion the year before, and legal costs account for the bulk of that increase; strip them out, management says, and underlying cost growth was minimal.

Remarkably, dfcu still posted a profit in the year the costs first became material: net profit after tax rose 4 percent to Shs74.9 billion in 2025 from Shs72.1 billion in 2024, helped by loan growth of 12 percent (to Shs1.265 trillion), deposit growth of 15 percent (to Shs2.714 trillion) and total assets up 8 percent to Shs3.716 trillion.

The board even lifted the dividend, to Shs21.81 a share from Shs20.09, and dfcu’s stock rose 34 percent over the year to close 2025 at Shs301, comfortably outpacing the 24.5 percent rise in the broader Uganda Securities Exchange local index.

Chief executive Charles Mudiwa’s own words capture the tension: ‘Despite lingering historical legal costs, which we continue to manage with resilience, our underlying operating profit reflects a leaner, faster, and more agile bank’

dfcu’s unaudited interim results, published alongside the warning, put a number on the swing: a net loss of Shs15.8 billion for the six months to 30 June 2026, against a Shs34.5 billion profit in the same period a year earlier, a reversal of roughly Shs50 billion, and a basic loss per share of Shs21.08, compared with earnings of Shs46.18 a share in the first half of 2025.

The interim accounts are consistent with management’s framing that this is a cost problem, not a business problem.

Total operating income actually rose 8 percent year-on-year, to Shs215.6 billion, and the credit-loss charge, the standard proxy for loan-book deterioration, increased only modestly, from Shs9.5 billion to Shs11.8 billion.

What swung the result was operating expenses, which jumped 53 percent, from Shs150.4 billion to Shs230.0 billion.

The interim filing does not break legal costs out as a separate line item the way the full-year annual report does, so it cannot independently confirm that litigation spending accounts for the bulk of that jump.

That attribution rests on management’s own public statements, both in the profit warning and in the 2025 annual report’s explicit disclosure that Crane Bank litigation costs made up 23 percent of operating expenses that year.

But the trajectory is consistent with a legal bill that kept climbing through the first half of 2026, tracking the case’s move from disclosure disputes toward the October trial.

Meanwhile the core franchise kept expanding straight through the loss: loans and advances rose to Shs1.44 trillion, customer deposits to Shs2.87 trillion, and total assets to Shs3.94 trillion by 30 June 2026, all up from year-end 2025.

Borrowings rose by about 43 percent over the same period, from Shs140.1 billion to Shs200.4 billion, driven mainly by a sharp increase in interbank deposits rather than new term borrowing.

No interim dividend was declared, consistent with the prior year.

The annual report’s governance section is notably tight-lipped on specifics. Under ‘Key Material Matter,’ the directors write only that ‘the Company continued to manage the London matter… As the matter remains before the Court, the Company is unable to provide further details and continues to stand by the contents of the previously published statement’

The accompanying legal note is more forthcoming about strategy. dfcu says it ‘continues to engage the Bank of Uganda, as the Seller in the 2017 transaction, towards the redress of these costs,’ and notes that under English cost-shifting rules, “an unsuccessful claimant may be ordered to pay a substantial proportion of the defendant’s legal costs’.

In other words, dfcu is both trying to get BoU to help foot the bill now and banking on recovering costs from the Ruparelia side later if it wins.

What the profit warning actually tells you

None of this, on its own, threatens dfcu’s solvency. The bank’s core franchise looks healthy by regional standards, and capital ratios remain well above regulatory minimums.

What the warning signals is the cumulative drag of financing a top-tier English commercial litigation team over several years, now large enough to swing a single half-year from profit to loss.

This is a reminder that in commercial litigation of this scale, legal spend itself becomes a material line item long before any judgment is handed down.

Having already lost its own domestic case against Mr Ruparelia, the central bank has a direct interest in an English court not reaching a different verdict on the same underlying facts, even though BoU itself is not the defendant in the London action.

For now, capital buffers give dfcu room to absorb the hit without regulatory strain. Tier 1 capital stood at Shs570.6 billion at end-2025, a ratio of 30.0 percent against a Bank of Uganda minimum of 10 percent, and total capital adequacy was 30.7 percent against a 12 percent floor, roughly three times the regulatory requirement.

The board’s own chairman, Jimmy Mugerwa, obliquely acknowledged the strain in his 2025 letter to shareholders, writing that, the Group had, ‘while balancing elevated operational demands and litigation-related pressures… continued investing in critical strategic priorities.’

What comes next

The substantive trial is scheduled to begin in London in October 2026, dfcu executives say, after nearly six years of jurisdictional sparring and evidence disputes.

A trial date does not guarantee a swift verdict because complex commercial fraud claims of this size typically run for weeks, with judgment reserved for months afterwards, so the drag on dfcu’s earnings is unlikely to disappear from investor briefings soon.

For shareholders, the near-term calculus is that legal costs are a known, bounded quantity that management can (and does) explain away against an otherwise improving loan book.

Busoga University reopening for August intake delayed as govt awaits Museveni decision

Plans to reopen Busoga University in time for the August admission cycle have been delayed as government awaits President Museveni’s guidance on the institution’s name before completing the legal process required to operationalise it as a public university.

The delay comes despite the completion of major refurbishment works at the Iganga based campus, with authorities still required to finalise statutory approvals and establish the structures needed for the institution to begin operations.

Name approval stalls process

The Acting Minister of Education and Sports, Dr John Chrysostom Muyingo, said consultations on the university’s proposed name had been concluded, but the process could not proceed until Museveni gives his views on the options presented.

“We wanted to start something that is acceptable to all Ugandans. There were some challenges and we had to consult many stakeholders,” Dr Muyingo told Daily Monitor in a telephone interview on Wednesday.

He said the naming of the institution became one of the issues that prolonged the transition process.

“Some people wanted it to remain Busoga University, while others proposed Kiira University and other names. We have now concluded the consultations and are left with only one stakeholder, the President,” he said.

Dr Muyingo said the transition committee had submitted a report to Museveni seeking guidance on the preferred name.

“We have sent him the report so that he can also give us his views on the names proposed by the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) and other stakeholders,” he said.

Once the president gives his position, the proposal will move to Cabinet before being presented to Parliament for approval through a statutory instrument that will formally establish the institution as a public university.

NCHE completes inspection

NCHE said it had completed its role in the transition process after inspecting the university and submitting its assessment report to the Ministry of Education and Sports.

NCHE spokesperson Saulo Waigolo noted that the remaining steps were now the responsibility of the ministry and other government agencies.

“Beyond that, it is not within our mandate,” Waigolo added.

Shs3.8b refurbishment completed

While the legal process remains pending, the physical infrastructure required for the university has been prepared.

The chairperson of the Busoga University Transition Task Force, Prof John Tabuti, said the completion of refurbishment works at the Iganga main campus marked a major milestone towards establishing the institution as a public university.

The refurbished facilities were handed over on July 20 by the UPDF Civil Engineers Brigade, which renovated lecture blocks, administration offices, libraries, laboratories, the main hall and other facilities.

The project, funded by the Ministry of Education and Sports, cost Shs 3.795 billion.

Prof Tabuti ‘appealed to stakeholders to continue supporting the remaining processes required to establish the institution.’

Institutional structures pending

Despite the completed renovations, the university will still be required to establish key governance and academic structures before admitting students.

The institution will need to constitute a university council, appoint key management officials and recruit academic and administrative staff in line with requirements for a public university.

The pending approvals also come as the August admission cycle gets underway, with government-sponsored students already allocated to existing public universities and admissions continuing at other accredited institutions.

Fast-tracking statutory instruments

Iganga South MP Andrew Kaluya Namitego said stakeholders were optimistic that the remaining legal processes would be completed soon to allow the university to begin operations.

“We are very happy that Busoga University is finally taking shape. Some of us saw this dream being born, and we are happy that the government accepted to take over the university,” said Kaluya, who is also the Shadow Minister for Education,

He added: “We are fast-tracking the issue of the statutory instruments, which we hope we shall achieve in the very near future.”

Kaluya said the university’s development should be treated as a regional priority beyond political differences.

“When it comes to development, parties are not the issue. We want to speak the language of development,” he said.

He also commended the Church of Uganda for providing land for the university and supporting the transition process.

Church urges speedy completion

The Bishop of Busoga Central Diocese, Rt Rev Patrick Wakula, welcomed the progress made towards establishing the university but urged authorities to complete the remaining processes quickly.

“It is my prayer that we begin as early as possible. We have gone through a lot of history, but even those institutions that have reached where they are today began with one step,” Bishop Wakula said.

He said the Church of Uganda, which owns more than 200 acres of land where the university is located, remained committed to supporting the project while addressing outstanding administrative matters.

Bishop Wakula emphasized that the university would also create opportunities for surrounding communities through increased demand for services and infrastructure development.

Background

Busoga University was closed in 2017 by NCHE after investigations uncovered serious irregularities, including employing unqualified academic staff, offering unaccredited academic programmes and fraudulently awarding degrees to more than 1,000 students, many of them from South Sudan.

In January 2018, Museveni directed the Ministry of Education and Sports to begin the process of taking over Busoga University and Mountains of the Moon University as public institutions.

The government later constituted a committee chaired by Dr Muyingo to spearhead the transition of Busoga University into a public university.

A six-member task force led by environmentalist Prof Tabuti was also appointed to oversee the transition. Other members are Prof Katwalo Mulengani, Prof Lydia Emuron, Prof Mary Muhenda, Ms Esther Biganja and Mr Maxwell Amula.

Founded in 1999 and affiliated with Busoga Diocese under the Church of Uganda, Busoga University has its main campus in Iganga Municipality.

’Month in the dark’: NMG journalists recount challenges during military shutdown

The longest month of my career taught me how to be present – Victoria Kyolaba Namatovu

‘When I learnt of Daily Monitor’s shut down, time stopped for me. Not literally, of course. The sun still rose every morning. School runs still had to be done. Meals still needed cooking. Laundry multiplied like it had a personal vendetta against me. But professionally… everything froze. For the first time in my career, I had nowhere to rush to. That should have felt like a holiday, but it did not. If there is one thing I have learnt about myself, it is that I am spectacularly bad at uncertainty. Give me bad news and I will deal with it. Give me a problem and I will find a solution. But tell me, ‘we do not know,’ and my brain immediately opens a full-time department of worst-case scenarios.

Every night became an Olympic sport in overthinking.

Will we reopen tomorrow?

Next week?

Next month?

Will my desk still be there?

Will I still have a job?

What if…

The ‘what ifs’ were relentless. They showed up the moment I switched off the bedroom light, fully armed with imaginary disasters and absolutely no respect for sleep.

Every morning, I woke up hoping for news. Every evening I went to bed with none. It turns out uncertainty is exhausting work.

Meanwhile, my children had a completely different interpretation of events. To them, someone had finally made a sensible decision and permanently assigned Mummy to the home department.

‘Mummy…’

‘Mummy…’

‘Mummy…’

If I had earned even one shilling for every time my name was called in a single day, I would have paid school fees in advance for the next decade.

The requests never ended.

‘Mummy, where are my socks?’

‘Mummy, watch this!’

‘Mummy, he is looking at me!’

Sometimes I would walk from the sitting room to the kitchen and hear my name seven times before I even reached the fridge.

There were moments I seriously considered changing it.

And yet…

There was something strangely beautiful about being needed so completely.

For years I had complained about missing the little things because work always came first. There was always another story, another deadline, another page to approve. My children had mastered the art of hearing, ‘Just give me five minutes.’

Five minutes that often became an hour.

During this pause, I had nowhere to hide.

We played games I had forgotten existed. We laughed at things that made no sense. We argued over the TV remote, invented competitions that had no rules and therefore no winners. At the weekend, we watched movies in the middle of the afternoon because… well, why not?

I learnt new things about my children. I also learnt new things about myself. Apparently, I have far less patience than I thought. There were days I genuinely longed for the office simply because nobody there asked me where their missing shoe was.

But there were also moments I knew I would miss once normal life returned.

The random hugs.

The conversations that started with dinosaurs and somehow ended with whether Michael Jackson is still alive. I have no idea where this obsession came from.

The pure joy on their faces simply because I was there. It made me realise I had been giving my family the leftovers of my day. Whatever energy remained after work had taken the biggest share.

This unexpected pause forced me to flip that completely.

Ironically, the closure reminded me I work so hard in the first place for these three small people who genuinely believe I know where every missing sock, toy and charger in the house is.

Did I miss the newsroom?

Absolutely.

There is an energy in journalism that is hard to explain unless you have lived it. The buzz of breaking news. The pressure of deadlines. The quiet satisfaction of seeing a story come together just in time for print.

I have missed all of it.

But I would be lying if I said this unexpected chapter was not also a gift.

Life rarely gives us uninterrupted time with our children. Usually, we are too busy thinking about tomorrow to notice today quietly happening in front of us.

This time, tomorrow refused to give us any answers.

So, we were left with today.

And maybe that was the lesson.

As Daily Monitor reopens and life slowly finds its rhythm again, I am genuinely excited to be back doing what I love. I have missed the newsroom, my colleagues, and that controlled chaos that somehow always produces a newspaper.

But I am also returning with something I did not have before. The awareness that one day, the house will be quiet. One day, I will probably miss hearing my name a thousand times a day.’

I rediscovered the meaning of journalism – Carol Ataganza

I was jolted awake by a flurry of phone calls and messages from family checking to find out if I was okay. At first, I was confused as to why I was being asked that question at 3am. That is how I discovered that my office had been raided and shut down. As shocking as that was, it did not come as a surprise. For weeks, there had been signs. The days that followed became a waiting game. I thought the misunderstanding would be resolved quickly and that we would soon be back to work, but it took a month.

During that time, I learnt a lot, not least that the so-called five stages of grief are not linear, tidy, or theoretical. I moved through all of them; denial, anger, bargaining, despair, and eventually acceptance. The experience forced me to think more deeply about the profession and its place in the world.

I came to appreciate that journalism is an act of faith. Every morning, you wake up not knowing where the day will take you, but trusting that by the end of it, you will have produced something meaningful. It may seem small in the grand scheme of things, but it matters. Journalism gives voice, records history, and holds power accountable. When it is interrupted, it is not just jobs that are affected; public memory, truth, and trust are also placed at risk.

The shutdown also revealed that resilience is not only about endurance, but about clarity. In moments of uncertainty, you discover what you believe in, what you can withstand, and what you are willing to return to when the dust settles. This month in the dark refined my perspective on purpose, duty, and conviction.’

Healing in the quiet – Promise Twinamukye

The closure of Nation Media Group found me in an unusual place, physically bruised and emotionally drained. Just two days before the announcement, on a Friday night, a friend and I were attacked as we returned from a quick trip to a supermarket in Kira. It was around 11pm, and with the supermarket only a short distance from home, we took a boda boda. As we approached Kasangati Road, barely a four-minute walk from the house, the rider suddenly stopped, claiming the motorcycle had developed a mechanical problem. It had not. He was waiting for his accomplices.

Within moments, they arrived on another motorcycle, choked and assaulted us before taking everything they could. My friend’s newly bought iPhone 16 was stolen. Mine survived only because, in a split-second instinct, I threw it into a nearby bush before they reached me. After they fled, we crawled home, shaken and injured, before spending the following day at the police station.

Then, on Sunday morning, came the news that NMG had suspended its operations. The timing could not have been stranger. Part of me welcomed the unexpected pause as an opportunity to recover from the attack, but it was also accompanied by uncertainty, a feeling many contractor journalists undoubtedly shared.

Days became weeks. Instead of regaining confidence, I found myself reluctant to leave home. The trauma from the robbery lingered, the feeling of a lockdown, slightly similar to the Covid-19 lockdown one, leaving me with an unsettling sense of vulnerability that, to some extent, remains today.

Professionally, the closure created another kind of paralysis. When I contacted sources, some responded with questions rather than story leads, ‘Where will you publish this? Is your newsroom not closed? When are you reopening?’ Eventually, I stopped pitching stories altogether.

Looking back, the closure was both a gift and a challenge. It gave me time to slow down, reflect and reconnect with myself. Thanks to a strong support system, I did not have to worry about my next meal or force myself to keep working before I was ready. Yet the abrupt disruption also left many of us in limbo. Rather than immediately embracing rest or focusing on neglected priorities, we were first forced to confront confusion, uncertainty and the loss of routine that had defined our daily lives.

Geoffrey Okwera on life outside the newsroom

On June 28, 2026, I woke up to shocking online news that my workplace had been raided by a security operation. At first, I could hardly believe what I was reading. I had heard about previous incidents involving the closure of Nation Media Group, but this time, the situation felt different. It was personal. I was directly affected, and suddenly, my livelihood and professional future seemed uncertain.

As a journalist, the newsroom had become more than just a workplace. It was where I spent most of my days developing stories, attending press conferences, interviewing sources, writing articles and working against deadlines. It was a place where ideas were exchanged, stories were shaped and the public’s right to information was pursued.

But on that day, everything changed as the inability to walk into the newsroom, sit at my desk and continue with the work I had become accustomed to was difficult to process. Management advised that we exercise calm and wait for the reopening.

For me, the events of June 28 brought that reality closer to home and I began asking myself difficult questions. How long would the situation last? Would I be able to return to my workplace? What would happen to the stories I was working on? And, perhaps most importantly, what does life look like for a journalist when the newsroom suddenly becomes inaccessible?

The experience has made me appreciate the newsroom in a different way. I have come to realize that journalism is not only about writing stories or reporting events. It is also about having a professional environment where journalists can work, collaborate and serve the public.

For journalists, however, the disruption of normal newsroom operations can create uncertainty, not only for reporters but also for editors, photographers, administrative staff and many other people whose livelihoods are connected to the media industry.

Being away from that environment has been unsettling. The silence that replaces the usual newsroom conversations can feel strange. The absence of deadlines, editorial meetings and the daily rhythm of reporting create a void that is difficult to explain to someone who has never experienced it.

Yet, even in uncertainty, the responsibility of a journalist remains. The need to seek accurate information, tell people’s stories fairly and keep the public informed continues to be an important part of the profession.

What kept me alive with hope is the Nation Media Group Fellowship where we exchanged God’s messages and preached hope to each other, every day. We even had chain prayers one week from 3pm to 3pm the next day and this changed my view about the situation.

For now, I am happy that normalcy has returned and that journalists will once again be able to carry out their work in a stable and professional environment.

Uganda railways returns to coffee export business after eight years, cuts freight costs

Uganda Railways Corporation [URC] has re-entered the transportation of coffee for export after an eight-year absence, with the first consignment leaving Kampala for the Port of Mombasa this week in a move officials say could cut logistics costs for farmers and exporters while easing pressure on highways.

The last train carrying Ugandan coffee to Mombasa ran in 2018. Since then, all export consignments have moved by road through the Northern Corridor. That changed on Tuesday when URC dispatched a block train of 29 containers loaded with coffee beans destined for international buyers.

According to URC spokesperson Mr Linnon Ssengendo, the consignment comprised 28 twenty-foot containers and one 40-foot container, with a total cargo weight of 606.60 tonnes.

Had the exporter chosen road transport, the same volume would have required about 17 heavy-duty trucks, assuming an average payload of 36 tonnes per truck.

Managing Director Benon Kajuna described the movement as a test case and a signal of intent.

‘This was the first train. We are pursuing other exporters. This successful trip is an indication that we are back and can move the cargo,’ he said.

The financial difference was stark. At prevailing road rates of about $2,900 (Shs10.4m) for a 20-foot container and $3,300 (Shs11.8m) for a 40-foot container, moving the consignment by truck would have cost an estimated $84,500 (Shs304m).

By rail, URC charged $735 (Shs2.6m) per 20-foot container and $990 (Shs3.4m) for the 40-foot container from Uganda to Mombasa. That brought the total rail freight cost to $21,570 (Shs77.6m), calculated as $735 multiplied by 28 plus $990 for the single 40-foot unit.

The saving of more than $62,000 (Shs223.4m) on a single shipment highlights why exporters have long pushed for a revival of rail.

Beyond cost, URC argues that rail consolidates cargo into one movement, reduces road congestion along the Kampala-Malaba-Mombasa highway, lowers carbon emissions per tonne-kilometre, and minimises risks associated with multiple truck trips, such as accidents, delays at weighbridges, and pilferage.

‘This is a good development in terms of diversifying our cargo portfolio, while also making Ugandan exports more competitive and contributing to economic development,’ the corporation said in a statement.

The return to transporting coffee comes at a time when Uganda’s coffee sector is under pressure to deliver higher volumes more efficiently to remain competitive in a global market that is increasingly sensitive to both price and sustainability credentials.

Uganda’s coffee exports and why logistics matter

Coffee remains Uganda’s leading agricultural export and one of its top foreign exchange earners. The country primarily produces two varieties. Robusta, which grows in the lowland districts of central, western, and eastern Uganda, accounts for the bulk of output. Arabica is grown in the highland areas of Mt Elgon, Rwenzori, and southwestern Uganda and commands premium prices.

Over the last decade, the government and industry have targeted production of 20 million 60-kilogramme bags by 2035, up from about six to seven million bags in recent years.

Coffee earnings fluctuate with global prices and weather, but the crop consistently ranks among Uganda’s top three export commodities alongside gold and oil-related products. Key destinations include Italy, Germany, Sudan, Spain, the United States, and increasingly markets in the Middle East and Asia. Most of Uganda’s coffee leaves the country through Mombasa, with a smaller portion moving south through Dar es Salaam.

That dependence on the Northern Corridor road has been a persistent challenge. Trucking is expensive, and the cost is passed down the value chain to farmers. Delays at the Malaba and Busia border points, fuel price volatility, and road maintenance also add uncertainty. For a bulky, low-margin commodity like green coffee, transport can make the difference between profit and loss.

This is why the revival of rail is being closely watched by exporters, cooperatives, and development partners.

URC’s re-entry does not mean an immediate shift of all coffee exports to rail. The network still faces capacity constraints, last-mile connectivity challenges, and the need to align schedules with port operations. The corporation says it is now engaging other exporters to build regular block trains and that the tariff structure will be reviewed to remain competitive with road transport.