Category: Daily Monitor

As the continent celebrated 63 years of the African Union recently with spectacular speeches from different leaders, the clarion call centred on Africa’s unity, solidarity and integration in the age of globalisation.

Against the backdrop of calls for unity and solidarity, however, is a continent divided along national lines, geopolitical intrigues, foreign ideologies, race and ethnicity.

For instance, in Nigeria, there are divisions between Muslims and Christians, while in South Sudan, there is civil unrest occasioned by differences between the Nuer and Dinka tribes.

However, the most disappointing and shocking divisions on the continent are in South Africa, where nations are up in arms against fellow Africans.

Since the beginning of the year, a group of anti-immigration activists has led street demonstrations in business centres and residences in the low-cost communities of KwaZulu-Natal, Eastern Cape, Johannesburg, and Soweto in ‘Operation Dudula’ to send foreigners back to their countries of birth by June 30.

The operation is targeting fellow Blacks from Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Tanzania, Malawi and Mozambique, citing a lack of proper documentation, crimes, jobs and opportunities being occupied by foreigners.

There is a possibility that a few Black foreign nations are guilty as charged, but the practice of exercising mob action is so wrong.

South Africa prides itself on being a ‘Rainbow Nation’ because it is a diverse and multicultural society.

In my view, it’s disingenuous for the Operation Dudula leaders to target only Blacks who are part of the migrants who comprise about five percent of South Africa’s total population.

Amid the anti-immigration demonstrations, one prominent member of the National Assembly of South Africa and leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters party, Mr Julius Malema, has strongly come out to condemn the unfortunate events.

In a recent interview with Sky News, Mr Malema boldly stated: ‘There is no xenophobia, but rather Afrophobia.’ Malema referred to the Operation Dudula leaders and demonstrators as clownish, charlatans and disruptors extorting Black foreigners, because they are an easy target compared to other races of foreigners.

Mr Malema has consistently vowed never to be part of a parochial group haunting and taunting other Africans, just because they crossed to South Africa in search of greener pastures and an African dream.

As Martin Luther King Jnr stated: ‘The ultimate measure of man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience but where he stands at the times of challenges and controversy.’

Mr Malema has taken a stand at a very difficult time for any politician in South Africa right now to confront the anti-immigrant demonstrators and risks losing votes in the upcoming elections.

Lest we forget, South Africa is still living with racial, social and economic disparities because, as much as political power changed in 1994, the economic power did not change hands nor did it redistribute land and capital equally.

Has South Africa abandoned our common struggle of the United States of Africa, free from divisions, hatred, visa restrictions, trade embargos, foreign influence and dependency? The persecution of fellow Africans erodes all the historical efforts of Marcus Garvey, Haile Selassie, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Thomas Sankara and Nelson Mandela, who struggled to unite Africa.

Dear Operation Dudula leaders and misled demonstrators, we still have a bigger struggle of ending raw materials and minerals depletion, brain drain and decolonising Africa from foreign debt that has kept our continent under imperialism.

Professional golf is one of most lucrative spaces in global individual sport, with the sector’s overall value estimated at about $83 billion dollars.

Ugandans have only earned pennies from global pro golf at the regional and global front. With just about 18 courses in the country, it is relatively understandable.

But, as well, the standards to play on the global DP World Tour, PGA Tour or LIV Golf circuits are so high.

New Uganda Professional Golfers Association (UPGA) chairman Davis Kato is seeking to create some change and thereby push more Ugandan pro players onto the different tours.

It begins by expanding the calendar with more activity. A dearth of tournaments hasn’t made it easy for local professionals but by launching the Pro-Tee Series at Entebbe Club sponsored by MTN, the strides are towards the right direction.

‘Entebbe Club and MTN, a long-term partner, a friend forever, the best network in the country, is launching what we call the MTN Pro-Tee Series,’ Entebbe Club captain Serwano Walusimbi remarked at the weekend.

‘Of course, this will get them (professionals) ready for even probably on the international stage. So with MTN and Entebbe Club, we are very, very glad and happy that we have launched this,’ added Walusimbi.

This Series will happen every quarter of the year, in the week leading up to the MTN Quarterly Tee. It begins Tuesday when a field of 42 players lines-up for a 72-hole competition over four days at the par-71 course.

The second leg will be played in September with the final leg of the year in December. The Series is helping to create a stronger pathway for Ugandan golfers to compete successfully on bigger stages.

‘For the last two years, I’ve been promising the golfers that something big is coming, something big is coming. And for sure, something big has arrived,’ remarked UPGA trustee Innocent Kihika.

‘What has been missing is a structured platform that gives players consistent opportunities to compete, earn and develop,’ said Kato, who leads UPGA that has grown from 29 members in 2022.

‘Through the MTN Pro-Tee Series, MTN Uganda is helping to raise the standard of professional golf by introducing an international-standard competition format, an Order of Merit and meaningful prize purses that motivate players to perform throughout the season,’ he added.

Sponsors MTN are offering Shs15m for the first leg this week, Shs20m for the next and Shs30m at the end of the year, according to Walusimbi.

‘We are elevating the game, we are freeing our fire. For the last three years MTN has been a proud partner of Entebbe club. We’ve watched the community grow and we’ve supported incredible amateur talent,’ said MTN business enterprise segment manager Justina Icabala Ziraba.

‘So by creating a season-long order of merit point system we ensure that every single swing counts towards crowning a true grand champion and we can’t wait to see who that will be,’ Icabala said of the Free Your Fire MTN campaign.

The two latest professionals expected to compete are Ibrahim Bagalana and Ibrahim Ssemakula. The field on the par-71 course will comprise female pros like Evah Magala and UPGA board member Irene Nakalembe.

ENTEBBE MTN PRO-TEE

Inaugural Edition: 2026

Venue: Entebbe Club

Stance: Professional Golfers

Sponsor: MTN

Package: Shs15m (Leg 1), Shs20m (Leg 2), Shs40m (Leg 3)

First Leg Dates: June 16-19

Expected Field: 42 Players

UPGA Size: 62 Members

When President Museveni unveiled his latest Cabinet after winning a seventh elective term, the departure of Gen David Muhoozi from the Ministry of Internal Affairs attracted limited public attention.

The former Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), who had served as State minister for Internal Affairs since 2021, quietly exited the government alongside several other ministers. The spotlight instead focused on the surprise nomination of educationist and university administrator Dr Lawrence Muganga (PhD) as his replacement.

Yet weeks later, following the controversy that engulfed Dr Muganga’s ministerial bid and left uncertainty over the leadership of the docket, attention has unexpectedly returned to Gen Muhoozi, a man whose public service career has largely been defined by discretion, discipline and an aversion to political drama.

His story is one of a soldier who rose from the ranks of the National Resistance Army (NRA) during the liberation struggle to become one of Uganda’s most senior military officers before making the transition into civilian government.

Security analysts often described Gen Muhoozi as a methodical and professional officer, who preferred institutional stability over public grandstanding. Unlike some military leaders whose careers were marked by political statements and public controversies, Gen Muhoozi maintained a relatively low profile despite occupying one of the most powerful offices in the country.

His tenure as CDF lasted nearly eight years before Mr Museveni appointed him State minister for Internal Affairs in 2021. Before, Gen Muhoozi, a trained lawyer, among others, headed the air defence unit in Nakasongola. He also once served as the commander in charge of the mechanised UPDF (Armoured Division). The posting at the Kasijjagirwa Barracks in Masaka was traditionally used to be seen as a precursor, if not a petri dish, of future CDFs before it was swallowed up by the Special Forces Command (SFC). The paths charted by James Kazini and Aronda Nyakairima bear testament.

Born in 1965 in Mbarara District, Gen Muhoozi joined the NRA in 1985 and steadily rose through the ranks due to his strategic acumen and leadership abilities. He is part of what has now come to be known as the late Brig Noble Mayombo group.

Along with Mayombo, who was claimed on May 1, 2007, by a malady that progressed quickly, the cohort also included Lt Gen Mugira, who is now the managing director of the National Enterprise Corporation (Nec)-the business arm of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), and Maj Gen Moses Rwakitarate, the coordinator of the security for vital assets and strategic installations.

Gen Wilson Mbasu Mbadi, the junior Trade minister and former CDF, is also one of the luminaries of the cohort.

A systemic failure

Gen Muhoozi’s tenure as CDF was characterised by efforts to modernise the UPDF, and strengthen its regional influence. The move reflected a broader pattern in Ugandan governance, where senior military officers transition into civilian leadership roles after retirement from active service. It also demonstrated the confidence the President had in Muhoozi’s administrative abilities.

Mr Job Kiija, an associate director at Innovations for Democratic Engagement and Action (IDEA), said government priorities and gaps in the Internal Affairs docket have been exposed by the chaotic transition from Gen Muhoozi-who was abruptly dropped and recalled to active military service-to a rejected civilian nominee.

The governance expert noted that leaving a critical civilian agency responsible for national ID systems, citizenship verification, and immigration embroiled in a public vetting crisis is a severe failure of governance.

For decades, Mr Kiija argued, the regime has systematically stripped the ministry of its civilian character, weaponising it as a tool for patronage and political calculation rather than an independent administrative body.

‘The fact that the Executive nominated Lawrence Muganga, despite unresolved allegations of multiple foreign passport holdings, reveals a staggering failure by state intelligence to conduct elementary pre-nomination checks,’ Mr Kiija told Weekly Politics, adding that this collapse highlights a broader, alarming trend where institutional gatekeeping is bypassed in favour of political deal-making over national sovereignty and basic legal compliance.

Mr Kiija further explained that the systemic failure to cleanly replace Gen Muhoozi exposes an intentional refusal to cultivate untainted civilian leadership, driven by a regime that prioritises unswerving loyalty over constitutional integrity. This, he added, has created an artificial talent shortage, forcing the State to hollow out civilian structures and replace them with active-duty soldiers who are legally barred from partisan governance.

The IDEA associate director pointed to repeated unconstitutional patterns across public service dockets, citing Gen Wilson Mbadi’s move from CDF to Minister of State for Trade, and Lt Gen Joseph Musanyufu’s deployment directly into the civil service.

‘When active-duty commanders are continually shuffled into civilian ministries, it leaves massive administrative voids that a suppressed civilian political structure cannot fill,’ he said, stressing that true succession planning requires transparent pipelines within a neutral civil service; yet Uganda remains subjected to ad-hoc crisis management because the regime refuses to let State agencies operate independently of the military apparatus.

A chequered docket

The Ministry of Internal Affairs is one of the most important but often least understood government institutions. It oversees immigration services, citizenship matters, national identification systems, prisons, refugee management and a wide range of internal security functions that affect millions of Ugandans.

Observers say while Gen Muhoozi’s quiet leadership style is precisely what suits the docket, there was always discomfort from the fact that he is permanent furniture in the national army.

Mr Timothy Kalyegira, a political analyst, said under Uganda’s government system, since independence, ministries such as Internal Affairs should be headed by civilians rather than officers from the UPDF. He emphasised that the head of police should be a senior police officer, while the Ministry of Internal Affairs should remain under civilian leadership.

‘What they are doing now is illegal-appointing UPDF officers to ministerial positions undermines the constitutional framework and the civilian character of these institutions,’ Mr Kalyegira noted.

The policy analyst said it is not only Dr Muganga who was rejected by the vetting committee, adding that the fate of others, including Ambassador Adonia Ayebare, the Foreign Affairs minister designate; Mr Calvin Echodu, the designate Minister of State for Foreign Affairs; and Ms Shartsi Kutesa Musherure, designate Minister of State for Microfinance, hangs in the balance.

On the rejection of Dr Muganga, Mr Kiija said it highlights a dangerous pattern of appointing individuals to the Ministry of Internal Affairs who are legally and constitutionally barred from holding office. He recalled that this subversion of the supreme law did not start with Dr Muganga’s dual citizenship debacle, but has become a well-established institutional norm.

In 2013, Mr Kiija noted, the regime violated Article 208(2) of the Constitution by appointing Gen Aronda Nyakairima-a serving CDF-as Internal Affairs minister without requiring him to resign from the military, effectively fusing coercive military power with civilian administration.

‘Now, the State attempts a different evasion by using so-called technocratic excellence as a shield to install individuals whose legal allegiance is heavily compromised under current immigration laws,’ Mr Kiija observed.

Mr Kiija said the Parliamentary Appointments Committee’s refusal to endorse Dr Muganga is not a mere bureaucratic disagreement but a direct institutional pushback against an Executive that views the Constitution as a minor inconvenience in its quest to enforce a highly militarised, personalised State.

A sensitive issue

Ms Sarah Bireete, the executive director of the Center for Constitutional Governance (CCG), emphasised that following the vetting report from the Appointments Committee of Parliament, President Museveni has constitutional authority to take necessary corrective actions.

‘Our laws prohibit dual citizens from becoming ministers. All steps must be taken to ensure that appointed persons do not serve in violation of the law. Uganda has many qualified citizens who can serve as ministers. If an affected person does not take practical legal steps to resolve dual or multiple citizenship, then they do not deserve to hold ministerial office,’ she said.

Ms Bireete noted that the new Cabinet has already been sworn in, with a senior Minister of Internal Affairs in place, meaning there is no vacuum in leadership.

‘The President can identify other qualified persons to serve in the junior docket. There is no shortage of capable Ugandans ready to serve,’ she added.

Mr Moses Higenyi Kemba, the vice president of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), questioned the credibility of Dr Muganga’s background, noting inconsistencies in his statements.

‘I heard at some point Mr Muganga say he was born in Mukono, then later he claimed he was born in Butaleja, and that he left Butaleja when he was one year old. Yet we know he was in Butaleja in the 1980s, and we also know that he is a Rwandese national, just like many who lived here before returning during the Rwanda invasion of 1990 to 1994,’ Mr Kemba said.

He argued that the Parliamentary Committee on Presidential Appointments acted in Uganda’s best interest by setting aside the appointment of Dr Muganga, a person of multiple citizenships, to the sensitive Ministry of Internal Affairs.

‘The way Mr Muganga is desperately crying for that docket to be given to him is suspicious. We should not play with the sovereignty of our country,’ he added.

On the broader issue of tension between technocrats and politics in a security-related ministry, Mr Kemba emphasised that this is not a personal or bureaucratic matter but one of national sovereignty. He stressed that Uganda’s sovereignty must be guarded most jealously, especially in ministries that deal directly with internal security and national identity.

Mr Juma Kakuba Sultan, a senior lecturer and graduate coordinator in the Department of Political Science at Kyambogo University, said the transition appears to highlight two competing government priorities: political appointment considerations on one hand, and strict compliance with legal and security requirements on the other.

He noted that the rejection of Dr Muganga over citizenship concerns suggests that, at least in this case, eligibility requirements were treated as particularly important because the Ministry of Internal Affairs oversees sensitive areas such as citizenship, immigration, passports, national identification, and border management.

At the same time, he observed that the matter raises questions about the nomination process itself.

‘If concerns about eligibility existed before vetting, one may ask whether thorough due diligence was conducted before those nominations were publicly announced,’ Mr Sultan said.

Mr Sultan added that such lapses can create uncertainty around leadership continuity in a ministry that requires stable oversight and close coordination with security agencies and institutions responsible for citizenship and immigration services.

The ultimate black box

All of this invites the question of why Gen Muhoozi was dropped if, much unlike Dr Muganga, he ticks most, if not all, of the boxes. Observers that Weekly Politics sounded out appeared to be none the wiser. To many, the dropping was off-kilter.

Despite holding influential positions for decades, Gen Muhoozi remains one of the least publicly understood figures among Uganda’s senior leaders. He rarely grants interviews, seldom comments on political controversies and has largely allowed his work to speak for itself.

Whether Gen Muhoozi returns to frontline public service remains uncertain. What is becoming increasingly clear, however, is that his departure from the Internal Affairs docket has generated more discussion than many anticipated. As questions continue to swirl around the future leadership of the ministry, the spotlight has unexpectedly returned to the quiet general who left office without fanfare but whose absence is now being felt.

Sometimes in public service, it is only after a leader has departed that the true significance of their role becomes apparent. Over the decades, Gen Muhoozi held several strategic command positions and became one of the trusted officers within Uganda’s security establishment. He was the very embodiment of a safe pair of hands.

All this changed when Dr Muganga’s nomination encountered difficulties during parliamentary scrutiny. Questions surrounding eligibility and citizenship status quickly transformed what had appeared to be a straightforward transition into a national political discussion.

The controversy not only stalled Dr Muganga’s path to Cabinet but also prompted renewed interest in the man he was supposed to replace. Observers began asking whether the government had underestimated the importance of continuity within a ministry responsible for sensitive national functions.

Attention has now unexpectedly returned to Gen Muhoozi, a man whose public service career has largely been defined by discretion, discipline and an aversion to political drama.

Opposition politicians Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda and Betty Nambooze have recently come out to lavish Gen Muhoozi with a lot of praise, describing him as the ultimate professional. It was not lost on the two that the General has used soft power to win arguments across the different dockets that he has been entrusted with over the years.

Yet all indications show that he is being readied to fade in the background. The so-called Mayombo group, of which Gen Muhoozi is part, represented the first group of UPDF officers that was expected to take on the baton from the old guard that did most of the heavy lifting during the bush war that occupied the first six years of the 1980s.

With functionaries like Jim Muhwezi, Kahinda Otafiire, and Henry Tumukunde having settled into ministerial roles, critics describe the trajectory that Gen Muhoozi’s career has had as curious. The current stasis adds to the suspicion. Below Gen Muhoozi’s 1985 group are multiple younger generations that work their way to the current CDF and President Museveni’s son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba. The two Muhoozis might share a name, but currently their paths could not be more different.

Prof Sabiti Makara, a lecturer in the Department of Governance and Public Administration at Kabale University, believes that an interesting chapter to this story could yet be written.

‘President Museveni cannot throw Muhoozi away like that; he will be given another position,’ Prof Makara forecasted.

For now, though, the position that he occupied in the Internal Affairs docket remains unfulfilled.

The electricity sub-sector is facing mounting financial stress, with the Ministry of Finance warning that financially distressed power utilities could require government intervention.

The warning is contained in the Ministry of Finance’s Contingent Liabilities Annual Report 2024/25, which identifies the energy sector as the single largest source of risk within the state-owned enterprise portfolio.

The report specifically flags Uganda Electricity Generation Company Limited (UEGCL) and Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL) among the country’s highest-risk state enterprises and warns that continued financial deterioration among electricity utilities could ultimately force government intervention.

The assessment is reinforced by findings in the Auditor General’s report released earlier in the year, which shows that key electricity companies are struggling with underutilised infrastructure, weak cash flows, mounting liabilities, and operational inefficiencies.

Dominating the debt burden

The scale of the risk is reflected in the concentration of debt and liabilities within the electricity sector, with the report showing that UEGCL, UETCL, and UEDCL together carry liabilities amounting to about Shs11.41 trillion, making the electricity subsector by far the biggest source of financial exposure among state-owned enterprises.

The report shows that total liabilities across all state-owned enterprises stood at Shs13.56 trillion in the 2024/25 financial year, which means that the three utility companies account for 84 percent of the entire liability stock.

UEGCL carries liabilities of about Shs6.83 trillion, UETCL Shs3.98 trillion, while UEDCL holds roughly Shs597b.

The concentration means that financial distress within the electricity sector poses a disproportionate threat to public finances and makes power utilities the largest source of financial risk facing government’s revenues.

UETCL: Vulnerable enterprise

Among the most alarming cases is UETCL, which is responsible for transmitting electricity across the country.

Ministry of Finance identifies UETCL as one of the most financially vulnerable state enterprises, with the Contingent Liabilities Annual Report showing that the company had a current ratio of just 0.31, meaning it had only 31 cents in short-term assets for every shilling of short-term obligations.

Its leverage ratio stood at 1.08, indicating that liabilities exceeded assets, while its debt-service coverage ratio turned sharply negative because operating cash flows were insufficient to meet debt obligations.

The report warns that such weaknesses increase the likelihood that government could eventually be called upon to support the utility.

The findings are supported by the Auditor General’s report, which in January reported that UETCL’s financial performance deteriorated sharply, moving from a profit of Shs82.25b in the 2023/24 financial year to a loss of 293.1b in the 2024/25 financial year.

The Auditor General also reported that UETCL was burdened by Shs1.48 trillion in outstanding receivables, while significant portions of its transmission infrastructure remained underutilised or incomplete.

Impact of Karuma on UEGCL

The financial strain is also evident at UEGCL, the government-owned power producer responsible for Karuma, Isimba, and other generation assets.

UEGCL reported a profit of Shs25.02b in the 2024/25 financial year, falling sharply from Shs54.28b in the previous year.

The decline was largely linked to the underutilisation of the 600MW Karuma Hydropower Plant, which, according to findings of the Auditor General, generated only 808.27 GWh, equivalent to about 30 percent of available capacity, and realised only Shs148.16b against projected earnings of Shs316.42b.

At the same time, UEGCL’s receivables increased from Shs118.66b to Shs156.91b, largely because UETCL had failed to settle power purchase obligations amounting to Shs108.94b.

Thus, the Ministry of Finance in its Contingent Liabilities Annual Report notes that these challenges have translated into serious financial vulnerability, classifying UEGCL among the country’s highest-risk entities and describing it as ‘extremely illiquid and highly leveraged.’

The report shows that UEGCL had a current ratio of just 0.05, a debt-service coverage ratio of 0.75, and a leverage ratio of 1.45, which means that liabilities significantly exceeded assets.

It also notes that the company relies heavily on government on-lent debt, warning that companies in such positions pose a growing risk to public finances because failure to meet obligations may require government support.

UEDCL in the troubled mix

The Ministry of Finance’s report also places UEDCL among the electricity companies contributing to growing fiscal risks.

While the report focuses more on UEGCL and UETCL, it also identifies UEDCL as one of the state-owned enterprises that recorded losses during the 2024/25 financial year, warning that continued deficits in critical utilities could jeopardise service delivery.

The Contingent Liabilities Annual Report indicates that UEDCL carries approximately Shs597.3b in non-debt liabilities, including deferred tax obligations, trade payables, deferred income, and capital grant obligations, which put it in a distressed financial position.

This is partly blamed on the dramatic expansion of UEDCL’s asset base, which grew from Shs113b to Shs2 trillion, while its customer base and revenues rose from 166,000 to 2.2 million and Shs111b to Shs661b, respectively.

The report suggests that while UEDCL inherited a much larger business, it also inherited significant financial and operational pressures.

Growing risk of power disruptions

The financial pressures, by extension, risk efficient power supply, which the Auditor General had earlier identified as a challenge not only to the electricity sub-sector, but to the entire country.

The Auditor General has previously reported persistent grid interruptions due to line faults, vandalism, transformer failures, equipment breakdowns, and weaknesses in transmission systems.

As a result, these challenges forced government to incur Shs26.94b on generated but unused electricity in the 2024/25 financial year due to the non-existence of transmission infrastructure, which the Auditor General said had meant that major transformers at substations in Namanve, Mutundwe, Lugazi, Owen Falls, and Agago remained idle for periods ranging from eight months to more than three years.

This resulted in a decline in transmission capacity utilisation, which fell to 43.4 percent, while the system reserve margin, a key safeguard against blackouts, dropped from 32.2 percent to 12.83 percent.

Rising exposure

The Ministry of Finance, therefore, warns that deterioration in electricity-sector finances poses greater risks to both government revenues and economic stability.

It notes that while total revenues across state enterprises rose from Shs3.06 trillion to Shs4.03 trillion, combined net income swung from a Shs212.9b profit to a Shs325.8b loss, with the proportion of loss-making entities rising from 22 to 33 percent.

The report warns that rising losses, weakening liquidity, growing liabilities, and poor debt-servicing capacity could ultimately force government to intervene in some cases.

Four international airlines have suspended and restricted travel for passengers originating from Uganda following the recent Ebola outbreak, despite health authorities reporting significant progress in containing the disease.

According to the health ministry, Uganda has not registered a new Ebola case in eight straight days.

Uganda Civil Aviation Authority (UCAA), said the restrictions have affected passenger movement through Entebbe International Airport and threatened efforts to restore confidence in the country as a safe travel destination.

Speaking during the handover of Ebola screening and infection prevention equipment at Entebbe International Airport, UCAA Deputy Director General Ms Olive Lumonya revealed that several airlines had either withdrawn services or tightened travel conditions for Ugandan passengers.

‘It is coming in at a time when we are under pressure to create confidence and trust in Uganda,’ Ms Lumonya said.

She added, ‘As we are all aware, a number of airlines have pulled out. We had KLM, which pulled out. We have had Flydubai pulling out. We have had Air Arabia pulling out. This week, we have also seen changes by Emirates regarding conditions under which Ugandans can travel,’ she added.

According to aviation officials, Emirates is currently prioritising transit passengers while limiting travel for passengers originating from Uganda, a move she said has increased pressure on government agencies and the aviation sector.

‘They are more or less taking in only transit passengers, not people who are coming in from Uganda. That has created a lot of pressure on all of us,’ she said.

The aviation regulator, however, expressed hope that ongoing engagements with health authorities and international partners would help restore confidence among airlines and foreign governments.

‘We hope this confidence will enable the rest of the world, the airlines and decision-makers, to make a different decision that will give Uganda fairness as they travel the world. Entebbe International Airport is safe for all travellers. We are committed and determined to walk this journey with all partners to ensure the safety, health and wellness of travellers in Uganda and beyond,’ Ms Lumonya said.

The Permanent Secretary, Dr Diana Atwine, said Uganda had not registered a new Ebola case in six days, noting that hundreds of people who had been identified as contacts had successfully completed the mandatory monitoring period.

‘Since the imported cases that infected some of our health workers, it is now six days and we have not registered any positive case,’ Dr Atwine said.

She revealed that health authorities had initially traced more than 800 contacts linked to confirmed Ebola cases.

‘We have already discharged more than 400 people who completed the 21-day monitoring period, and many more will be discharged tomorrow. By the end of next week, we expect to have very few or no contacts remaining on the list,’ she said.

Dr Atwine criticised blanket travel restrictions imposed by some countries and airlines, arguing that the measures were not supported by scientific evidence.

‘I want to assure you that the population of Uganda is very safe. The people who travel to Uganda and those doing business in Uganda are very safe. There is no reason why we should see so many restrictions that are not based on science or facts,’ she said.

She explained that all identified contacts had either completed quarantine or continued to be closely monitored by health authorities, reducing the risk of further transmission.

The latest efforts to strengthen screening at Entebbe International Airport received a boost from the International Organization for Migration, IOM, which donated thermal scanners, automated hand sanitiser dispensers, and temporary isolation facilities.

Ms Jessica Healey, the Acting Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Kampala, said Washington continues to work with Uganda, the DRC, and other regional governments to contain the outbreak.

‘The Department of State, in close coordination with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, CDC, and in partnership with the governments of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC, Uganda, and other countries in the region, is continuing to mount a rapid and comprehensive response to the Ebola outbreak,’ Ms Healey said.

She noted that more than $220 million had been mobilised through the U.S. Department of State to support Ebola preparedness, contact tracing, border screening, and community awareness programmes across the region.

IOM Uganda Chief of Mission Mr Sanusi Tejan Savage said the equipment would improve early detection and infection prevention measures at the country’s main international gateway.

‘Entebbe International Airport is Uganda’s primary gateway to the world. It represents both a point of vulnerability and a critical opportunity for interception,’ Mr Savage said.

The donation included three thermal scanners, 60 automated hand sanitiser dispensers, and tents equipped with furniture for temporary isolation and assessment of suspected cases.

‘These facilities help health teams quickly identify and manage potential cases while ensuring airport operations continue with minimal disruption,’ he said.

During the homily of the Easter celebrations, Masaka Catholic Bishop Serverus Jjumba provoked political chatter when he warned politicians against obstructing the will of the people. Without naming names, Jjumba said there are politicians who had forced their way into power without the mandate of the people.

In the coming months, Buddu, which goes by the name Greater Masaka, will be under tension as the High Court in the sub-region determines about 15 electoral petitions filed as a result of the contested general elections.

When President Museveni was combing this area late last year, as he canvassed votes for himself and his cadres in the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), he was told by Ms Justine Nameere, at the time one of the contestants for the Masaka City Woman Member of Parliament (MP) slot, that there was sparse attendance at his rallies because the regime’s supporters had been threatened by the Opposition.

Ms Nameere’s victory is among those being contested at the Masaka High Court, putting the sub-region on tenterhooks. The junior Local Government minister’s victory is facing a petition filed by Ms Rose Nalubowa of the National Unity Platform (NUP) party. Ms Lubowa is contesting the manner in which Mr Albert Asiimwe, the Masaka Chief Magistrate, overturned her victory.

Although Ms Nalubowa filed the much-awaited petition after having gathered, in her words, ‘certified documents and substantial evidence’, the initial review application she filed at the High Court in Masaka City, asking it to review Mr Asiimwe’s decision to declare Ms Nameere the winner, threw light on the lack of confidence she has in the Judiciary.

Kinobe queries

Once the Principal Judge, Ms Jane Frances Abodo, allocated the review application to acting Judge Simon Peter Kinobe, who is based in Kampala, Ms Nalubowa’s legal team asked him to recuse himself on the grounds that he had not only registered as an NRM member but also competed in the ruling party’s primaries in 2020.

When Judge Kinobe refused to stay clear of the case, saying he is Independent, Ms Nalubowa withdrew the application and lambasted the Judiciary for bringing Mr Kinobe from Kampala, where he is stationed at the High Court’s Civil Division, all the way to Masaka, yet the city, found hundreds of miles away from the capital, has its own judges.

It is not clear who Ms Abodo will allocate to determine Ms Nalubowa’s petition, but it is highly unlikely it will be a judge in Masaka. The stakes have already been heightened by claims from Ms Nameere and Mr Haruna Kasolo, NRM’s vice chairperson in charge of Buganda region, that it is President Museveni who gave directives to Mr Asiimwe to, by hook or crook, declare Ms Nameere victorious.

In Masaka District, NUP’s Joan Namutaawe, who defended her Masaka District Woman Representative (DWR) slot, has more work to do since her victory has been challenged by NRM’s Joanita Nalule, who claims the Electoral Commission (EC) twisted figures in favour of Ms Namutaawe.

Ms Nalule claims since the NRM swept the Local Government elections in Masaka District, which were largely boycotted by Opposition voters, it means she also won the parliamentary slot.

Even after the EC had declared Ms Namutaawe victorious, Ms Nalule’s supporters were asking President Museveni to intervene and have the former’s win overturned.

Ms Namutaawe has laughed off these claims, saying she is ready to defend her victory in court.

As far as Ms Namutaawe is concerned, it was Ms Nalule who tried to do everything in her power to steal the elections.

‘They are shameless because they tried to cheat me, and they failed. I will also defeat them in court,’ Ms Namutaawe said.

Sodo on the spot

Another petition filed in the Masaka High Court that will heighten tensions has been filed by Kampala Associated Advocates (KAA) partner, Mr John Jet Tumwebaze, who is challenging the victory of President Museveni’s half-brother, Mr Godfrey Aine Kaguta, alias Sodo, in Mawogola North, Sembabule District.

First, Mr Tumwebaze accuses Sodo of having no requisite academic qualifications that are needed for any person to stand as an MP.

Per the Ugandan Constitution, a person must have completed a minimum formal education of Advanced Level standard, Senior Six, or its equivalent.

Even before Ugandans went to the ballot, Mr Tumwebaze, without success, had asked the EC to furnish him with Sodo’s academic papers.

‘I would like to satisfy that the said Mr Aine [Sodo] is qualified to be a Member of Parliament in accordance with Article 80 (1) (c) of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda and sections 4 1 (c) and 30 (c) of the Parliamentary Elections Act Cap 77,’ Mr Tumwebaze has written in a one-page letter.

He added: ‘In accordance with Article 41 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda and Sections 4, 5 and 10 of the Access to Information Act Cap 95 revised laws, I hereby request certified copies of all academic documents submitted by the said Mr Aine to the EC upon which he was nominated.’

Mr Tumwebaze also alleges that voters in Ssembabule didn’t vote since it was largely UPDF soldiers who stormed voting centres and stuffed the ballot boxes with pre-ticked ballot papers.

‘At most polling stations, there were more votes cast than registered voters. In Ssembabule, the ballot papers were available in the black market, and someone from the EC dared to reach out and give me an offer for buying them on the eve of election day,’ Mr Tumwebaze said after the elections.

Petitions galore

Masaka High Court will have many electoral petitions from Ssembabule to deal with because two petitions have been filed challenging NRM’s Ms Florence Nambaziira’s victory as the DWR.

The first petition was filed by Ms Mary Begumisa, who stood as an Independent after she was defeated by Ms Nambaziira in the NRM primaries. Ms Begumisa claims Ms Nambaziira lacks the minimum academic qualifications, and that the army tilted the election in her favour.

In the petition, Ms Begumisa lists the EC as the second respondent, accusing it of failing to conduct the January 15 election in accordance with the law. She argues that the outcome does not reflect the true will of the voters due to a series of alleged malpractices.

According to official results, Ms Nambaziira was declared the winner with 61,638 votes, representing 56.16 percent of the total votes cast. Ms Begumisa came second with 24,495 votes (22.32 percent), while musician-turned-politician Nina Kakunda, alias Nina Roz, polled 15,345 votes, and Esther Kyinkuhaire received 8,281 votes.

Ms Begumisa contends that the new DWR does not possess the Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education (UACE) or its equivalent, a mandatory requirement for parliamentary candidates.

In her affidavit, Ms Begumisa states that a review of Nambaziira’s nomination documents revealed no evidence of formal primary or secondary education. Instead, she says, Ms Nambaziira relied on Basic Vocational Education and Training (BVET) certificates in hairdressing issued by the Directorate of Industrial Training, which qualifications do not meet the equivalence standard of A-Level education. She noted that the training hours in the training cannot match the six years of formal secondary schooling required for eligibility to Parliament.

Ms Begumisa says the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) and the police interfered in the electoral process. NUP’s Nina-Roz has also filed a petition challenging Ms Nambaziira’s victory ‘because the army did the voting, not the common man.’

Still in Ssembabule, NUP’s Ms Gorreth Namugga has challenged NRM’s Mr Oswald Dez Byuma’s victory in Mawogola South, still insisting that the army did the voting, not the people. NUP’s Geoffrey Lutaaya, who has represented Kakuuto County for one term, in the coming days will be combing the corridors of Masaka High Court after he challenged the victory of NRM’s Mr Ismail Lubega Kaka.

Mr Lutaaya, a musician, not only accuses the EC and NRM of using the State machinery to alter results in favour of Mr Lubega, but also claims that 909 votes from three polling stations were disregarded.

The Bukomansimbi DWR slot will also be decided at the Masaka High Court after NUP’s Veronica Nanyondo challenged NRM’s Ms Ruth Katushabe’s razor-thin victory of just 206 votes.

Ms Nanyondo, who was seeking a fourth term, insists that Ms Katushabe’s victory was simply a work of fraud. In the aftermath of the election, the Masaka Chief Magistrate dismissed an application by Ms Nanyondo in which she sought a vote recount.

In 2016, Yorokamu Bamwine, then the Principal Judge, had a clear message to Uganda’s security agencies that the Judiciary wasn’t going to stomach the idea of torturing suspects.

Justice Bamwine, who was interacting with prisoners in Kiboga prisons, told the police that the law is very clear: everybody arrested is taken as a suspect, until the court proves him or her guilty.

‘Why should you torture the suspect?” he asked.

In 2018, one year before he hung up his wig, Justice Bamwine turned up the volume, warning that the judges weren’t going to accept suspects who are presented to court after being tortured.

‘I want to give the people of Uganda hope that whenever in any criminal proceeding it appears to a judge or magistrate or it is brought to their attention that the suspect was tortured, the judges will declare the trial a nullity,’ Mr Bamwine said during the 2018 launch of the Uganda Human Rights Commission report.

Yet in 2025, Masaka Grade One Magistrate Abdallah Kayizza allowed a visibly tortured Edward Sebuufu, the bodyguard of Opposition leader, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine, to be charged with aggravated robbery.

This came days after Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), bragged on social media that he had not only detained Mr Sebuufu but also tortured him as he taught him ‘Runyankore’.

To make matters worse, the Constitutional Court last week annulled provisions of the Human Rights (Enforcement) Act that allowed courts to automatically acquit accused persons once their rights had been violated.

In the judgment that has shocked the legal fraternity, a panel of five judges, including Oscar Kihika, Margaret Tibulya, Moses Kazibwe Kawumi, Asa Mugenyi and Musa Ssekaana, declared Section 11(2)(a), (b) and (c) of the Act unconstitutional.

The section says whenever, in any criminal proceedings, it appears to the judge or magistrate presiding over a trial that any of the accused person’s non-derogable rights and freedoms have been infringed upon, the judge or magistrate presiding over the trial shall declare the trial a nullity and acquit the accused person.

The section adds that criminal proceedings may be instituted against a person who breaches a non-derogable right or freedom guaranteed under the Constitution, even where an action for protection or enforcement of such a right or freedom has not been instituted.

The Justices unanimously held that the provisions contravened Articles 20, 21, 28 and 44 of the Constitution by upsetting the balance between the rights of accused persons and those of victims.

They agreed that allegations of torture and other human rights violations must be addressed, the judges ruled that such violations do not automatically extinguish criminal responsibility.

Yet to some legal experts, the judgment didn’t come as a surprise since some members of the panel have gained notoriety for ruling against individual rights.

For instance, before he was promoted to the Constitutional Court, Justice Ssekaana, who was heading the High Court’s Civil Division, dismissed the case in which two boda boda riders-Ronald Muhereza and Micheal Nyesiga-accused the top police brass, as it were then, including Gen Kale Kayihura, James Ruhweza, Andrew Kaggwa, Samuel Bamuzibire, Geoffrey Kaheebwa, Aaron Baguma, Jonathan Baroza, and Dan Tandeka Rwabwere, of torturing them.

The plaintiffs alleged that on July 13, 2016, as they were ferrying passengers on Entebbe Road, they were both suddenly, violently, angrily, arbitrarily, and wantonly attacked by policemen.

They further alleged that they were beaten for following Dr Kizza Besigye to the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) headquarters in Najjanankumbi on the same Entebbe Road.

In his ruling, Justice Ssekaana said while there were articles in newspapers showing how innocent civilians were clobbered by police while they were watching Dr Besigye, what Muhereza and Nyesiga presented as evidence wasn’t enough.

‘The plaintiffs [Nyesiga and Muhereza] had a duty to specifically prove to this court that they were victims of the reported police brutality. The trial court has a duty to consider the totality of the evidence led by each of the parties. It should then put it on an imaginary scale of justice to see which of the two sides weighs more credibility than the other. Evaluation of evidence by trial court should necessarily involve a reasoned belief of the evidence of the other or a reasoned preference of one version to the other,’ Justice Ssekaana ruled, adding that evaluation of evidence does not stop with assessing the credibility of the witnesses but it extends to a consideration of the totality of the evidence adduced on an issue to determine whether the totality supports a particular finding of fact.

In dismissing the case, Justice Ssekaana said although some of the police officers listed as respondents had been found culpable of wrongful actions against civilians, it did not mean that Muhereza and Nyesiga were automatically part of the victims.

‘They ought to have led evidence to show that they were personally victims of the alleged police brutality. The plaintiff’s cause of action appears to have been based on the [Daily] Monitor newspaper, and no corroborating evidence was presented in this court,’ Justice Ssekaana ruled.

Another ruling

Justice Ssekaana similarly dismissed a human rights enforcement application filed by Dr Charles Lagu, Mathias Wakulira, and Yasinta Nabukenya, in which they accused security operatives, whom they said were acting on the direction of Edith Nakalema, then the head of the State House Anti-Corruption Unit, of using abusive and degrading language.

They said State operatives referred to them as thieves and corrupt people during the process of interrogation, without allowing them to give their side of the story.

This, they opined, was a violation of their rights to a fair hearing and freedom from inhuman and degrading treatment.

They went on to accuse Col Nakalema of illegally constituting herself into a tribunal, conducting an illegal trial and determining the same against them in their offices in the presence of the press. This, they contended, was a violation of their rights to dignity, privacy, and a fair hearing.

In dismissing the case, Justice Ssekaana said as one of the basic human rights, the right of privacy is not treated as absolute and is subject to such action as may be lawfully taken for the prevention of crime or disorder or protection of health or morals or protection of rights and freedoms of others.

‘Right of privacy is subject to such action as may be lawfully taken for protection of rights of others; that the level of privacy protection depends on the context. The right to privacy, in any event, will necessarily have to go through a process of case-by-case development. If the scope of right to privacy is widened beyond limits, it may interfere with the governance of the State or other persons’ constitutional rights. Rights are protected and enjoyed by reasonable people who are law abiding and do not refuse to obey the sanction of the law and respect the rule of law when sanctioned by authority,’ Justice Ssekaana said, adding that the search conducted by the State operatives was justified and was made in accordance with the law and, therefore, there was no violation of the applicants’ right to privacy as they had argued.

No-fault divorces

Another judge on the panel who was accused of ruling against individual rights is Justice Kazibwe, who is now the Deputy Chief Justice. Justice Kazibwe was part of the majority of justices who upheld ‘fault-based’ divorce.

In the ruling, he and his fellow justices rejected unilateral ‘no-fault’ divorces, which means couples must continue to prove specific grounds for divorce, and warned that making divorce too easy could lead to ‘social disorder’.

The petitioners, who included human rights lawyer Nicholas Opiyo and Makerere University law don Kabumba Busingye, had argued that divorce under Section 4 of the Divorce Act did not reflect the current realities of marriage in Uganda today, as it unnecessarily places obstacles in divorce proceedings, making proceedings confrontational and giving little room for mediation or privacy of the litigants.

Justice Kazibwe and the majority panel found that allowing a reasonless, unilateral divorce contradicts the historical foundation of marriage.

‘It is also trite to State that marriages bring together families and communities, which become united by virtue of the voluntary decisions made by the parties to it. Family settings with both parents further enhance the proper upbringing of children and enable proper propagation of the requisite cultures and values to them by both parents. Religious institutions that prepare parties intending to take the vows equally have a deep interest in the success and not the failure of marriages.’

Police in Kira Division have arrested a suspect and impounded a taxi believed to have been used in a series of robberies targeting passengers in different parts of the Kampala Metropolitan Area.

The suspect, identified as Muwonge Isma, 47, a resident of Kyengera, was arrested on June 12, 2026, after police intercepted the vehicle, registration number UAW 401G, a white taxi that had been linked to multiple robbery complaints.

According to Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson SP Rachael Kawala, the arrest followed investigations into a robbery reported by a 20-year-old student and resident of Bulabira.

The victim told police that on the morning of June 11, 2026, he boarded the taxi at Najeera Shell fuel station while travelling to Kampala City Centre. He took a seat in the front passenger section of the vehicle.

‘Upon reaching a certain point, the conductor informed the victim that the door was not properly closed and instructed him to move out of the vehicle. Shortly after getting out, he realized that his Samsung Note 10 mobile phone had been stolen by the occupants of the same vehicle,’ Kawala said.

Police investigations later established that the same taxi had allegedly been involved in another robbery reported on May 27, 2026, at about 7:00 a.m. along the Northern Bypass in Kyebando.

Police said in that incident, a female resident of Bukoto was reportedly robbed of her property, including a mobile phone, by occupants of the vehicle.

As investigations intensified, police officers on June 12, 2026, at around 9:00 a.m., sighted the suspected taxi in the Namugongo area within Kira Division.

Ms Kawala said officers signalled the driver to stop, but he allegedly ignored the orders and sped off, triggering a pursuit.

‘A chase ensued and the vehicle was successfully intercepted along the Northern Bypass before being impounded,’ she said.

The arrest of Muwonge followed a search of the vehicle, during which police recovered a panga and a large stone, items investigators suspect may have been used to intimidate or threaten victims during the robberies.

The recovered items have since been retained as exhibits to support ongoing investigations.

Police believe the arrested suspect may have been operating with other accomplices who are still at large.

Ms Kawala said detectives are working to establish the full extent of the group’s involvement in robberies reported across the Kampala Metropolitan Area and to identify all those connected to the crimes.

She appealed to members of the public who may have encountered the vehicle or fallen victim to similar robberies to come forward and record statements with police.

The suspect remains in custody as investigations continue.

Police in Mityana District have recovered a rifle that went missing nearly a month ago. The firearm was discovered hidden in a heap of bean husks in Kassanda District.

The rifle, bearing serial number UG PSO-564211567/15036, was reported missing on May 20, 2026, while in the possession of Baluku Anderson, a security guard employed by Neptune Guards Ltd.

According to SSP Samson Kigozi, the Wamala Regional Police spokesperson, Baluku had been deployed at Shrida Investment Ltd in Kiwesa Cell, South Ward, Ttamu Division in Mityana District on the day the firearm disappeared.

Following the incident, Baluku was arrested and subsequently remanded as investigations into the disappearance of the rifle commenced.

‘The breakthrough came on June 11, 2026, at around 1:00 p.m., when Matovu Salim, a resident of Kikandwa Village in Kalwana Sub-county, Kassanda District, went to his garden to collect bean husks for use as fire fuel while roasting maize,’ said Mr Kigozi.

According to him, Matovu discovered a firearm wrapped in a black pair of trousers and concealed within the bean husks. The husks had been left in the garden after the family threshed beans on June 6, 2026.

Matovu immediately alerted his son, Sebakumba Erias, who visited the scene and confirmed the discovery.

‘The matter was subsequently reported to Kikandwa Police Station, prompting officers to visit and document the scene. Police recorded statements from witnesses before recovering the firearm and taking it into custody as an exhibit,’ he said.

According to SSP Kigozi, verification of the serial number confirmed that the recovered weapon was the same rifle that had been reported missing in Mityana.

‘The serial number of the recovered gun matched that of the lost rifle, thereby concluding the search,’ Kigozi said.

However, police say investigations are still ongoing to establish how the firearm, which disappeared while deployed in Mityana District, ended up hidden in bean husks in Kikandwa Village, Kassanda District.

Authorities have reassured residents of Mityana, many of whom had expressed concern following the disappearance of the firearm, that the weapon has now been recovered and is safely in police custody.

Police have urged members of the public to remain vigilant and promptly report any suspicious items or activities to security agencies.

Defending champions Buweekula opened their 2026 Airtel Masaza Cup campaign with a frustrating goalless draw against Kyaddondo at the National Teachers College Grounds in Mubende on Saturday, extending the tournament’s long-standing resistance to successful title defences.

In front of a colourful crowd that gathered for the season opener, Buweekula struggled to break down a disciplined Kyaddondo side led by midfielder Trevor Kalule, who walked away with the Man of the Match award after an industrious display.

The stalemate immediately puts the spotlight on Buweekula’s title defence. No team has successfully retained the Masaza Cup since 2004, underlining the challenge facing Ibrahim Kyobe’s side as they seek to defy two decades of history.

Kalule shines

Although chances were limited throughout the contest, Kalule emerged as the game’s most influential player.

The midfielder repeatedly disrupted Buweekula’s attacking moves while helping Kyaddondo retain possession and launch counter-attacks whenever opportunities arose. His calmness on the ball and tactical discipline helped the visitors withstand long spells of pressure from the reigning champions.

“We came here knowing Buweekula are champions and would come at us strongly,” Kalule said.

“We followed the coach’s instructions, stayed organised and fought for every ball. Getting a point away from the champions is a good result but we believe we can do even better in the next matches.”

Champions fail to fire

Buweekula enjoyed much of the territorial advantage but rarely threatened the Kyaddondo goal.

Captain Patrick Kagulire came closest to finding a breakthrough late in the match, but his free-kick drifted wide as anxiety began to creep into the hosts’ play.

Neither goalkeeper was seriously tested in a contest dominated by tactical discipline and midfield battles rather than attacking flair.

Despite dropping points at home, Buweekula coach Kyobe remained upbeat about his team’s prospects.

“It is still a long competition and we have only played one game. We know defending this title will not be easy because every team wants to beat the champions, but we shall keep working and improving,” Kyobe said.

Several previous champions have stumbled immediately after lifting the trophy, with many failing even to emerge from the group stages the following season.

For Kyaddondo, the result felt almost as valuable as a victory.

Taking a point away from Mubende offers an early statement of intent and provides momentum ahead of the upcoming fixtures.

Fight against HIV/Aids

The match also officially launched the 2026 Airtel Masaza Cup, which is being played under the theme: “Men Must Take the Lead in the Fight against HIV/AIDS to Save the Girl Child.”

The Katikkiro of Buganda Charles Peter Mayiga, praised the competition for promoting unity and community development across the kingdom.

‘As you are aware, His Majesty the Kabaka is a Goodwill Ambassador in the fight against HIV/Aids. Through football and other sporting activities, we are able to mobilise communities and spread important health messages that improve lives,’ he said.

Airtel Uganda Sales Director Ali Balunywa hailed the tournament’s continued impact both on and off the field.

‘Through initiatives aligned with this tournament, Airtel remains committed to creating pathways, whether through connectivity, digital tools, or direct support, that give young Ugandans a genuine shot at a better future.’ Balunywa said.

Action continues this weekend with a full round of nine fixtures.

Airtel Masaza Cup

Opening Day Result