Category: Daily Monitor

Mr Abdu Katuntu’s 25-year spell as Bugweri County MP ended last Thursday when he garnered 17,053 votes against NRM’s Sadala Wandera’s 24,624.

Mr Julius Galisonga, who contested against Mr Katuntu for the same seat in 2021, attributes Katuntu’s loss to his alleged ‘dishonesty’ and ‘unreliability’.

‘At one point, he (Katuntu) said he wasn’t going to contest; and if you say you won’t contest and again go against your own word, does that make you honest or dishonest?’ Mr Galisonga asked in an interview with the Monitor on Tuesday.

Mr Katuntu in 2019 announced that he was not seeking re-election in the 2021 General Election, claiming that about two decades in parliament were enough for him, having represented his people since 2001. He revealed that he was set to focus on ‘private things’.

‘I am not offering myself as a candidate for the elections as a MP for Bugweri County. I promised my people and the whole country. After 20 years, I think it is time to move on,’ Mr Katuntu said at the time.

But a few months later, Katuntu was also quoted as saying; ‘I had made a pronouncement that I would not stand again, but this time, the people I represent sat me down and said you cannot leave at this time. They said, ‘Please continue to represent us’.’

In that poll, Mr Katuntu stood as an Independent, defeating Mr Galisonga who was the flagbearer for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), a party the former had subscribed to since 2001.

Last year, Mr Katuntu was seen alongside NRM’s Second National Vice Chairperson (Female), Ms Anita Among, during a rally in Bugweri District, fueling speculation that he had joined the ruling party. He pledged to support President Yoweri Museveni’s government in implementing development programmes.

The legislator, who contested in last week’s polls as an independent candidate, with the symbol of a chair, said his decision to seek another term was driven by ‘his desire to consolidate development gains achieved during his tenure’.

Mr Galisonga says when Mr Katuntu promised not to seek re-election, he reportedly encouraged him (Galisonga) to contest and introduced him to several opinion leaders in Bugweri District.

‘I started spending money and when I was running away with votes, his supporters attacked me, leading to the death of one of my supporters called Azed. I couldn’t organise under such circumstances, but resolved to support any candidate to see that he doesn’t retain that seat,’ Mr Galisonga added.

Throughout the campaign period, Mr Galisonga supported eventual winner Sadala, whom he described as being ‘grounded’ and ‘humble’.

‘The videos are a true representation of my feelings. Sadala has been helping people around and when he expressed interest in the Bugweri parliamentary seat, I mobilised my supporters to vote for him. I wasn’t supposed to be in Uganda, but cut short my three-month study in London to camp in Bugweri,’ said Mr Galisonga.

Asked to point out some of Mr Katuntu’s strengths, Mr Galisonga said: ‘Having observed him at close quarters, I have only observed weaknesses, where many see strengths.

He also downplayed his perceived animosity towards Mr Katuntu as being personal, saying: ‘It isn’t personal but out of principle; even if he goes out to contest as LC1 chairman, I will go and fight him.’

Katuntu responds

Mr Katuntu says Mr Galisonga is interested in politics of hatred. ‘If he is involved and takes pride in politics of hatred; that is his problem,’ he said.

Mr Galisonga, however, says there is nothing to hate about Mr Katuntu whom he has known for the past 25 years.

‘I hate his posturing as a paragon of politics,’ he says.

Bugweri FDC chairperson, Ms Farida Namudiba, says Mr Katuntu was voted out over his longevity in Parliament.

‘After 25 years, people wanted change, and there are those who saw him as not being developmental. He gave out hoes, but if you give me a cluster of bananas, does it amount to having given me a bunch?’ she asked.

BACKGROUND

Mr Galisonga says he has known Mr Katuntu since the 2000s. ‘I had known his brother as a close friend and Old Boy of Butiki (Kira College), and also later worked with him as a (legal) colleague, starting with representing Grace Wanzala Kiirya versus Migereko, a case I took over from him.’

The two later worked on several cases together, including representing the current Kampala City Lord Mayor, Mr Erias Lukwago, as he challenged the Bamugemereire report on land matters.

Senior religious leaders yesterday visited the home of Opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, also known as Bobi Wine, amid reports that he has gone into hiding and his home remains under military siege.

The clerics, under their umbrella, Inter-Religious Council of Uganda (IRCU), encountered a heavy security presence at Bobi Wine’s home at Magere in Wakiso District on the outskirts of Kampala City.

The team was briefly questioned by the security personnel before being granted access. Shortly after their entry, some of the security personnel were seen withdrawing from the precincts of Bobi Wine’s home.

Church of Uganda Archbishop Stephen Kaziimba, who led the clergy, said the visit was part of the Council’s mandate to engage political actors, especially during periods of heightened political tension following the just concluded presidential elections held last Thursday.

Bobi Wine, a National Unity Platform (NUP) party presidential candidate and runner-up in the polls, has rejected the results and asked Ugandans to demand what he called their stolen victory.

‘This is part of our obligation as religious leaders to reach out to all stakeholders during these sensitive times. We are here to pray for the people of this home and for stability in the country,’ the Archbishop said.

Mr Kyagulanyi’s wife, Ms Barbie Itungo, told the clerics that the family has faced what she described as prolonged restrictions on their movement.

‘Since these people (security) came, we have been denied the freedom to move out of this home. Even my mother, friends and members of the media who attempted to visit were turned away,’ Ms Itungo said. She said their communication was being monitored and that security surveillance had intensified.

‘My phone can only receive calls when they want. There are drones moving around at night, and it has become impossible to sleep,’ she said.

Ms Itungo said her husband fled home on Saturday over fears for his life.

‘He escaped to save his life. I chose to stay behind because of the people I have here. The Chief of Defence Forces keeps sending terrifying and threatening messages, and our lives are in danger,’ she said. Archbishop Kaziimba said the IRCU sought to independently verify the circumstances surrounding Mr Kyagulanyi and his family before taking any public position. ‘Given the videos circulating, we felt it necessary to verify the facts before drawing conclusions,’ he added.

Pastor Joseph Sserwadda, a member of IRCU, said the allegations, if confirmed, would be grave but urged caution until their verification is complete.

‘If a public figure reaches a point where food has to be delivered to him at home, that suggests a serious situation,’ Pr Sserwadda said.

‘However, we do not yet have concrete evidence, and we must avoid premature judgment.’

The religious leaders also expressed concern over reports of arrests following the January 15 presidential and parliamentary elections, calling for adherence to due process of the law. Archbishop Kaziimba said IRCU intends to engage the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to seek clarity on the arrests and ongoing investigations.

Following President Museveni’s remarks during his victory thanksgiving at his country home in Rwakitura, where he said the government would engage religious leaders to help rein in on youths allegedly involved in terrorist and partisan activities, the IRCU has distanced itself from any such investigative role. ‘Our mandate is spiritual, not criminal,’ Pr Sserwadda said.

‘Matters of terrorism and partisanship fall under security and investigative agencies. We can only play our pastoral role.’

On Saturday, the Electoral Commission announced that Yoweri Museveni, the National Resistance Movement’s flag bearer, won a fresh five-year mandate as the President of Uganda. This followed a landslide result in which turnout, per the Commission’s dataset, was considerably lower than in all comparable previous ballots held since 1996.

To be exact, one in two registered voters did not turn up to vote.

This worked out to 11,366,201 Ugandans-or 52.50 percent of the total registered voters-casting their ballot. It is a reasonable assumption that the turnout would have been higher had the biometric voter verification kits (BVVK) not malfunctioned across vast swathes of the country’s electoral precincts. A generous interpretation, however, suggests that the all-time low voter turnout was singularly occasioned by BVVK glitches. This could not be further from the truth.

The historical reasons to maximise the authenticity of the polling process by way of combating in-person fraud in ballots are valid. This is why the BVVK glitches that had many cutting forlorn figures on polling day should not be downplayed. The fact that a princely amount of taxpayers’ money was spent on the gadgets compounds matters. Yet the malfunctioning, as exasperating as it was, does not entirely explain why turnout was abjectly low.

Evidence, both empirical and anecdotal, suggests that a loss of trust in the Electoral Commission (EC) has not been without consequences. This institutional erosion on the watch of Mr Museveni, staggering in its reach and scope, counts many victims. While Robert Kasibante, one of the seven candidates Mr Museveni beat to the presidency last week, has wasted no time in filing a petition with the Supreme Court, it is not lost on many that the trust in the Judiciary is at an all-time low.

Concerns about so-called cadre judges remain deeply enmeshed in the larger society. Opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine, cited the deepening of the clientelist tenor in the judicial branch of government as the main reason why he withdrew his presidential petition from the country’s apex court in 2021.

Mr Kyagulanyi opined that it was better to let the court of public opinion have its two cents.

The institutional malaise in Uganda has also not spared the Legislature, where the erosion of checks on Executive authority is probably more pronounced. This has firmly placed Uganda on an autocratic trajectory, with the tools of regime legitimation-amidst authoritarian durability-growing with each passing day. We are in no doubt that this does not bode well for a country whose rich potential could very easily be put to waste.

Going forward, emphasis will need to be placed on the weakening of key institutional checks and constraints on Executive authority in Uganda. It is abundantly clear that the attendant impact of personalisation of power that it has occasioned continues to have a domino effect of loss perpetuating loss. This makes it that much more difficult to even meet the minimum criteria for democratic governance.

That the patronage and clientelism currently being witnessed in Uganda does not come as a shock but as a troubling inevitability speaks volumes. The country has to go back to a place where institutions provide checks to incumbency manoeuvre and manipulation.

The Minister of Gender, Labour and Social Development, Ms Betty Amongi, has accused Speaker Anita Among and Health Minister Dr Jane Ruth Aceng of orchestrating electoral malpractice in Lira City’s parliamentary elections.

Ms Amongi alleged that Speaker of Parliament, Ms Anita Among, mobilised Shs4.2 billion and over 10 buses of people to bribe voters and manipulate ballots in favour of Dr Aceng.

The gender minister and outgoing Oyam South MP, contested on the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) party ticket to uproot Dr Aceng of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) from Lira City Woman Parliamentary seat.

Speaking on a local radio station in Lira City on January 19, Ms Amongi claimed that soldiers were involved in marking ballots, with one soldier admitting to ticking 2,000 ballots for Dr Aceng.

Also, she pointed to irregularities in polling stations, citing abnormally high vote counts for Dr Aceng.

However, UPDF 5 Infantry Division Public Information Officer, Capt Ibrahim Kasule Sekitto, has dismissed these claims as “bogus”.

He explained that soldiers seen at polling stations were there to exercise their right to vote, not to engage in ballot stuffing.

“They voted for the candidate of their choice, one vote per soldier, at a polling station where they were registered,” Capt Kasule told our reporter on the phone on Wednesday, January 21, 2026, adding that soldiers cast their votes peacefully from Lango Quran Primary School, Lira Army Primary School, Senior Quarters, and Railways polling stations.

The UPDF 5 Infantry Division Public Information Officer emphasized that the elections were conducted without incident, with soldiers voting for their preferred candidate, including Dr Aceng.

Asked how many UPDF soldiers were present in Lira before and during the January 15 parliamentary and presidential polls, Capt Kasule Sekitto responded: ‘Actually, we had a good number but not all voted. Like for me when I was transferred here in December they had already finished updating the voter register. I was unable to vote because I was registered in Kampala.’

He also said during that time of parliamentary and presidential elections, UPDF soldiers were in Lira City to celebrate Taresita.

He further explained that in order to join Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), you should be a Ugandan and you should be aged 18 and above. And those who vote in an election are also Ugandans aged 18 and above.

‘And being in the military doesn’t take away your right to vote. During the registration of voters, someone registers where he works or originates from. As UPDF in 5 Division, we voted in Lira City because we were registered voters and we were in the Electoral Commission’s register,’ said the 5 Infantry Division Public Information Officer.

‘We never did anything wrong. We did what was within the law and what UPDF soldiers are supposed to do.’

The Speaker and Parliament’s director of communications and public affairs, Mr Chris Obore, did not pick our calls to their known mobile numbers.

Prior to the January 15 polls, the Speaker of Parliament asked President Yoweri Museveni to remove Ms Amongi from the Lira City Woman Parliamentary race.

While acknowledging that some opposition members genuinely support the NRM and its ideology, the Speaker cautioned the President against being overly accommodating, warning that excessive leniency could be politically costly.

The Speaker urged the President to exercise his authority as the appointing authority to compel Ms Amongi to step aside from the parliamentary contest.

“I am speaking as the second national vice chairperson. I know I am your vice but I must do work for you to get a good party. We cannot continue hobnobbing with people who do not believe in us and I want to thank the UPC members who love us genuinely. And Your Excellency, I want to thank you for believing in the politics of ideology and not identity,’ Ms Among told the President at a rally in Lira City on January 8.

Aceng’s response

Dr Aceng, has however, denied the allegations, attributing her victory to voters’ trust in her leadership. Ms Amongi polled 26,199 votes against Aceng’s 38,074 votes, according to data from Electoral Commission.

In her address on January 16, Dr Aceng framed the success not merely as a political win but as a spiritual triumph, emphasizing that “there is no battle that God can never win.”

She asserted that the outcome serves as a testament to the people of Lira City regarding the power of the Almighty God she serves, dismissing the negativity and attacks from her opposition.

‘There is no battle that God can never win. And today, this day, I believe the people of Lira now know there is a God that I serve, a God in heaven that I serve. And be it known to you, my opponents, and to all the people of Lira City, there is a God in heaven, the almighty God. We serve Him,’ said the Minister of Health.

Dr Aceng also said she defeated her opponent because of her workable and beautiful manifesto.

‘First of all, we are protecting our gains. And we have a lot to protect in all sectors, because there is so much that the NRM government has done. First of all, giving us a city alone is a gain that we have to protect,’ she added.

‘And all the developments that we see in the city, including the roads, water, electricity, the health facilities, the gains in the agricultural sector, education, all those are gains that we must protect.’

Moving forward, as Uganda makes that qualitative leap into the upper-middle income country, Dr Aceng said the elected NRM leaders are going to run the risk to ensure that they move citizens out of poverty . into the upper-middle income country. Meaning, that everyone who was living below the poverty line and on the poverty line has to have money in their pocket.

But Ms Amongi has vowed not to recognise Dr Aceng as the legitimate legislator.

‘Dr Jane Ruth Aceng is not our Member of Parliament as the people of Lira City. She will remain a Member of Parliament for those who planned for her cheating and she can never have peace and respect in the Lango Sub-region because she is not an elected Member of Parliament,’ said Ms Amongi.

She added: ‘I cannot transact business with a criminal and we shall not disappear from the politics of this country.’

Mr Patrick Odongo, alias Odongo Lango, who is a member of NRM, also Dr Aceng’s supporter, said Ms Amongi should never blame anybody for her loss.

‘It’s an open secret that no love has been lost between Amongi and Speaker Among. Readers must remember how Anita, in a cleverly worded question in Bukedea, exposed the incompetence of Amongi in providing political oversight of the Generating Growth Opportunities and Productivity for Women Enterprises (GROW) project,’ he said.

Mr Odongo added: ‘Speaker Anita Among didn’t relent. At the official campaign rally of the President at Lira Golf Course (January 8), Anita Among took it a notch higher. She questioned why Betty Amongi, a cabinet minister, bound by collective responsibility, must use resources from the NRM government to fight her fellow minister. Anita vowed to camp in Lira City to ensure that Dr Jane wins her elections.’

Mr Chris Obore, Parliament’s director of communications and public affairs, said the Speaker Among has no personal interest in Lango parliamentary seats but she has NRM party interests there as the second national vice chairperson (female).

He said Among’s involvement in Lango was to the extent of mobilising NRM party leaders and supporters to vote for the President and NRM flag bearers.

‘It is illusionary to believe that the Speaker or anyone ferried voters from elsewhere in buses because the people of Lango know themselves, therefore; would not allow non-residents to vote,’ Mr Obore said via text message on Wednesday.

He added: ‘Besides, on voting day, the Speaker was very busy in Bukedea ensuring the President’s votes were safe. The issue of money is an exaggeration because voters know leaders they want and no amount of money can fail people whose ideas are already formed. And to spend Shs4.2 billion in one constituency is a joke of the year because that amount is easier talked about than actually spent. It is too much money.’

We congratulate President Museveni upon being re-elected to the top office. Even though many incidents marred his election, it is decent to applaud him. Now, the hard work begins. Among your to-do list, Your Excellency, there is a consensus among the community in Uganda that the security of people and their property needs to be given serious attention.

As we all know, for many years, people in urban centers, and communities around the countryside have had to live in fear, especially during late hours of the night. People continue to live in fear because of the attacks from groups of people who organize themselves to take advantage of the many security gaps.

So, criminal groups continue to launch attacks on people who, for many reasons, return home, and others who are going out to try to earn a living for their families. At night, they block roads in an attempt to trap motorists, and they rob, loot, and vandalise cars. They even kill people.

To cope with these challenges, community members have been enhancing their security by carrying out surveillance among themselves. People in some urban centers know them as ‘aguu’ (hustlers). People continue to suffer at the hands of these organized groups. At certain times of the night, it is prohibitive to move because they are very much in action. So, in the urban places, criminal violence is now a routine.

There is a need to investigate and identify the groups that attack people to address the problem permanently. From the general public, these attackers are young community members who are hustling to survive. This means that the young community members are also being trained to sustain crime. If this is the case, then there is an urgent need to mobilise more youth (beyond all other youth initiatives) and engage them in activities that will make them useful.

By engaging them, they will not have the time to stay out in the cold nights to waylay unsuspecting victims. There are no statistics to give for now; however, it is widely believed that homicide cases are continuing to rise. Then, there is crime associated with drug use. A lot of youth these days are being influenced by drugs. And we are continuing to see many cases of gang actions meting brutality against innocent people.

These gang activities continue to stop people from going about their daily lives. It is highly risky to walk across certain areas of towns. These attackers do not fear, even if security personnel are within quick-response distances. There are access roads that lack the infrastructure to secure communities. Security lights remain unserviceable for a long time.

As a security expert, it should be a piece of cake for you. This is a call for your attention to this matter. Communities must live with no risk of gang attacks and should go about their business unhindered. We are already facing various challenges, and so such continued minor security issues should not be a part of these challenges. We have to live with zero cases of criminal attacks. We should all feel safe.

Therefore, in the next five years, look into this matter and make sure that three things are addressed.

One, encourage more schemes that will employ the young inhabitants of city slums to give them a livelihood. Then, try to get to the source of the drug business and stop it.

Manual policing is not efficient. Police personnel should be facilitated with the surveillance technology to ensure security. Therefore, three, improve the twenty-four-hour surveillance with better equipment. We cannot delegate security responsibilities to communities. It is for security personnel because some of these gangs possess arms.

Uganda is among the most entrepreneurial countries in the world. According to the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor 2019/2020, about 30 percent of Ugandans are starting businesses.

The Ministry of Finance notes that micro, small, and medium enterprises make up more than 90 percent of private sector firms, forming the backbone of the economy. Yet, the 2024 Entrepreneurship Index by the Ministry of Trade and Cooperatives shows that only eight percent of businesses survive for 15 years or more, with most lasting less than a decade.

Joshua Pi’Rwot, Country Director of Avoda Group Uganda, says business failures are part of the market cycle. He argues that the real concern is not the number of failed businesses, but whether entrepreneurs are able to recover, learn, and continue building.

‘What we seek to prevent, in our entrepreneurship course, is the loss of the entrepreneur. When a business fails and the entrepreneur gives up entirely, the loss is far greater,’ Pi’Rwot says.

He notes that many successful entrepreneurs do not succeed in their first, second, or even third ventures. Avoda’s programme equips participants with the tools and mindset to navigate failure, conduct honest post-mortems, and apply lessons to subsequent ventures.

Lazarus Mugabi, proprietor of Mission Real Estate and Development and a board member at Avoda, says business is best done with others. Reflecting on his own experience, he recalls the struggles of trying to go it alone.

‘It was lonely. It was frustrating. Along the way, I learned an important lesson: while I may need to go, I cannot go alone. I must go with others,’ Mugabi says.

Ruth Ndwiga, a human resource practitioner, adds that every entrepreneur needs a supportive community. She encourages graduates to return to Avoda whenever they feel burnt out, noting that the programme continues to mentor and support entrepreneurs even after graduation.

Investor readiness and accountability

One of the biggest challenges for entrepreneurs in Uganda is attracting investment. Many lack the skills to pitch effectively or the financial track record to secure funding. Avoda addresses this challenge with a credit-scoring system that tracks participant behaviour, commitment, and performance. This system provides potential investors with a deeper understanding of an entrepreneur’s reliability.

Pi’Rwot explains that the programme tracks performance through tests, quizzes, attendance, and execution of tasks, offering evidence of the entrepreneur’s dedication to growth. Tuition payments and active participation are also logged, creating a behavioural record over time.

‘Attendance, tuition payments, and participation are logged, creating a record over time. The purpose is not punitive, but evidential. By the end of the programme, Avoda can introduce entrepreneurs to its investor network not merely as individuals with ideas, but as individuals whose behaviour has been observed and documented,’ he says.

While investors still conduct their own due diligence, this system adds credibility and can help entrepreneurs secure investment that might otherwise be inaccessible.

Joshua Muhango, an animator and programme graduate, says Avoda focuses on accelerating the entrepreneur rather than the business. ‘When the individual is developed, they are better equipped to succeed across multiple ventures,’ he explains.

Mugabi advises participants to value the relationships they cultivate. ‘Our clients came through people who trusted us, refined us, and recommended us. Your time is different, with wider access and richer networks. Do not walk this journey alone,’ he tells graduates.

Faith, values, and inclusion

Avoda operates from a Christian worldview, reflected in its teaching approach, faculty, and team culture. However, the programme is not restricted to Christian entrepreneurs. Participants over the years have included people of various belief systems, including agnostics and atheists.

Pi’Rwot says anyone is welcome, provided they are comfortable engaging with a programme delivered from a Christian perspective. ‘The emphasis is not on exclusion, but on clarity about the values and lens through which the programme is run,’ he notes.

Building resilience through experience

The programme emphasises learning from failure as a pathway to long-term success. Pi’Rwot says the goal is not just to equip entrepreneurs for their current venture, but to build resilience for the challenges ahead.

‘Many entrepreneurs fail, particularly in the early stages. The key is to survive, learn, and apply those lessons to the next venture. Entrepreneurial capability compounds over time,’ he says.

Graduates like Mugabi and Muhango demonstrate that networks, mentorship, and mindset development are as important as financial capital. Mugabi stresses that opportunities often come from those you serve and support, rather than those you chase. ‘Your breakthrough often sits next to you. Build relationships, add value, and people will open doors for you,’ he advises.

For Avoda, the focus is clear: empower entrepreneurs to navigate challenges, learn from setbacks, and continue building sustainable ventures. With structured mentorship, behavioural tracking, and an emphasis on community, graduates leave equipped not just to start a business, but to thrive as resilient, capable entrepreneurs in Uganda’s dynamic economy.

When he was first sworn in as Uganda’s president in 1986, Yoweri Museveni declared that his victory represented a ‘fundamental change’. He promised that Ugandans would no longer die at the hands of fellow citizens. He also criticised African leaders who sought international prestige while their people lacked food, healthcare and dignity.

In his books Sowing the Mustard Seed (published in 1997) and What Is Africa’s Problem? (2000), Museveni condemned leaders who overstayed in power.

Now nearly four decades into his rule, Uganda’s promised democratic renewal has been replaced by increasingly autocratic governance. Once the liberator, Museveni has become the strongman, overseeing a deeply repressive system. Political opposition, civil society and ordinary citizens have faced growing human rights violations, violence and intimidation. This is particularly targeted at young people and political dissidents.

In the run-up to Uganda’s 2026 elections, political repression intensified. Young people, under the leadership of opposition figure Robert Kyagulanyi (popularly known as Bobi Wine), were at the centre of a growing struggle for freedom and democracy. And they were increasingly the targets of state violence.

I teach and research political repression and human rights. My work emphasises the importance of strengthening ethical and democratic leadership and governance. This enables sustainable peace, justice, development and human security to take root.

I have also argued that young people around the world can help save democracy – if they are supported. This is particularly the case in Uganda, which has one of the youngest populations in the world.

This support should come from the African Union (AU) in the first instance. Its peace and security council should make it clear to Museveni that he has obligations to respect people’s rights and freedoms. There is also a need for a standby military force from the AU and/or the UN to protect Ugandans against bloodshed.

The international community can also play a role by ending its supply of weapons and ensuring the implementation of international laws. This includes a commitment to arrest and prosecute those who commit crimes against humanity.

It is also urgent that Bobi Wine be granted special protection during and after the elections. The opposition leader has warned that the regime has plans to assassinate him.

What’s ailing Uganda

Museveni’s Uganda is marked by five key characteristics.

Firstly, authoritarianism and institutional control. To entrench his power, Museveni has rigged votes in every political election.

Authoritarianism is reinforced by personal and family control of institutions, particularly the military, police, the judiciary, the legislature and the electoral commission. The president’s son Muhoozi Kainerugaba is Uganda’s chief of defence forces. Museveni’s wife Janet is the minister of education. Almost all institutions are headed and monopolised by people from the president’s ethnic group.

Secondly, corruption. Uganda is estimated to lose more than Sh10 trillion (US$2.8 billion) to corruption annually. Senior officials have amassed wealth through corruption.

Museveni’s recent political messaging has centred on protecting the gains of those in power. The president has referred to a national resource like oil, estimated at 6.65 billion barrels, as his.

For their part, the UK and US governments have sanctioned Ugandan officials for corruption.

Third, poverty. As of June 2025, Uganda ranked 157th out of 193 countries on a UN global development index. This index measures standards of living. Children still study under trees and hospitals are dilapidated. According to the World Bank, nearly 60% of the population lives on less than US$3 a day.

Fourth, human rights abuses, with perpetrators going unpunished. Supporters of Bobi Wine have faced beatings, torture, arrests, disappearances, military trials and extrajudicial killings. In 2020, security forces killed dozens of opposition supporters. Bobi Wine himself has survived several assassination attempts. His campaigns are frequently blocked. He has been pepper-sprayed, tear-gassed and denied accommodation.

Lastly, digital repression. The government suspended internet access, and blocked platforms to prevent citizens from sharing evidence of state violence. This digital clampdown is a central tool of political control.

Opposition remains defiant

The opposition leader presents his movement as a fight to restore democracy, constitutionalism and civilian rule.

The youth-led struggle for democracy in Uganda reflects a broader continental reality: young Africans are demanding accountable leadership that reflects national potential rather than elite survival.

Why Uganda’s future matters

Reversing authoritarianism is essential if Uganda’s going to deal with its myriad social and political ills.

The biggest immediate threat is a real risk of mass violence. The president’s son, who is also the military chief, has publicly threatened Bobi Wine. The opposition leader has warned of reports suggesting preparations for mass killings.

A reversal of the current state of affairs would contribute to peace and stability in Uganda, and across the Great Lakes region, one of Africa’s most conflict-affected zones. All six of Uganda’s neighbours (Burundi, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Tanzania and Kenya) face instability of one form or another.

The region has experienced cycles of violence dating back to the 1980s. Museveni’s bush war (1980-1986) was followed by the 1994 Rwanda genocide. In 1996, Uganda and Rwanda invaded the DR Congo, triggering a wave of violence that persists to date. The violence is heightened by Museveni’s militarisation of the DRC and Kagame’s support for militias in the country, including the March 23 Movement (M23).

In addition, some neighbouring countries are experiencing increased internal political tension. For example Tanzania, long seen as relatively peaceful, has experienced lethal crackdowns against political opponents and protesters.

For its part, Kenya’s young people’s protests against government corruption and police brutality have been met with violence and abductions.

In Uganda itself, ethnic and regional tensions are rising. Museveni has said every soldier will have 120 bullets to silence protesters in the January 2026 election. Civilians have previously been kidnapped, tortured, disappeared and killed.

What’s needed

The youth-led struggle for democracy in Uganda reflects a broader continental reality: young Africans are demanding accountable leadership that reflects national potential rather than elite survival.

In Burkina Faso, the people rallied in support of President Ibrahim Traore’s emancipatory leadership. In Kenya, young people have not stopped demanding democratic rule and accountable leadership.

For the wider international community, supporting democratic transitions is not only a moral responsibility. It is also central to long-term peace, security, development and reducing forced migration.

History shows that early international action can prevent atrocities – and its absence can enable catastrophe.

Minister of State for Housing and Urban Development, Ms Persis Namuganza, together with First Deputy Prime Minister Ms Rebecca Kadaga, have commented on the defeat of Members of Parliament allied to Speaker Anita Among in the Busoga sub-region.

Ms Namuganza, who retained her Bukono constituency seat as an independent with 15,692 votes, narrowly defeating ruling NRM party candidate Emmanuel Katoko, who garnered 14,431 votes, said the losses reflect the political strength of Kadaga and the impact of factional battles between her team and Among’s allies.

‘Among has been trying to unseat me from Bukono, but I defeated her. It is therefore no surprise that Among’s MPs, who were once allies of Ms Kadaga and later fell out with Among, have been defeated,’ Ms Namuganza told journalists while preparing for her thanksgiving ceremony on Tuesday.

Ms Among is married to Hashim Moses Magoga, Member of Parliament for Budiope West in Buyende District, where he was elected unopposed.

Local residents echoed Namuganza’s observations, noting that the rivalry between Mama Kadaga and Team Mulamu, referring to Among’s faction influenced outcomes.

‘It is unfortunate that their factional battles have caused people to vote for incompetent leaders. We hope they reconcile before the 2031 elections and work for Busoga,’ said Mr Mukubo Waiswa, a Namutumba resident.

Ms Namuganza added that MPs who turned against Ms Kadaga had ‘written their political obituary, in Busoga, lacking the grassroots support necessary to reclaim their seats.’

‘Among had built a small clique of MPs in Busoga to fight Ms Kadaga, disorganizing the sub-region and stalling development programs,’ she said.

Speaking to newly elected MPs from Busoga in Jinja City on Sunday, Ms Kadaga thanked voters for removing “divisive politicians.”

‘Regarding the infighting in Busoga, I thank the Basoga people. They have seen the truth and chased away the fighters. Those who lost in party primaries and ran as independents were also defeated. The voters have given them their political farewell,’ she said.

Ms Namuganza and Ms Kadaga refused to attend President Museveni’s campaign rally in Iganga, organized by Speaker Among. Their absence prompted the President to intervene, questioning why the two leaders missed such an important event.

Museveni noted that ongoing factional fighting had slowed development in Busoga and urged humility.

‘I ask you to be humble. If I was not humble, I would not have managed Uganda. Leaders must work together so that our people can come out of poverty,’ the president said.

During NRM Central Executive Committee elections, Busoga MPs split along factional lines, with some backing Speaker Among and others supporting Ms Kadaga.

The division reshaped political support, influencing candidate selection and voter behaviour, and contributing to the defeat of MPs aligned with Among.

Among the defeated were Bugweri County MP Abdul Katuntu, Namutumba District Woman MP Mariam Naigaga, Morris Kibalya of Bugabula South, Kigulu South MP Milton Muwuma (Iganga), Kamuli Municipality MP Barado Kayanga Watongola, Bulamogi County MP Bwire Sanoni Nadeba, and Kigulu North MP Ismail Badodi.

Those who retained seats from Among’s camp included Solomon Silwany of Bukooli Central and Bugiri District Woman MP Eunice Namatende.

Residents of Amagoro ‘A’ village in eastern Uganda’s Tororo Municipality are celebrating the imminent reopening of Morukatipe View Primary School, years after the government-aided facility was demolished to make way for the Standard Gauge Railway.

The school, which had served more than 800 learners, was pulled down and relocated following compensation linked to the railway project, leaving pupils scattered across neighbouring schools after authorities failed to secure temporary classroom space.

Now nearing completion, the rebuilt school is expected to open for the 2026 academic year, offering renewed access to education in the peri-urban area of Tororo Municipal Council.

‘The project is about 80 percent complete,’ Tororo Municipality deputy town clerk Okoth Kitong said, adding that commissioning is expected in early February 2026, ahead of the new school term starting on February 10.

Construction is being undertaken by the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) Engineering Brigade at a cost of 415 million shillings ($110,000), according to municipal officials.

The project includes a three-classroom block housing seven classrooms and a head teacher’s office, two pit latrines, and the provision of school furniture.

Kitong said interior painting was underway and expressed confidence the facility would be ready on time.

‘My office has already written to the head teacher to liaise with members of the school management committee and PTA to start mobilising parents to send their children for enrolment,’ he said, adding that the move had been welcomed by the local community.

Members of the school management committee say the reopening could draw learners from beyond Tororo Municipality.

‘The school will attract pupils from neighbouring sub-counties,’ committee member Richard Otabong said on Tuesday, noting that increased enrolment could stimulate local economic activity through small businesses serving students and staff.

He added that the school’s location would ease the financial strain on families who previously had to send children to distant schools following the demolition.

Residents also expect the school’s operations to generate employment opportunities within the community.

‘As the finishing touches are applied to the buildings, Morukatipe View Primary School stands as a beacon of hope for our village,’ said local resident Amadede Okware.

‘This promises to uplift education standards and stimulate the local economy.’

Several polling agents of parliamentary candidates in Nakaseke District say they are living in fear even after regaining freedom following their arrest during the January 15 elections. The agents, most of them representing the National Unity Platform (NUP) flag bearer and incumbent Nakaseke Central MP, Mr Allan Mayanja Ssebunya, were arrested at or near their assigned polling stations shortly before voting began.

Although some have since been released without charge, they allege continued intimidation through warnings conveyed by relatives, friends and local leaders.

Mr Amon Rwaviira, 26, a resident of Kalagala Village in Kikamulo Sub-county, says he was arrested while serving as a polling agent for Mr Ssebunya and detained for two days before being released on January 17, 2026. ‘I was questioned about why I was supporting an opposition candidate when, according to them, my name suggested I should be supporting the ‘right’ candidate,’ Mr Rwaviira told Daily Monitor.

‘I was roughed up and forced into a Toyota Hiace van, where we spent more than five hours before being taken to Kiwoko Police Station,’ he added. He says he was later interviewed by a police detective who appeared unsure why he had been detained. ‘I was in pain and frightened after the beating. I explained that I had committed no crime and that I was only appointed as a polling agent to witness the voting process,’ he said. Despite his release without charge, Mr Rwaviira says he feels unsafe and claims police warned him against participating in any further political activity.

Another polling agent, Mr John Yiga Barugahare, says he narrowly escaped arrest during an early morning security operation at Kaswaga Village in Wakyato Sub-county on polling day. Mr Barugahare, who says he had been appointed as a supervisor and agent for Mr Ssebunya at Kaswaga Polling Station, claims the polling officer asked him to leave after telling him that security personnel were looking for him. ‘As I tried to explain who I was, a double-cabin pickup carrying soldiers arrived,’ he said. ‘I had been tipped off earlier, so I ran into nearby bushes. Some of my colleagues were arrested,’ he added.

While in hiding, Mr Barugahare says he received calls and messages urging him to report to police. ‘My local council chairperson advised me to remain in hiding because my name was on a list of wanted people in Nakaseke,’ he said, adding that he only resurfaced on January 17. When contacted, Savannah regional police spokesperson Sam Twineamazima said all arrests were linked to specific offences. ‘By January 17, police in Nakaseke had more than 40 people in custody in connection with unrest that occurred during and after the presidential and parliamentary elections,’ Mr Twineamazima said.

‘Many of them have already appeared in court, while others who are still at large have cases to answer,’ he added. However, Mr Ssebunya disputed the police account, saying many of his supporters were still in hiding and more than 30, including polling agents, had been arrested. ‘Polling agents are official witnesses to what happened at polling stations. That is why they became targets at more than 30 polling stations in Nakaseke Central,’ Mr Ssebunya said on January 18.

He accused the Returning Officer, Ms Aidah Tusiime, of declaring results that did not correspond with the Declaration of Results forms signed by his agents.

‘For example, at Buswagi Public School, our declaration form showed that the NRM candidate, Mr Joseph Kyofatogabye, had 145 votes and I had 83. But the results announced gave him 410 votes and me nine,’ Mr Ssebunya claimed. Daily Monitor could not independently verify the figures by press time.

Commenting on the dispute, Electoral Commission head of public relations Mr Julius Mucunguzi said candidates dissatisfied with the electoral process should seek redress in court. ‘All candidates with complaints have a legal avenue through the courts,’ Mr Mucunguzi said. On January 16, 2026, the Returning Officer declared Mr Kyofatogabye Kabuye (NRM) winner of the Nakaseke Central parliamentary race with 13,685 votes. Mr Ssebunya was runner-up with 8,178 votes. Mr Ssebunya maintains that his attempts to present declaration forms showing what he calls the ‘true results’ were ignored.