Category: Daily Monitor

The cost of staging an election is unquestionably expensive. It comes with a dizzying range of administrative needs, additional security, national advertising, and dispute resolution mechanisms. Then there are the finances around political campaigns.

Henry Muguzi, the Executive Director of the Alliance for Finance Monitoring (ACFIM), says on average, each Parliamentary candidate spend ranges between Shs550m and Shs700m. ‘But there are many outliers who have spent in excess of Shs1b.’

Per ACFIM, the amount of money that was sunk into the 2021 General Election totalled to Shs3.983 trillion. This was a significant spike from the Shs2.4 trillion spent during the 2016 cycle. Muguzi says the 2026 cycle could be the most expensive yet, with an estimate of Shs7 trillion proffered.

‘Many of the candidates [figuring in] parliamentary [races] in the current campaigns are already broke. The demands and expectations from the electorate are simply too much,’ Muguzi says.

President Museveni, who is chasing a seventh elective term, had a first-hand experience of such demands from the electorate last weekend when he met so-called digital influencers during the Jazz with Jajja conversation at State Lodge, Nakasero, Kampala. The engagement was hosted by Mr Museveni’s daughter, Natasha Karugire. One of the influencers, Isaac Katende, alias Kasuku, asked Mr Museveni to give the group a take-home ‘package’ as a grandparent.

‘People told me don’t forget to tell Jajja [grandparent] to give us something that we enjoy,’ Kasuku said.

Although Kasuku tried to disguise what he meant, many, including Mr Museveni, interpreted this to mean he wanted money. The Ugandan strongman said he couldn’t give Kasuku’s group money because it could be interpreted as a bribe during this election time.

‘I don’t want to go to prison because I’m a candidate. If I give people gifts, I will be arrested for bribing. I think we shall have to wait after the election,’ Museveni said.

What is a bribe?

What Museveni was alluding to was Section 64 (1) of the Presidential Elections Act. It stipulates: ‘A person who either before or during an election, with intent either directly or indirectly to influence another person to vote or to refrain from voting for any candidate, gives or provides or causes to be given or provides any money, gift or other consideration to that other person, commits the offence of bribery and is liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding 72 currency points or imprisonment not exceeding three years or both.’

The interpretation of Section 64 (1) is to the effect that for the court to annul an election on the basis that a bribe was given, the intention of influencing the voting choice of a voter or voters must be proven.

Another ingredient is that the prohibited act must have been personally committed by the candidate declared the winner or by another person with the consent or approval of the candidate.

After Museveni said he couldn’t give out bribes, there was a spectacle when women who attended a rally at Kololo in Kampala organised by the President’s wife, Janet Museveni, ostensibly to solicit for votes, reportedly got stranded in Mukono after the NRM leaders reneged on their promise to give them ‘transport’ and ‘allowances.’

‘We are the ones who look for votes but they forget about us. We want to convey our grievances to Maama Janet that the people you gave our allowances to take us home, they disappeared in thin air. We are now stranded at the NRM offices, we can’t go home,’ one of the women explained.

This came after Museveni accused his rival in the presidential race, National Unity Platform (NUP) party flagbearer Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, of ferrying supporters.

‘Supporters of Mr Kyagulanyi who were arrested at Mile 4 in Mbarara confessed that they had a fleet of 200 vehicles that transported nomadic audiences to create the image of big crowds at the venue,’ Museveni said.

Hoes saga

However, the government is distributing over seven million hoes to all districts across the country. An initial allocation of 2.4 million hoes was already sent to districts, starting with the eastern region last December. Although State actors have insisted that this isn’t a bribe because it’s part of a government programme under the Agriculture ministry aimed at eliminating poverty, the distribution of the hoes has been dominated by Museveni’s party, the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

For instance, in Kalungu District, which in the 2021 elections threw its weight behind Bobi Wine, NRM stalwarts nearly exchanged blows after they disagreed on how the hoes should be distributed. NRM’s Muhammad Muyanja Ssentaayi, who is the current MP for Bukoto West, nearly exchanged punches with his rival Ibrahim Kitatta, the outgoing chairperson for Lwengo District, as they struggled to project authority in the distribution of the hoes. Both Ssentaayi and Kitatta are NRM members contesting for the Bukoto West parliamentary seat. Ssentaayi is the NRM flag bearer for Bukoto West, while Kitatta opted to run on the Independent ticket.

In Kayunga District, still in Buganda, Ntenjeru North, which is represented by NRM’s Amos Lugoloobi, also junior Finance minister, got the lion’s share of 20,000 hoes. Elsewhere, Ntenjeru South, represented by Patrick Nsanja of NUP, was apportioned 15,000 hoes. Baale County, which is represented by Charles Tebandeke, also a NUP member, was apportioned just 5,000 hoes.

Although the guidelines from the Agriculture ministry stipulate that the hoes must be distributed by technical officers, in practice, the ruling party’s politicians took over the process. ‘NRM politicians sat in the meeting in which they locked out the Opposition, and they agreed on how to distribute the hoes. They didn’t invite us, yet we are supposed to be part of this process as MPs,’ Mr Tebandeke said.

Mbabazi petition

It’s not the first time the regime has distributed hoes during elections. The same scenario played out in the lead-up to the 2016 elections. This prompted former Prime Minister John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, who had faced-off with his former boss Museveni in the presidential poll, to file a presidential petition at the Supreme Court. One of the grounds Mr Mbabazi included when he asked the Supreme Court to annul Museveni’s victory was the distribution of hoes, which he construed as bribery.

In his defence, Museveni said he wrote a letter dated November, 20, 2015, which was during the campaign time, to then Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda, in which he directed that the purchase of 18 million hoes be included in the 2016/2017 financial year Budget.

‘We carefully considered the said affidavits, and concluded that the affidavits of the three witnesses do not amount to an admission of the offence of bribery. To be specific, the 1st respondent [Mr Museveni] denied the allegations, stating that he did not personally, or through his agents with his knowledge and consent or approval, give hoes to the voters of West Nile or any other place with the intent that they should vote for him and refrain from voting for the petitioner or other presidential candidates. On the contrary, the evidence adduced by the first respondent [Mr Museveni] brought out the fact that the distribution of hoes was an ongoing government programme, which commenced in 2013-2014,’ the nine Supreme Court Justices ruled in 2016.

Power of the incumbency

Although Mr Mbabazi’s lawyers stressed the conflation of the ruling party with the State as a significant issue in many African countries, where the incumbent party often uses State resources and institutions for its own political advantage, thereby undermining democratic processes and accountability, the Supreme Court turned a deaf ear.

‘…the evidence of the first respondent [Museveni] to the effect that the distribution of hoes was part of an ongoing government programme, as already stated in this judgment, remained unchallenged. The first respondent was elected President of the Republic of Uganda in 2011, and his term of five years was still running at the time of the alleged offence. There is no provision in the Constitution providing for stepping aside during the election period of the sitting President if he or she decides to contest in the elections,’ the court ruled.

During the now concluding campaigns, Mr Museveni has used State programmes to make a case for his re-election. In late October, as Mr Museveni was criss-crossing the country, Jessica Alupo, the Vice President, said the government had allocated Shs80b to implement a cattle compensation programme in the Teso, Lango, and Acholi sub-regions for livestock lost during past insurgencies and cattle raids.

When Museveni was on the campaign trail in Kole District, in Lango Sub-region, he said : ‘The Cabinet met and advised me that instead of giving cows, we should give money to the communities affected by cattle rustling. The money is now in their accounts.’

Fishing communities in Eastern and Central Buganda have welcomed the deployment of Marine Brigade 155 to Uganda’s water bodies, saying the new arrangement offers hope for improved fish conservation and fairer management of fishing activities.

President Museveni has disbanded the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) and formed the 155 Marine Battalion, which will work with committees of local fishing communities and investors, replacing the FPU’s former role. The 155 Marine Battalion will be commanded by Major Joseph Ssebukeera, while the overall UPDF Marines Brigade will be under the command of Brigadier Michael Nyarwa.

The President has tasked the Deputy Chief of Defence Forces and Inspector General (DCDF/IG), Lt General Sam Okiding, together with the Chief of Defence Intelligence and Security (CDIS), Major Gen Richard Otto, to oversee the formation of the new landing site committees within a period of three months.

“We acknowledge that the FPU helped a lot in protecting the lake, but some individuals abused their authority,” said Mr Sadam Olwita, Chairperson of the Association of Fishers and Lake Users of Uganda (Eastern Region). “We hope the new brigade will work more professionally and fairly.”

Mr Olwita noted that the former FPU commanders, including the outgoing commander Lt Col Mercy Tukahirwa, played a significant role in reducing illegal fishing. However, he cautioned fishers not to be overly excited about the changes but instead to become more responsible in their activities.

Fishers expressed gratitude to President Museveni for reviewing fisheries enforcement measures and introducing a system that allows fishing communities to play a more active role in managing their activities under the close supervision of Marine Brigade 155.

The new unit takes over following the conclusion of the FPU’s eight-year mandate to combat illegal fishing. According to fishers, the FPU made significant contributions toward curbing illegal fishing practices and restoring fish stocks.

However, some officers were reportedly influenced by greed, leading to harsh and unfriendly treatment of certain fishers whose livelihoods entirely depend on fishing.

Mr Shafik Kisulumuzo, the area chairperson LC1 of Bwondha landing in Mayuge, said the government should empower fishers with reduced price of fishing gear incentives.

“Marine Brigade 155 will closely monitor illegal activities on the lakes while organized fishing communities handle day-to-day management under strict supervision,” Mr Kisulumuzo said.

Fishers believe that transparent implementation of the new system will protect fish stocks and livelihoods while fostering peaceful coexistence between security forces and fishing communities.

Fishers’ leaders in Eastern and Central Uganda have united under the theme “Abavubi ku Museveni” (Fishermen for Museveni) to campaign for President Museveni in this month’s elections.

Mr Eric Wasajja, a fisher chairperson in Kalangala, said fishers unable to meet fishing requirements will be trained in fish processing and ponding. “We have been told to encourage them to form SACCOs to access the Shs1b per district for fishing activities, helping them generate sustainable income for their families,” said Mr Wasajja.

The move is expected to improve the livelihoods of fishing communities and contribute to the country’s economic growth, given that fish exports are a significant foreign exchange earner for Uganda.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Uganda exported 185.4 million metric tonnes of fish in 2022, 187.2 million in 2023, and 191.4 million in 2024.

President Museveni, who is also the National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate, is expected to return to Kasese District today, just a day before the official closure of both presidential and parliamentary campaigns. The President is expected to commission several government projects in Kasese District.

During his earlier visit on December 4, President Museveni addressed NRM supporters at Nyakasanga Playground in Saluti B Cell, Nyamwamba Division, before proceeding to Bunyangabu District later the same day.

At the time, he pledged several development projects for Kasese, including the extension of the standard gauge railway to the district, the upgrading of health facilities, and the construction of more schools in underserved areas.

The Kasese District NRM Publicity Secretary, Mr Yunus Muhindo, and the Resident District Commissioner (RDC), Lt Joe Walusimbi, confirmed the President’s return, adding that, unlike his previous visit when he addressed only one rally, he is expected to hold two rallies this time.

‘The President is returning to Kasese to commission several government projects, but as our presidential flag bearer, he will also address two campaign rallies in the district,’ Mr Muhindo said.

Mr Muhindo added that the President is expected to commission Nyabirongo Health Centre IV in Kisinga Town Council, which was upgraded from Health Centre III last year.

He will also commission the Kagando-Kighenge, Rwembya-Kanyampara, and Ibanda-Kyanya bridges, among other projects completed during the concluding term. Later in the day, President Museveni is expected to address public rallies at Kisinga and Nkaija playgrounds in Kisinga and Maliba town councils, located in Bukonzo County East and Busongora County North, respectively. It is also reported that the President will receive members from other political parties who are expected to defect to the NRM during the visit.

Residents have welcomed the President’s return. Mr Lawrence Masereka, a resident of Buthale Village in Kyarumba Sub-county, Bukonzo County East, told Daily Monitor that he missed the President’s first rally in Kasese due to distance and was eager to attend this time. ‘When President Museveni came to Kasese Town, I failed to attend the rally because it was far.

Now that he is coming to Kisinga, I will definitely go and listen to him,’ Mr Masereka said. Political analysts note that it is unusual for President Museveni to campaign twice in Kasese District during the same election cycle.

However, a resident of Kisinga Town Council, who preferred anonymity, claimed that the renewed visit could have been influenced by the strong show of support witnessed during National Unity Party (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi’s rallies at Nyakasanga and Karambi playgrounds in Kasese Town and Karambi Sub-county, respectively.

‘The NRM party is terrified of Bobi Wine’s support in Kasese District. Did you see what happened when Bobi Wine was here? Both young and old people followed him, and this has already scared President Museveni and his supporters,’ she said.

The President’s anticipated return also comes shortly after another major NRM event in the district. On January 4, the State Minister for Youth and Children Affairs, Mr Balaam Barugahara, organised a youth festival dubbed the Wake Up Youth Kasese Yellow Festival, which was held at the same venue where Mr Kyagulanyi had previously addressed his second rally in Kasese.

However, Mr Muhindo dismissed claims that the President’s visit is intended to counter the popularity of rival candidates. ‘The President is not coming back to neutralise the support of any candidate. In his capacity as Head of State, he is coming to commission key government projects.

After commissioning, we requested him to also address the public,’ Mr Muhindo said.

Kasese District comprises 44 lower local governments, 215 parishes, and 864 villages. NRM supporters argue that the district’s vast size makes it difficult for many residents to attend a single presidential rally, hence the decision to organise multiple venues.

Dr Julius Bwambale, the NRM parliamentary flag bearer for Bukonzo County East, welcomed the President’s second visit, describing it as a source of pride for the area. Dr Bwambale, together with the State Minister for Trade, Industry, and Cooperatives, Gen Wilson Mbasu Mbadi, has intensified mobilisation efforts in Bukonzo County East, where the President is scheduled to hold his first rally.

‘The coming of the President to an area never leaves it the same in terms of development and financial opportunities. I therefore appeal to the people to turn up in large numbers and listen to the President,’ Dr Bwambale said.

The two constituencies the President is expected to visit are among the largest in Kasese District. Bukonzo County East alone comprises seven sub-counties: Nyakatonzi, Kisinga, Munkunyu, Mahango, Kitabu, Kyarumba, and Kyondo, as well as three town councils: Kinyamaseke, Kisinga, and Kyarumba. Bukonzo County East is the most populous constituency in Kasese District, with a majority of residents living in the mountainous areas. According to the Kasese District Electoral Commission register, the constituency has more than 95,000 registered voters spread across over 200 polling stations.

Busongora County North, where President Museveni is also expected to hold a rally, comprises 13 lower local governments. These include the sub-counties of Bwesumbu, Buhuhira, Kyabarungira, Maliba, Bugoye, and Kitswamba, as well as town councils including Kabatunda, Kirabaho, Kitswamba, Rugendabara-Kikongo, Hima, Mubuku, Maliba, and Ibanda-Kyanya.

Dr Crispus Kiyonga, the former Kasese District NRM chairperson and a candidate for Bukonzo West County, said the party is aiming for a wider victory margin this time.

‘We were embarrassed in 2021 by the low percentage for our NRM presidential candidate. How could President Museveni score only 48 percent against Kyagulanyi’s 47 percent? We must denounce this shame and this time vote massively for Museveni,’ Dr Kiyonga said at a recent rally.

Once upon a time, there was a woman and a three-year-old boy seated on a couch. The woman was pretending to read a book while the child was playing with his toys. He kept fetching more toys from a box in a corner and lining them up on the couch.

Eventually, the couch was full, with almost no more space for the woman and her book, so she told the little human, ‘Let me give you space.’

She stood up as she said these words and went to the kitchen to find something adults do in there, but also to give him more room to play on the couch. Alas, when she turned around, the little one was standing right behind her, looking up at her with big expectant eyes. When she asked what he wanted, he asked with a big smile, ‘Where is space?’ That was the beginning of an hour of the child asking for space, and the woman wondering what in the world he meant.

He started to cry out loud, rolling on the floor while yelling, ‘I want space!’ Anyway, eventually, a chocolate chip cookie and water were used to calm the child down and distract him from his demand and quest for this elusive thing called space.

Later that evening, almost seven hours after the incident (because she is that slow), the woman finally had a light bulb moment. The realisation left her in stitches and a bit of self-reprimand. Why did it take so long to figure out what he was saying? It was right there in the words. If you too are like the woman and have not figured it out yet, here it is. When she said she was going to give him space, his little mind immediately thought space was some kind of toy, food, or shiny present of sorts. This thinking was influenced by the fact that there had been a lot of gift-giving in the previous weeks.

But also because he held his mother in such high regard that when she promised something, he knew without a doubt that she would deliver it and in a timely manner. So he waited for the space. When it did not come in the form he had imagined it, he started to demand it and even turned on the waterworks for effect.

Call it misinterpretation, misunderstanding, or delulu like they say these days, we’ve all been victims at one point in time. Someone says one thing, and you receive it and understand it in a completely different way and then get disappointed when your great expectations are not met.

The election campaigns come to an end this week and the long awaited voting finally takes place on Thursday, 15 January (if nothing happens to warrant ‘denomination’ of the plan). Just because they said they would give you the moon, the stars, and Kalerwe, does not mean they will give you the kind of leadership you dream of.

Good healthcare, smooth roads, and all the other things on your wish list might mean something completely different where they come from, so calm down when they say they will give it to you if you vote for them. Use your head and a bit of heart, not just your stomach.

But if filling your stomach is the biggest need, then by all means, munch away. We do not judge. When the employer tells you they are going to give you a New Year’s salary raise, ask what exactly they mean. Do not assume it is a cash raise of substantial amounts. Because your congratulatory letter from human resources might be coming hot off the printer with a polite one percent increment.

The problem is if you had immediately upgraded your debt the minute they told you about the raise. When the lover promises to love you with all their heart and soul all the time, 24 hours a day, seven days a week, what they might mean might be that that is all they have, literally.

No job, no income, no friends, no functional family relationships, no life outside their relationship with you. Just their unhealthy, cringeworthy obsession with you.

Sugarcane farmers in the Busoga sub-region have accused millers of defying the government’s directive on the minimum price of sugarcane, noting that the practice is pushing growers into losses despite rising production costs.

The government recently set a temporary minimum price of Shs125,000 per tonne to protect farmers, but many say it remains too low and some millers are still buying it Shs105,000.

The Monitor has seen receipts from some factories confirming the low payments.

Mr Hassan Ngobi, a sugarcane farmer in Mayuge district, described the reductions as unfair and exploitative.

‘We invest heavily in land preparation, labour and inputs, yet when harvest comes, the millers dictate prices , even though the government stepped in to set the minimum price,’ he said.

Mr Musa Kabugo, another farmer said that the absence of a farmer-owned mill is fueling exploitation in the region.

‘Shs125,000 is still too low. With the 18-month production cycle, the investment is high, yet farmers need at least Shs180,000 to break even. Because of poverty, many are forced to sell early, sometimes for less than Shs120,000,’ he said.

The Chairperson of the Greater Busoga Sugarcane Farmers’ Union (GBSGU), Mr Godfrey Biriwali, said, ‘Farmers are frustrated because they invest heavily in sugarcane growing, but the returns no longer justify the effort,’ he said.

‘Farmers earn only from selling cane, yet millers get sugar, molasses, ethanol, sweets, bagasse and fertilizers, among others.’

The Chairperson of the Busoga Sugarcane Out-growers Association, Mr David Christopher Mwombe, said: ‘Kakira Sugar Factory has maintained the Shs125,000 temporary minimum price, while some other factories are still cheating farmers.’

Mr Mwombe said that in Kenya, some millers pay up to Shs150,000 per tonne.

The Chairperson of the Uganda National Association of Sugarcane Growers (UNASGO), Mr Julius Katerevu, said farmers are pushing the Uganda Sugar Industry Stakeholders’ Council to fully play its role.

‘We do not want to see the exploitation of farmers again now that the council exists. We want it functioning so that the issue of prices is sorted,’ he said.

The Uganda Sugar Industry Stakeholders’ Council, established under the Sugarcane (Amendment) Act, 2025, regulates the country’s sugar sector.

Appointed by Cabinet in October 2025, it promotes fair pricing, oversees mill licensing and expansion, resolves disputes, and ensures inclusive governance.

The council has 10 members, including representatives of farmers, millers, and the Trade, Agriculture, and Finance ministries.

The First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for East African Affairs, Ms Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga, said the government is aware of the complaints, pledging to engage millers to ensure compliance.

Background

Prices peaked at Shs240,000 per tonne in December 2023 but fell sharply, prompting government intervention. After some millers cut payments to Shs80,000-90,000 per tonne in 2025, a December 19 meeting chaired by President Museveni set the temporary minimum price of Shs125000 per tonne.

Several Opposition figures, including long-serving politicians who have recently softened their hostility toward the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), have advanced the idea that the presidential term beginning in 2026 will be a ‘transition term.’

This claim is framed not as a constitutional proposal, but as a political expectation that something fundamental must change during that period. The Constitution of Uganda provides for presidential succession, electoral replacement, and term limits, however amended. In theory, transition should therefore be predictable and orderly. In practice, it has become speculative, dependent less on institutions and more on personalities.

Many of the politicians most invested in the transition narrative are themselves veterans of Uganda’s political system, with some having held office continuously since the late 1980s or early 1990s. They argue that their longevity is an asset and that only those with sufficient ‘experience’ can steward the country through a delicate moment. Yet this argument sits uneasily alongside their claim to represent renewal. If decades in power have failed to institutionalise succession, it is difficult to see why the same actors should now be trusted as agents of transformation.

Underlying much of this transition talk is a biological assumption about President Museveni. The argument, sometimes explicit and often implied, is that age will resolve what politics has not. Transition is imagined less as an electoral or constitutional event and more as a natural interruption. Analytically, this is weak. It reduces politics to actuarial calculation and turns national planning into guesswork rather than strategy. Equally weak, however, is the counter-assertion that Museveni’s continued political dominance or visible vitality guarantees longevity in office.

The central issue is not the president’s health, but the institutional environment that makes personal health politically decisive. In a system where institutions function independently, the biology of the leader would be largely irrelevant to national stability. Uganda’s Constitution is clear on succession, stating that if a president dies in office, the vice president assumes power pending elections.

The problem is therefore not constitutional silence, but constitutional erosion. Over time, political practice has hollowed out legal certainty. Courts have been constrained, parliament subordinated, and the ruling party increasingly fused with the state. The result is not the absence of rules, but widespread doubt about whether those rules would be allowed to operate without contest.

This gap between law and practice explains the anticipatory behaviour visible across the political class. Campaign posters that pair the president with his son are not symbolic accidents, but calculated signals of alignment. Politicians are responding rationally to an environment in which loyalty to power matters more than adherence to formal procedure. This does not mean that the Constitution has disappeared; rather, it has ceased to be the primary organiser of political expectations. Historically, this situation is not new.

Uganda’s transitions in 1966, 1971, 1979, 1985, and 1986 were elite driven, frequently violent, and rarely constitutional. What distinguishes the present moment is that transition is being discussed openly while institutions remain weak. In earlier periods, transition followed crisis. Today, it is being anticipated in advance and positioned as an elite project. Some defenders of elite-managed transitions argue that negotiation reduces instability, and this concern is not without merit. Sudden or contested successions in militarised states can indeed be dangerous.

However, this argument holds only if elite bargaining ultimately strengthens institutions. In Uganda’s experience, such bargaining has tended to postpone, rather than resolve, institutional weakness. This is why current transition talk feels both urgent and empty. It is urgent because personalised rule is inherently fragile. It is empty because few proposals address how to rebuild the institutions that would make transition routine rather than traumatic. Constitutional reform, restoration of term limits, independence of the electoral commission, and civilian control of the military remain largely absent from elite narratives. Invoking ‘the will of the people’ is similarly insufficient.

That will is shaped and constrained by legal frameworks, coercive capacity, and economic dependency. Reclaiming transition for citizens would therefore require more than moral appeals. It would demand political organisation, credible institutional guarantees, and elite incentives aligned with rule-based outcomes.

A post-Museveni Uganda, whenever it arrives, will not automatically be more democratic or unified. Without deliberate institutional reconstruction, it risks becoming another elite settlement, justified in the language of stability and continuity.

The real question, then, is not who manages the transition, but whether Uganda can finally make transition ordinary, governed by rules rather than personalities.

As the country gears up for elections this Thursday, candidates across the country are canvassing for votes in their respective constituencies. In Tororo, the incumbent district chairperson, Mr John Okea, who is also the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party flag bearer, has since doubled his efforts to retain his seat.

Mr Okea has been occupying the seat since 2021 after he was declared winner with 113,126 votes, beating his main rival, Mr Emmanuel Osuna, who got 28,352 votes, according to the Uganda Gazette, General Notice No. 425 of 2021. Mr Osuna is not participating in the race. The incumbent is facing stiff competition from three other contenders.

They are Mr Paul Gonza of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and independent candidates John Obbo and John Mike Oluka.

Mr Okea pledges to consolidate what he describes as development gains achieved through government programmes during his tenure. He also promises to continue pushing for income generating projects to help lift residents out of poverty, arguing that people do not need government handouts to develop but should instead be empowered with skills.

“Our theme is protecting the gains and my people know what I have done in my term of office, ranging from advocating for the subdivision of the district, lobbying for various projects, among others and time will tell,” Mr Okea said.

Mr Gonza, the FDC candidate, has pledged to promote wealth creation. Speaking recently during his campaign launch, he said his leadership will focus on overcoming ignorance, disease and crime.

‘I will go by any party that has a good idea that has a focus on advocating for every household to come out of poverty,’ Mr Gonza stated.

He also pledged to improve agricultural production in the district. Mr Gonza added that if given the mandate he would empower unemployed youth with hands-on skills to be job creators rather than job seekers. Mr Gonza, who was once a correspondent of Daily Monitor, said his manifesto focuses on reducing the number of government prisons in the district and turning them into rehabilitation centres for individuals who are likely to commit crime instead of waiting for them to commit crime.

Candidate Obbo said his campaigns are centred on quality education and creating employment opportunities for the unemployed youth. ‘The idea of giving cash to voters as bribes is primitive. Voters need a sustainable way of looking after themselves,” Mr Obbo said.

He added that his priority is to lobby for government funding to strengthen village savings and credit associations, which he said are critical in enabling communities to access loans. ‘Strong savings and loans groups will help reduce reliance on moneylenders who charge high interest rates,’ Mr Obbo said.

Voters speak out

Mr Robert Opio, a voter, said the next district LC5 chairperson should advocate for the speedy operationalisation of the proposed three districts and a city that has been carved out of Tororo District. ‘It is the wish of all the people of Tororo District that the new administrative units is operationalised as soon as possible,” he said.

Mr James Onyango, the district councillor for Nagongera Sub-county, said the district chairperson should push for the upgrade of the health centre IVs to hospitals and the general referral hospital to the status of regional referral hospital.

‘Tororo District is lucky that it has three health centre IVs that are Mukuju, Nagongera and Mulanda. These health facilities should be upgraded because currently the district hospital is over-strained,’ Mr Onyango said.

Tororo District is located in eastern Uganda. It borders the Republic of Kenya to the east, Bugiri District to the west, Butaleja to the north, Busia to the south and Mbale to the northeast. The district has six counties, one municipality with two divisions, 30 sub-counties, 10 town councils, 170 parishes and 1,338 villages.

The district headquarters are located in Tororo Municipality, which is about 214km from Kampala City.

The 2021 poll results

In 2021, the Tororo LC5 chairperson race attracted 10 candidates. Mr John Okea of NRM won the race with 113,126 votes after defeating Mr Emmanuel Osuna (Independent) who got 28,352, Wilson Okachuga (Independent) who got 5,258, FDC’s Paul Gonza who got 4,428 and Gerald Wandera Obbo (Independent) who got 2,423 votes.

Others in race were Mohammed Agamile Shafi (NUP) who got 2,707 votes, Fred Onduri Machulu (Independent) who got 1,366, John Obbo (Independent) who garnered 1,281, Asa Kalami (Independent) who got 836, and David Ochieng (Independent) who garnered 733 votes.

Buyende District Election Returning Officer, Mr George William Eriau, has announced that there will be no voting for the directly elected Member of Parliament for Budiope East in Buyende district.

The incumbent and NRM flagbearer, Mr Moses Hashim Magogo, has been declared unopposed following the withdrawal of his opponents.

“The High Court has upheld the EC’s decision to disqualify candidate Mulirire. This leaves the incumbent, Moses Hashim Magogo of the NRM, as the sole candidate, and as a result, there will be no election for the directly elected Member of Parliament for Budiope East. Voting will only take place for the Presidential and Woman MP Positions,” Mr Eriau said in a media message to the voters of Buyende.

Mr Eriau called for calm and peace, urging voters to turn out and exercise their right to vote. He promised that the EC will deliver credible election results that reflect the choice of the voters.

The disqualification of Mr. Mulirire and the subsequent declaration of Magogo as the unopposed candidate has drawn mixed reactions from voters and local leaders.

Many voters said it was only a matter of time, noting that Magogo’s closest rival, Godfrey Dhamuzungu, withdrew from the race citing the death of his father and pressure from family.

Other candidates, including Stephen Bangalana, his former aide Rabin Peere, and Resty Nsiro, were disqualified following petitions citing forged signatures, insufficient nominators, and other procedural irregularities. While some allege that certain candidates were bought out, others say they were initially brought in to split Dhamuzungu’s votes.

Speaker of Parliament, Ms. Anita Among, congratulated Mr. Magogo on his unopposed win, saying it was no surprise.

“Thank you for your prayers and for trusting Ssalongo to lead the NRM Party as District Chairperson. With the double blessings of twins, everything now comes in pairs, so just as I predicted, he has come out unopposed,” she said during yesterday’s NRM flagbearers’ vote mobilization in Buyende District.

Ms Among noted that the people of Budiope East expect Magogo to take the lead and that they will hold him accountable for his leadership. District civil servants praised Mr Magogo, saying he has demonstrated strong support for government programs and worked harmoniously with technocrats.

One civil servant noted: “Having the husband to the Speaker of Parliament gives us an advantage to push, pull and strategize national cake resources and be attended with extra attention.”

Mr Tomasi Ngole, a supporter of disqualified candidate Mulirire, criticized the nomination process, saying it erodes democracy and public accountability.

“The denomination of candidates erodes democracy and public accountability. Candidates should have been left to win or lose credibly,” he said.

Mr. Magogo responded, saying his commitment to Budiope East is unwavering.

“My passion to serve the people is unconditional like a mother’s love, and no pressure or propaganda will deter me from my mission,” he said.

First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga has criticized the EC for disqualifying candidates, saying the trend is worrying and undermines competition.

“The move is a strategy used by those who fear competition and accused the EC of denying affected candidates a fair hearing,” she said.

Ms Kadaga emphasized that disqualifying candidates without proper consultations is unfair and a departure from past practice within the NRM.

Routine cancer screening is a powerful tool that can save the lives of people living with HIV. With early detection, prevention, vaccination, and timely treatment, the cancers commonly associated with HIV/Aids can be managed or avoided altogether. For people living with HIV, effective treatment means a longer life, but it also brings a greater need to focus on long-term health. A key part of this is cancer screening, which is essential, not optional.

HIV weakens the immune system, making it harder for the body to fight cancer-causing viruses like HPV and Hepatitis. This leads to a significantly higher risk for several cancers, including cervical cancer, lymphoma, and cancers of the liver and anus.

Because of this heightened risk, proactive screening is a critical part of care. Save lives with early detection Early detection is especially vital. Cancers can develop faster and more aggressively in people with a compromised immune system.

Finding cancer at its earliest stage, often before any symptoms appear, makes treatment much more effective and greatly improves the chance of a cure. For example, screening can find and allow for the treatment of pre-cancerous cervical lesions, preventing cancer from ever forming.

It is important to know that being on successful HIV treatment, while it lowers the risk, does not eliminate it entirely. The increased risk from past immune damage or ongoing viral infections remains.

Therefore, regular cancer check-ups are necessary for everyone living with HIV, regardless of how well their HIV is controlled. It is simple.

The good news is that screening is simple and increasingly available. In Uganda, services are often integrated into routine HIV care at clinics. Key steps include cervical screening for women, liver checks for those with hepatitis, HPV vaccination for prevention, and regular physical exams to spot any warning signs.

Ultimately, prevention through routine screening is empowering and economical. It is far more affordable and less burdensome than treating advanced cancer. By making screening a regular habit, people living with HIV can protect their health, ensure their long-term well-being, and continue to lead full, healthy lives.

Suzan Lamunu embodies the mixed emotions shared by many urban residents as the country edges closer to the January 15, 2026, polling day. While she remains hopeful that the electoral process will unfold smoothly, uncertainty clouds her expectations. Lamunu is already contemplating travelling out of Kampala, a precaution influenced by persistent speculation among colleagues and friends that key service, most notably internet access and mobile money platforms could face temporary disruptions.

Such concerns, rooted in past election experiences, have fuelled anxiety among city dwellers who rely heavily on digital services for communication, business, and access to essential needs. With just days to the polls, the mood across the country remains one of a cautious expectation. There are some ongoing talks by some Ugandans, increasingly dominated by speculation about what the election period may bring, including fears of possible internet disruptions reminiscent of previous years. But beyond political outcomes, a more pressing concern is emerging; will vital government services, particularly health care continue to function seamlessly during the election season?

Political commentator Thadeo Lubega observes that the current electioneering apprehension, has created fertile ground for speculation, rumours, and unverified claims, particularly on social media. On the question of whether health services may be disrupted during the election period, Lubega remains cautiously confident that essential care will continue uninterrupted. Drawing from experience in previous poll years, he says there is little indication that health facilities will suspend operations, noting that the preservation of life has consistently remained a national priority.

Nevertheless, he urges Ugandans to remain calm and to refrain from acts of violence, warning that unrest not only threatens public safety but also undermines national development.

”Peaceful conduct by citizens plays a critical role in ensuring that essential services, including healthcare, continue to function normally. I believe that Uganda, as a nation, values life, and I expect health facilities to remain operational under normal circumstances,’ Lubega says.

He cautions, however, that while hospitals and clinics may stay open, disruptions to enabling services particularly internet connectivity could indirectly affect health service delivery. Lwanga explains that modern healthcare increasingly relies on digital platforms, with doctors often consulting colleagues online for specialist advice and referrals.

In an increasingly interconnected global environment, he argues, any interruption in internet services could limit such professional collaboration, potentially affecting the quality and timeliness of care.

Government assures

Sylvia Kirabo, a medical practitioner, downplays fears of election-related disruptions to healthcare services, insisting that the sector will continue operating as normal. She says all government health workers are expected to report to their duty stations, as has been the case in previous election periods. According to Kirabo, health workers have not received any official communication directing the suspension of services on polling day, a clear indication that public health facilities will remain open to attend to patients. She adds that continuity of health care remains a core obligation of the health sector.

Emmanuel Ainebyoona, the Ministry of Health spokesperson, has assured the public that there will be no disruption of health services during the election period, stressing that healthcare is classified as an essential service.

‘All public and private health facilities will remain fully operational during and after the elections. The mandate of health workers is to guarantee uninterrupted access to health services for all Ugandans at all times,’ Ainebyoona stated.

He directed members of the public to continue seeking medical attention from their nearest health facilities whenever necessary, confirming that health workers will be deployed and on duty across the country.

Stock supplies

‘First, you must proactively manage your medications by ensuring you have at least a two-week supply of all prescription and essential over-the-counter drugs at home. This buffer is critical because pharmacies may become inaccessible,’ says Dr Mugisha.

Visit your doctor or clinic immediately to request refills for this extended period. Once secured, store medicines properly in their original containers and take clear photographs of all prescription labels. These photos provide vital information for healthcare workers in an emergency if you are separated from your physical medications.

‘Second, prepare a dedicated emergency kit that goes beyond a standard first-aid box. This kit should enable you to shelter safely at home for up to 72 hours. In addition to bandages and antiseptics, include specialised items such as a tourniquet and hemostatic gauze for serious bleeding, and saline solution or a mixture of water and liquid antacid to soothe skin and eyes exposed to tear gas,’ he says.

Your kit must also contain practical survival items, a minimum of four litres of water per person per day, ready-to-eat food, a solar-powered power bank, a battery-operated radio, and a reserve of cash in small denomination notes to cover expenses if banking services are unavailable.

Communication and transport plan

Develop a detailed plan for communication and transport, as these systems are most likely to fail during civil unrest.

Save all critical contact numbers, for your preferred hospital, a trusted local clinic, and reliable private transport drivers, directly into your phone’s contacts and also write them on a physical piece of paper. Do not rely on having internet access to find them. Furthermore, identify in advance the physical location and safest route to your chosen medical facility. Map out a primary and an alternative back-up route that avoids areas where protests or gatherings are likely to occur. Formalise a support network by designating a family member or neighbour as your emergency check-in contact. Share your entire preparedness plan with this person, including your medication list, chosen hospital, and evacuation routes. Establish a simple daily check-in protocol, such as a pre-agreed text message; if you fail to check in or send a distress signal, your contact will know to try to reach you or alert authorities on your behalf.

Steps to secure your health and safety supplies

It is good to have a fallback position; in case there is need. Dr Edward Mugisha, a general practitioner says that preparing for medical needs requires taking decisive, practical steps now, before any potential unrest begins.

‘The core of your preparation involves three interconnected pillars; securing your health supplies, assembling a comprehensive emergency kit, and creating a robust communication and transport plan,’ he says. These actions are designed to ensure your safety and access to care even if standard services are disrupted.