Category: Daily Monitor

The use of motorcycles to transport building materials, including iron bars, has become quite commonplace. Whereas the practice may come across as a pocket-friendly means of moving iron bars over a short distance, those who resort to transporting those materials are oblivious to the dangers. Transportation of such materials on motorcycles poses significant risks of accidents and injuries that can be fatal.

Motorcycles were never designed to carry long loads. It makes it extremely difficult for the rider to control as it compromises the balancing, steering and braking. This increases the risk of accidents. As has often been seen on our roads, long loads such as iron bars often protrude from the front and rear ends of the motorcycle.

Those that protrude from the rear often touch the tarmac, which causes damage to the infrastructure over time. This should be a major cause for worry for a country that required, as of July last year, Shs3.153 trillion to maintain its road network. This, however, points to an even bigger problem. It suggests that there are serious shortfalls in the country’s policies on the management of public assets such as roads and bridges. The missing link is the citizens. They are not aware of their roles and functions in the protection of national and community assets, which explains why infrastructure is impinged on as they look on. This calls for an aggressive engagement of the communities.

The citizenry should be involved in the planning, development and maintenance of public projects as it not only accords them an opportunity to identify and address any social risks, but also fosters a sense of shared responsibility when it comes to the protection of public assets. This calls for intentionality. It calls for our political leaders to rise above their personal interests and political aspirations and focus on the interests of the communities and the country. It calls for an end to populism and populist tendencies that have often impeded the implementation of bylaws and policies that would have helped in the protection of public assets and returned the country to a semblance of social order.

It calls for mass sensitisation programmes on the citizenry’s roles and functions in the protection and maintenance of public assets. Government must, however, take the lead in all this by taking full charge of funding and implementing an encompassing civic awareness programme that goes beyond lectures on history and politics to responsibilities and what should be expected of a good and patriotic citizen.

The Gagamel Entertainment boss of all big sizes recently listed Tracy Melon among the top artistes of 2025, despite not knowing who she is, noting that her listing was based on her visibility rather than any identifiable hit.

The veteran Ugandan musician, popularly known as Bebe Cool, has left everyone in open-mouthed shock after admitting that he does not personally know songstress Tracy, despite including her on his annual list of top Ugandan songs and artistes for 2025. Consequently, the music industry is seriously considering renaming Bebe ‘Sam’, which is short for Samnesia.

Bebe made this stunning confession while releasing his much-anticipated end-of-year list, 2025, which assesses creativity, consistency and influence within Uganda’s music scene.

Singling out Tracy Melon-best known to fans for songs such as Kakana and Ogenda Kulilaba-the Gagamel boss said her inclusion was based largely on her visibility.

‘I do not know this artiste, but I keep hearing the name,’ the Mambo Mingi star said. ‘She is a trending name without a clear outstanding hit song. Specifically, I cannot point a finger at any of her songs. I don’t know that artiste, but I know the name.’

He added that if she had a major song or a widely recognised music video, he would be familiar with it, given his long-standing involvement in the industry. Anyway, Bebe is a well-known logician.

He proved this by separating Bobi from himself by saying Bobi is not a single person. He is two in one, a twofer, like how Mzee was both cat and rebel during the Bush War that culminated in his interminable rule.

Bebe, being a logician who cut Bobi in two, knows the word syllogism. In logic, a syllogism is a three-part logical argument using deductive reasoning, combining a general statement (major premise) and a specific statement (minor premise) to reach a certain conclusion, like: “All humans are mortal (major), Socrates is a human (minor), Therefore, Socrates is mortal (conclusion)”.

These premises must be true and logically structured for the conclusion to be valid, demonstrating how specific truths can arise from broader principles. By this logic, Bebe votes for trending musicians. Tracy is a trending musician, so he votes for her. Therefore, he will vote for Bobi, who is also a trending musician.

It’s clear Bebe will use this syllogistic train of thought to dump the ruling party. To make matters worse, he will explain it by saying: ‘I do not know this artiste, but I keep hearing the name Bobi. He is a trending name without a clear outstanding hit song. Specifically, I cannot point a finger at any of his songs in 2025. I don’t know that artiste Bobi, but I know the name.’

Bebe has stated that Bobi and Kyagulanyi are the same person but represent different personas: the political figure and the musical artiste.

In a 2019 interview, the Wire Wire hitmaker specifically stated, “Bobi is not a Member of Parliament, it is Kyagulanyi who is an MP. The difference is he is using two faces to do two things at the same time”.

This perspective suggests that the “Bobi” character is free to perform music, while the “Kyagulanyi” persona is the one involved in politics and subject to police restrictions on public gatherings.

In other words, the Fire Burn Dem singer can only vote Bobi into office because he (Bebe) only votes trending musicians such as Bobi and Tracy. Mzee is out here. His most famous track, You Want Another Rap? (also known as Mpenkoni) has not been trending for years now, so Bebe is sure to ignore him at the polls.

Some top government officials are accusing Bebe of pulling a reverse-Mpuuga on them. However, Bebe insists that he is no turncoat, his coat remains yellow. If anybody doubts that, he adds, he refers them to the title of Chameleone’s 2005 song, Bomboclat.

‘I have been a die-hard NRM guy for all my life. Before I was born, the colour yellow was there and just waiting for me to come and vote. Haters better lay low like Mzee’s envelope,’ the singer said.

Bobi reportedly says he detects no Fitina here.

As Uganda heads towards the Thursday general elections, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate, Yoweri Museveni, hopes his campaign message, centred on promises of peace, stability, agricultural growth, and economic transformation, will resonate with the voters.

His pledges were designed to reassure voters of continuity while projecting Uganda toward middle-income status.

Campaigns officially kicked off on September 29, with Mr Museveni selling the NRM’s manifesto under the theme of wealth creation, industrialisation and job creation, particularly for the youth.

But Mr Joseph Mafabi, an elder in Bulambuli District, remarks that the NRM pledges have been recycled for several years, and there is little to expect even if President Museveni secures another term.

He notes that many of the roads pledged for construction three decades ago remain in a poor state. For example, he says, the Lwangoli-Butaleja-Namutumba road, the Busolwe-Nangongera road, and the Bududa circular road are still in disrepair.

‘Most government schools are in a sorry condition, with many children forced to study under trees or in dilapidated structures due to the lack of proper facilities,’ Mr Mafabi says, appealing to the NRM to fulfil its longstanding pledges.

However, Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), observes that President Museveni entered this election with a long and well-documented record, making his campaign pledges easier to evaluate than those of most candidates.

‘Over the years, his government has delivered in areas such as security, infrastructure, and macroeconomic stability. For instance, Uganda’s paved national road network has expanded from fewer than 2,000km in the early 2000s to more than 6,000km today, while electricity generation capacity has more than tripled following major projects such as Karuma and Isimba. These achievements remain central to the NRM’s campaign, and promises tied to them are more likely to be fulfilled,’ Mr Chemonges says.

He adds that by contrast, pledges on job creation, household wealth, and combating corruption are far more complex.

‘Youth unemployment and underemployment remain stubbornly high, with national surveys showing that many young people are engaged in low-paying, informal work. Likewise, despite the existence of anti-corruption agencies, Uganda continues to lose at least Shs10 trillion annually to corruption. These challenges have featured prominently in past elections yet remain unresolved,’ he says.

According to analysts, the repetition of these promises carries mixed implications. For some voters, it signals persistence and recognition of real problems. For others, especially the youth, it reinforces frustration and scepticism.

Mr Chemonges says if President Museveni is re-elected, his next term will be defined by tighter economic conditions, rising public expectations, and mounting pressure on State institutions to deliver.

‘Public debt has grown significantly over the past decade, narrowing fiscal space, while a fast-growing population intensifies demand for jobs and services. How the government manages expectations, sets realistic priorities, and demonstrates genuine resolve in tackling corruption will determine whether these pledges translate into meaningful impact, or remain familiar campaign rhetoric,’ he adds.

Familiar yet ambitious

President Museveni, in power since 1986, presents voters with a familiar yet ambitious agenda centred on continuity and gradual reform. His supporters argue that his experience and track record position him to deliver on these promises, while critics contend that Uganda needs a change in leadership to address its long-standing governance challenges.

With Thursday’s presidential elections just around the corner, the key question remains whether Museveni’s promises will resonate with voters or whether fatigue with the status quo will shape the country’s political future.

Mr Yusuf Serukuma, a political theorist based at Makerere University, observes that if a manifesto is understood as a pledge, then Mr Museveni himself embodies the manifesto.

‘The booklet circulated during elections serves primarily a political function, designed to fulfil the formal requirements of campaigning. Beyond that, however, it holds little significance for Museveni. For him, once declared the winner, he effectively becomes the manifesto, acting according to what he deems necessary or useful over the course of the five-year term,’ Mr Serukuma says.

The pledges

At the centre of President Museveni’s campaign has been the Parish Development Model (PDM), which he described as the ‘final nail’ in ending household poverty. The President pledged to increase funding to parishes, strengthen supervision of PDM funds and crackdown on corruption among officials accused of mismanaging the programme.

He repeatedly promised that every parish would receive adequate capital to support income-generating activities, insisting that Ugandans must shift from subsistence to commercial production. He also pledged to integrate PDM beneficiaries into markets through cooperatives and value-addition initiatives.

Mr Museveni placed strong emphasis on industrialisation as a solution to unemployment. He pledged to expand industrial parks across regions, support local manufacturers with cheaper electricity and promote agro-processing industries to reduce post-harvest losses.

During rallies, the NRM candidate promised that his next term would prioritise skills development through technical and vocational education, arguing that practical skills are critical for absorbing Uganda’s rapidly growing youth population into productive employment.

Dr Enoq Twinoburyo, a lecturer at Makerere University, explains that the NRM manifesto is closely aligned with the National Development Plan (NDP). However, both have consistently faced challenges that go beyond institutional, financial, and implementation capacity.

‘In practice, many of the goals set out in the NDP and the NRM manifesto have not been achieved in the past. There is some likelihood of deliverables, particularly with the anticipated revenues from Uganda’s first oil production, significant risks remain. Even with oil resources, the full implementation of pledges is unlikely,’ Dr Twinoburyo says.

‘A recent analysis of the NDP and its implementation revealed persistent issues such as corruption, institutional weaknesses, loopholes in public expenditure, poor coordination among institutions, and weaknesses in public finance management. These factors have collectively undermined development outcomes and cast doubt on the feasibility of future pledges,’ he adds.

Mr Museveni also pledged to strengthen the ‘Buy Uganda, Build Uganda’ (BUBU) policies to protect local industries and promote Ugandan products.

Infrastructure development featured prominently in the President’s campaign. He promised continued construction and upgrading of roads, especially feeder roads to ease access to markets for farmers. The President also pledged to expand electricity connectivity to rural areas, lower power tariffs for manufacturers and complete major energy projects to support industrial growth.

On transport, Mr Museveni reiterated his long-standing pledge to revive the railway network and improve water transport on Lake Victoria as a cheaper alternative for cargo movement.

Security remained a core pillar of President Museveni’s campaign. He pledged to maintain peace and stability, arguing that without security, economic development would be impossible. The President promised continued investment in the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) and other security agencies to protect Uganda’s sovereignty and combat emerging threats such as terrorism and cross-border crime.

The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) youth leaders from Eastern Uganda are calling on party leadership to urgently intervene in what they describe as selective distribution of motorcycles and funds meant to facilitate mobilisation of election activities ahead of the January 15 general elections.

The youth leaders accuse the National NRM Youth Chairperson, Mr Collins Tanga, of sidelining youth leaders who did not support him during the NRM party structure elections last year. They claim that the distribution of motorcycles and funds, intended for vote mobilisation for President Yoweri Museveni and other NRM flag bearers in respective districts, was unfair.

“We called on the NRM Secretary General, Richard Todwong, to institute an inquiry into the matter. The distribution favoured individuals who voted for Mr Tanga in the recently concluded party elections,” said Nimrod Kakayi, the NRM Youth Youth Youth Youth, Namisindwa District.

Each district and city youth chairperson was expected to receive one motorcycle and Shs8 million for the exercise, but some reportedly didn’t get theirs. The affected youth leaders cited Busoga, Teso, and Bugisu regions as examples where the distribution was allegedly unfair.

“This is not a privilege of the national chairperson; it’s an entitlement of district and city NRM youth league chairpersons,” said Ibrahim Ngobi, the NRM Youth League Chairperson for Jinja City.

The youth leaders also expressed concern over a separate issue involving the position of Vice Chairperson of the NRM Youth League for Eastern Uganda. Samuel Omaria, the NRM Chairperson for Soroti West City Division, alleged that Tanga is working with a disqualified individual, Rakibu Kiyimba, who was removed from the position by the NRM tribunal due to age limits.

“The tribunal found that Mr Kiyimba was above the age limit of 35 and ruled that I assume the position of Vice Chairperson for Eastern Uganda with effect from October 14 last year. I have written several complaints to the NRM Electoral Commission and the party, but no action has been taken. Mr Collins has continued to work with an impersonator,” Omaria said.

In response, Tanga defended the distribution, saying motorcycles went to active mobilisers, not just chairpersons.

“When I lobbied for the motorcycles, I lobbied for active mobilisers within the Youth League structure at district level. Whether one is a sub-county chairperson or a publicist, as long as they were actively mobilising for the President, they qualified,” he said.

Tanga dismissed claims of cash handouts, saying there were only motorcycles meant to enhance mobility.

“Each motorcycle is meant to carry three youth mobilisers to polling stations to ensure the safety of President Museveni’s votes,” he said.

Tanga also refuted allegations that he gave motorcycles to those who supported him during the Youth League party elections, citing examples of chairpersons from Busia, Butaleja, and Bulambuli districts who didn’t publicly support him but still received motorcycles for mobilisation.

On the issue of who is the legitimate Vice Chairperson of the NRM Youth League for Eastern Uganda, Tanga said the matter is still before court.

One brand setting the tone for 2026 is Worq, a Ugandan fashion label creating designs that seamlessly balance statement and ease. From flowing kimonos and bubu dresses to relaxed yet polished Ankara pants, Worq’s pieces are designed to work across various moments, styled up or pared down, and are bold yet wearable. We sat down with Audrey Nahabwe, the brand founder, for an in-depth conversation about their designs, inspiration, and what makes their pieces perfect for the times.

What inspired the creation of Worq, and how did the brand begin?

Worq began with a desire to create fashion with purpose. I wanted to move away from mass-produced, fleeting trends and instead focus on pieces that celebrate African heritage, style, and craftsmanship in a modern way. Each design is carefully crafted using quality materials that last, telling a story through the fabric and construction. At its core, Worq encourages people to embrace a slower, more thoughtful approach to style.

Describe the brand’s identity and the kind of person you design for?

Worq is a modern African fashion brand that blends heritage with contemporary design. We create timeless, sustainable pieces that celebrate fabrics and stories reflecting culture and identity.

We design for women and men who value individuality and quality over trends, people who want to express themselves through clothing that feels meaningful, intentional, and enduring.

What sets the brand apart in the ready-to-wear space, especially in African print fashion?

It is the meticulous thought and care behind every fabric and design. We work with rare, handcrafted custom fabrics sourced from different parts of Africa, created by local artisans whose skills have been passed down for generations. From our Adire hand-dyed indigo cloth from Abeokuta to our Asooke hand-woven fabric from Oyo, each textile is produced in limited quantities, making every piece truly rare and unique.

Where do you draw inspiration for your collections?

As an East African brand working across both East and West Africa, my inspiration comes from the blend of cultures that surround us. We draw deeply from West Africa’s textile traditions while grounding our designs in East African sensibilities. The prints are inspired by stories, symbols, and techniques we encounter, reinterpreted through a modern lens. Everyday life, movement, and cultural expression across both regions also play a big role in shaping our collections.

What does your design process look like?

It is a blend of research, intuition, and exploration. Inspiration can come from colours, architecture, or everyday movement. From there, I source fabrics, carefully selecting patterns, colours, and textures that align with the story I want to tell.

Once the fabrics are chosen, I sketch silhouettes that merge modern minimalism with African identity, always considering how the fabric drapes and moves. Our tailors then create samples, which we refine until the cut, fit, and finishing feel just right. The goal is always the same: timeless, intentional, wearable.

How do you balance keeping pieces modern while celebrating African culture?

By pairing minimalist, contemporary cuts with fabrics that carry deep African heritage. Culture lives in the textiles, while modernity comes through the silhouette, creating pieces that feel meaningful and fashion-forward.

Who is your typical customer?

Our customer appreciates individuality because the fabrics are authentic, the quantities are limited, and every design feels intentional rather than trend-driven. They value quality over fast fashion and love the fusion of East and West African aesthetics.

How has the market responded so far?

The response has been very positive. Customers are drawn to the rarity, craftsmanship, and the stories behind each piece. There’s a growing appetite for thoughtfully made, authentic African garments that honour heritage while delivering quality.

What challenges come with running a fashion brand in Uganda?

One major challenge is helping people see the value of investing in quality handmade garments in a market often driven by cheap, fast fashion. Some customers are also hesitant about online shopping, which limits reach, and logistics can be tricky. Still, once people experience the quality and uniqueness of Worq pieces, they tend to become loyal customers.

What does growth look like for the next few years?

Growth means expanding our reach, collections, and impact. We want to connect with new local and international audiences, deepen our sustainability efforts, and create meaningful online and offline brand experiences. Ultimately, Worq aims to be a leading voice in modern African fashion.

What feeling should one take away from the wear?

I want them to feel confident and unique, knowing they are wearing a one-of-a-kind, timeless piece of wearable art.

Heavy armoured vehicles and infantry units fanned out across the Ugandan capital on Sunday as the military and police entered a state of joint deployment, barely four days before a high-stakes General Election.

The mobilization, confirmed by Acting Director of Defence Public Information Col Chris Magezi, marks a significant escalation in security measures ahead of the January 15, 2026 polls.

After daybreak, several war-like land combat and transport vehicles were seen manoeuvring through Kampala’s known flashpoints and patrolling major arterial highways on Sunday.

When this reporter visited parts of the capital at around 2:00 pm, heavily armed police officers had taken up positions at major road junctions along Jinja Road, Wandegeya, and the Nakulabye traffic light areas, with a visible security blanket also reported downtown and in other parts of the country, including Jinja City.

Still in Kampala, groups of about 12-15 soldiers marched in formation along the city outskirts, with two police officers interspersed after every three fighters, imposing a mobile security presence along major routes.

Col Magezi said the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF), working alongside the Uganda Police Force, had begun patrols to protect the democratic process and deter anticipated violence during the election period.

‘UPDF patrols in Kampala have commenced today. No cause for alarm,’ Magezi said, adding: ‘However, we do not take threats of violence during the election period by some political actors and their supporters lightly.’

According to Col Magezi, security agencies would ensure public safety and protect property, warning that ‘cases of criminality or threats to public order will be dealt with promptly and in compliance with the laws of Uganda.’

Under the Ugandan law, the UPDF is primarily tasked with defending the country against external threats, while police is typically responsible for domestic law enforcement and maintaining public order.

The use of the military for election security is considered exceptional and usually requires special orders or close coordination with police.

The Sunday deployment comes amid heightened political tension as President Museveni, 81, one of the world’s longest-serving leaders, seeks to extend his rule toward a half-century in what will be his eighth presidential contest.

‘120 bullets’

Amongst the eight presidential candidates, Museveni’s main challenger is widely seen to be opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine.

As the final campaign week begins on Monday, Museveni has adopted a firmer tone in recent days.

Speaking during his final rallies late last week, he urged Ugandans to vote but warned against unrest.

‘All of you should go and vote. No one can destabilize Uganda. Anyone who tries will regret,’ Museveni said.

The veteran president had earlier drawn criticism after December remarks suggesting soldiers were equipped with ‘120 bullets’ each, comments that the opposition NUP party said ‘reinforced fears of a hard security response to dissent.’

Security deployments ahead of elections are not new in Uganda, but analysts and international election observers have previously warned that the scale and visibility of combat-ready units risk discouraging voter participation by blurring the line between public order enforcement and intimidation.

About January 15

Museveni, who came to power in 1986 after a guerrilla war sparked by dissatisfaction with the 1980 polls, has seen at least three of his election victories unsuccessfully challenged in court.

The January 15 vote will be held at 50,739 polling stations nationwide, with 21,681,491 registered voters, according to official figures.

Ahead of the election, authorities said they would boost the police force with 100,000 unarmed special constables, bringing its total strength to over 160,000.

Other presidential candidates in the race include Joseph Mabirizi, Mubarak Munyagwa, Frank Bulira, Mugisha Muntu, Nandala Mafabi, and Robert Kasibante.

So!! Here comes January 15! On another day, I’d be declaring the usual, ‘May the best man win!’ But both sides of Uganda’s political divide know only too well that under the National Resistance Movement (NRM), the most deserving do not win a presidential election.

It has been reduced to an empty, hollowed-out ritual, riddled with rigging, intimidation, arrests, blocked campaigns, incapacitated opponents, and the quiet violence of fear. An election drained of its moral content. A process bent so badly it barely resembles democracy. Ordinarily, in moments like this, we would boycott. We would withhold our participation as a form of protest. We would say, this thing is broken beyond repair; we will not legitimise it.

But no. We should not. Sometimes a people will do a thing, not because of the certainty of victory, but because they’re faithful to an idea. Sometimes we act, not because the odds favour us today, but because we love our country too much to abandon it to cynicism. We vote because we see far. Far beyond January 15. Far beyond this regime. Far beyond one man and his machinery. Good people outlast bad regimes. We see a Uganda that will outlive its troubles. A people who will outlast repression. A nation that will survive those who mistake power for permanence. This is not merely an election. It is a war of ideas and endurance. We may lose the battle-yes. But we are resolved to win the war.

And wars of this kind are not won in a single season. Or in a few seasons. Heck, sometimes, not even in a person’s lifetime! Wars of this kind are won by stubborn belief; by repetition. By refusing to forget who we are meant to be. Democracy is not just an event; it’s a philosophy to be lived. Thieves may have distorted it. Strongmen may have brutalised it from hallowed to hollow. Opportunists may have diluted it completely. But we still believe in its sanctity. That is why we shall -and should – go to the ballot box. Not with naïveté, but with conviction. Not with illusions, but with memory and hope braided together. We vote so that the idea of democracy does not die in our hands, or disappear on our watch. We vote to entrench democracy in the soil of Uganda, even when the soil is hostile.

Let January 15 be a categorical statement of strategic intent: that, unlike some people, we hold it dear, right, and true, that power should only change hands through the ballot, not the bullet. Parliament, too, has been corrupted-compromised, disfigured, bastardised. It’s packed with some politicians who have no conscience and no heart for the people they represent. We’re talking about Judas Iscariots who habitually – and casually – betray their nation for 30 pieces of silver. Yet we should still vote for MPs. Why? Because we believe Uganda needs a Parliament. Because we believe it’s possible-one day-to have a good one. Institutions matter, even when they are broken.

Especially when they are broken. A good parent doesn’t give up on a delinquent child. Neither should a good citizen give up on their nation, even when it looks like what Uganda now is. Imperatively, therefore, January 15 is not a harvest; it is a sowing. We are planting seeds we may never see sprout. We are working for a future that may not reward us personally. Some of us may never sit under the shade of the tree we plant-but plant it we must. For our children. For those who will come after us. For a Uganda that deserves better than fear, unlawful arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances as a form of governance. Beloved, let history record this: that even in their darkest hour, Ugandans refused to surrender their belief.

That even when despots looked invincible, Ugandans stubbornly held democracy close. That even when power mocked the vote, the people still voted. That participation itself became resistance. And perhaps-just perhaps-when the architects of this thuggery look back one day, it will not be our defeat that haunts them, but our refusal to disappear. Our insistence on showing up. Our quiet, relentless faith in tomorrow; our undying resolve to do the right thing for our God and for our country. That, more than anything, is what makes tyrants uneasy.

The outcome of next week’s election, in my opinion, is a foregone conclusion. Many Ugandans know that President Museveni – who seized power in 1986 when his main challenger Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu was only four years old – will be declared the winner and continue in his job. To be fair, there is absolutely nothing wrong with a candidate winning and being declared a winner, even if that candidate is Mr Museveni, who is trying to extend his rule to 45 years. But how the candidate gets to win the election is key. If the election is free and fair, losers will be sadly disappointed, but they cannot run away from reality, which, as Amazon founder Jeff Bezos famously wrote in 2024, is an undefeated champion.

They just have to live with it. But if, right from the word go, voters have been suspicious of the conduct of the entire exercise and the Electoral Commission (EC), far from allaying their concerns, behaves in a way that strongly suggests it is biased, the outcome has to be disputed. A disputed election is a regrettable way of concluding an electoral exercise. In some African countries where elections have been disputed, the ensuing violence has often triggered death and destruction of devastating proportions. Think Ethiopia (2005), Kenya (2007) and Tanzania (2025). In Uganda, it has to be noted, a section of voters are trying to get rid of tired leadership. While the government has had some achievements, its failures are glaring.

When Mr Museveni came to power, Kampala was grappling with power outages. It still is. That is nearly 40 years of trying to fix a problem and dismally failing to find a solution. And this is in the capital, the heart of Uganda, where people should expect electricity 24/7. They do not get it. They do not get decent healthcare. Voters have compelling reasons to seek change. The unemployed/underemployed people living in poverty will always justifiably blame the government for ignoring their plight. The suffering for many has been immense. Graduates leave university, only to find that there are no jobs. Those who can find jobs are the lucky ones, and they tend to be well-connected.

The rest have to find ways of employing themselves, either by prevailing on their parents to sell land so they can buy motorcycles and work as boda bodas or hire agents to find them menial jobs in the Middle East. Some who have gone to the Middle East have returned in coffins because the working conditions in countries such as Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia are extremely harsh. If you stay and find a job as a nurse, policeman, or teacher, you will barely earn enough to survive. Imagine a teacher earning Shs500,000 and having a family of four to support on this salary. How can they manage? The government knows people are very unhappy. Since the presidential campaigns started, NRM leaders have been panicking. They know the chances of losing the election are real.

They give the impression they are still popular, but if they are, they should let their popularity speak for itself. Popularity means you contest a presidential election organised by an electoral body whose leader you do not appoint and expect to win. It means you are comfortable with the voters hanging around polling stations after voting so they see their votes being counted and the winners being announced. It also means those you consider to be your main challengers are allowed to campaign freely. But we all know Mr Kyagulanyi’s campaign team has had it rough. They have had almost every terrible thing thrown at them. Supporters of the party Mr Kyagulanyi leads are languishing in jail. His bodyguard, Eddie Mutwe, was tortured by the army, as Mr Kyagulanyi told Ugandans in his New Year address.

The bulk of the duties shouldered by legislators are executed at committee level before the outcomes of such sittings are considered on the floor of Parliament. Mr Charles Mugendi, a policy analyst interested in the East African Community (EAC) affairs, says like the Kenyan Parliament, Uganda’s lawmaking body relies on committees to do the heavy lifting. As such, the 556 legislators of the 11th Parliament split their time between the House’s standing committees and sectoral committees.

On average, each committee has about 35 Members of Parliament (MPs). Every MP sits on at least two committees, with the House’s official website defining the standing committees as those that ‘play a crucial role in the legislative process by conducting in-depth reviews, investigations, and discussions related to particular subjects.’ It adds that ‘standing committees are a fundamental part of the legislative system in many countries and help ensure efficient and informed lawmaking.’ Elsewhere, sectoral committees stand in a cluster as ‘specialised groups or panels that focus on specific sectors or industries within an organisation, government, or other institutions.’ These committees, the website adds, ‘are responsible for addressing issues, making decisions, and formulating policies related to their designated sectors.’

A no-show

House records extracted from the Fourth Strategic Plan of Parliament shows that majority MPs skipped committees throughout the five years of the11th Parliament. An average of only 16 MPs attended committee sittings in the Financial Year (FY) 2020/2021 and 2021/2022. This further deteriorated because FY2022/2023 had captured 15 MPs while only 13 MPs attended committee sittings. Mr Mugendi believes that low attendance of MPs in committees need to be viewed as ‘symptoms of a dysfunctional Parliament’ that strike ‘at the heart of Uganda’s democracy.’

He reasons that ‘when you have such less scrutiny over the budgets and matters that are brought, then oversight becomes less dysfunctional.’ He added: ‘If committees themselves are less attended to, then the oversight mandate which is supposed key is less done. Then that at the end of the day is giving the Executive power, which entrenches impunity and corruption.’ Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), concurs. ‘When only half the members show up, it weakens the quality of legislation, reduces oversight, and short changes the citizens MPs are supposed to represent. It also suggests a broader culture issue within Parliament where visibility in the plenary is prioritised over the substantive work that actually improves governance.’

Effective oversight

The low attendances notwithstanding, the opening half of the 11th Parliament saw three committees stick out among the 16 sectoral committees. These were the Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs then chaired by Ms Rosemary Nyakikongoro (Sheema District); Health Committee then chaired by Dr Charles Ayume (Koboko Municipality) and the House Committee on Trade that was chaired by Mr Mwine Mpaka (Mbarara South). They provided effective oversight of government entities that appeared before them. The Mpaka-led committee, for one, left Ms Geraldine Ssali, the former Trade ministry Permanent Secretary (PS) bruised following allegations that she diverted money intended by the government to compensate war-loss victims through their cooperative Saccos.

In August 2023 the sectoral committee resolved that Ms Ssali be relieved of her duties as PS at the Trade ministry. Attempts by Ms Ssali to fight back were futile. In January 2024, Mr Mpaka led his members to push for her removal when they refused to process the Trade ministry’s budget for FY 2024/25. Earlier, in January 2023, the sectoral committee had grilled top officials at the National Social Security Fund (NSSF) over the gross mismanagement of the savers’ fund and power fights among top leaders at the Fund. Similarly, Karim Masaba (Mbale City Industrial Division) displayed his financial brilliance when he deputised Ms Faith Nakut (Napak DWR) on the six-member Ad-hoc committee that investigated issues that were eating away the already struggling Posta Uganda. During a string of probes, Mr Masaba, who mostly took lead in cross-examination of witnesses at the ICT ministry and Posta Uganda top management, found that the said entity had been operating illegally for three years.

Elsewhere, during his tenure as the chairperson of the Committee on State Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase), Mr Joel Ssenyonyi cracked the whip on State entities that were maladministered. In mid 2022, he exposed the rot in Uganda Airlines. It was found that the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Uganda’s flag carrier, Ms Jenifer Bamuturaki, had, after being appointed under questionable ways, among others, caused losses of more than Shs500b. A report into the mess that Cosase was shelved at the behest of Speaker Anita Among, ostensibly because it was leaked to the media. A similar clean up was done at the Uganda National Bureau of Standards (UNBS) where the former Executive Director Mr David Livingstone Ebiru had in June 2023 told Cosase that he paid a Shs100m bribe to secure the job. Mr Ebiru’s position at UNBS became untenable in July 2023.

The rough edges

During the tenure of the 11 Parliament, the Committee on National Economy processed and persuaded Parliament to approve colossal sums of loans, worsening the country’s debt burden. For instance, in just a single House sitting held last December, plenary approved loans to a tune of Shs9.622 trillion much to the dismay of the Opposition. The Opposition was not alone. Many a time, a section of the public felt dismayed when key concerns attracted minimal or no pivotal action from line committees.

This mostly occurred in committees chaired by MPs aligned to the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party. For instance, there was deafening silence exhibited by the House committee chaired by Fox Odoi on Human rights while gross cases of rights violations rocked the country. Similar displeasure was registered on the Committee of Foreign Affairs that was mute in the face of the plight of Ugandans in Arab countries. ‘Parliament needs a combination of institutional discipline and stronger accountability mechanisms to address this matter,’ Mr Chemonges said of the failure to provide effective oversight, adding, ‘Attendance should be tracked and published regularly, with consequences for persistent absenteeism, including loss of committee positions or allowances.’

Special prayers were held yesterday for jailed veteran Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye and other political prisoners, amid mounting criticism of what Opposition figures describe as escalating repression ahead of Thursday’s elections. The prayers held at Besigye’s Kasangati home in Wakiso District brought together Opposition leaders, families of detainees, religious leaders, and supporters, who called for the release of political prisoners and peaceful elections. Ms Winnie Byanyima, Dr Besigye’s wife, said the political environment has steadily deteriorated since Dr Besigye broke ranks with the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). ‘When we started, there was not much repression.

But from the time Dr Besigye left the NRM, hatred has continued to grow from one election to another,’ Ms Byanyima said. She condemned what she described as systematic violence against Opposition supporters during the campaign period. ‘What kind of campaigns are these where an Opposition candidate cannot hold a rally without people being beaten, abducted, arrested, killed, or imprisoned? Rally after rally, there is violence, and then they wait to declare themselves winners. What kind of victory is that?’ she asked. Ms Byanyima said jailing political opponents and their supporters was a sign of weakness rather than strength, and urged Ugandans to reject violence and brutality. ‘This is not just an election. It is a stand against dictatorship.

That is why we support the idea of a protest vote,’ she said, calling on Opposition leaders to mobilise supporters to protect the vote at polling stations. She also criticised the arrest and continued detention of clergy, including Deusdedit Ssekabira, the former Masaka Diocesan youth chaplain, saying denying him bail was unacceptable. The National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, said: ‘The hardest part of politics is standing before the relatives of political prisoners. Sometimes I break down. What affects one of us affects all of us as a country.’ He thanked families of detainees for their resilience and solidarity, and said Dr Besigye had contacted him from prison to express support.

‘God stands on the side of the oppressed. We must not allow ourselves to be divided, because dictators thrive on division,’ Mr Kyagulanyi said, urging supporters to remain united and peaceful. Mr Kyagulanyi also praised Dr Besigye, a four-time presidential candidate, as his political mentor, and said without him, he wouldn’t be where he is now politically.

‘Your husband is an honourable person. Had I not stood with Dr Kizza Besigye, I would not be here today. I did not know that I, too, would end up under house arrest. This should remind us that what affects one of us affects all of us as a country,’ he said. He added: ‘We are all in the same boat, whether you are up or down, because everyone is being arrested. I also received a call from Dr Besigye, and he told me that he stands with us.’

Background

Dr Besigye and his aide, Obeid Lutale Kamulegeya, have been on remand at Luzira Prison since November 2024, facing treason charges following their abduction from Kenya’s capital, Nairobi, and return to Uganda.