Category: Daily Monitor

When Allan Okello speaks about Young Africans SC, he does not sound like a footballer chasing novelty. He sounds like one returning to unfinished business.

‘Playing deep in the Caf Champions League again was a big thing for me,’ Okello told the Daily Monitor on Sunday, a day before he flew to Dar es Salaam for his official unveiling at his new club. ‘It has been a while, and it’s something I’ve always wanted back.’

That longing is rooted in memory. In 2018, still a teenager, Okello announced himself on the continental stage – reaching the group phase and scoring a stunning goal at Alexandria’s Borg El Arab Stadium as KCCA lost 4-3 to Al Ahly, three months after beating the same opponents 2-0 in Kampala.

Stage set

Since then, Africa’s premier club competition has largely passed him by. Vipers SC, for all their domestic dominance, exited at the last hurdle before the group stage this season. The stage Okello craved never truly arrived.

Yanga offered it immediately – a two and a half contract with the Tanzanian champions.

His first continental test in green and yellow comes on January 23 – away to Al Ahly in Egypt. For Okello, it is not irony. It is alignment.

‘Yanga is a club that competes on the continent every season,’ he said. ‘They have ambitions of reaching finals, becoming one of the best teams in Africa, and winning titles. When you look at the squad they have, those ambitions are realistic.’

The meaning

This is where the story shifts from transaction to intention. Early reports chased speculative transfer figures of $300,000 (Shs1.1b), framing the move as a financial landmark.

Yet those close to the deal insist money was never the headline – structure, trajectory, and the platform to perform mattered far more.

‘Our target was a project that offered Okello a good platform to perform and develop well on the continent, and that also made good financial sense,’ his agent, Sultan Atubo of Next Pro Sports, told this publication.

‘Yanga SC, with its story both on and off the pitch, checked that box.’

The persuasion was personal. Yanga president Hersi Said handled the talks himself – a detail that resonated with the player.

‘I spoke with the club leadership, and they showed me the vision, the direction, and where they want to go,’ Okello explained. ‘That convinced me this would be a big step in my career.’

Earning his place

It was not a promise of stardom. If anything, the message was sobering.

‘The boss was very honest,’ Okello said. ‘There are quality players from all over Africa here. Nothing is guaranteed. I have to work hard, earn my place, and when I get the chance, make sure I don’t disappoint.’

That realism matters. Yanga are not a soft landing. They are stacked, ambitious, and unforgiving.

Okello arrives as a competitor, not a crowned centrepiece – but very much as a player the club believes can improve them. Contribution will be demanded, not gifted.

At Vipers, Okello had become the axis. League champion. Top scorer in the 2024/25 Uganda Premier League. The system bent around his left foot. Leaving that comfort required conviction – and respect.

Appreciating Vipers

‘Okello never wanted to leave Vipers on a free,’ Atubo said of the 25-year-old, who had barely six months remaining on his contract.

‘It was the only chance for the club to earn something back for the support they gave him over the last two and a half years.’

After several setbacks at Algeria’s Paradou AC, which had bought him from KCCA in January 2020, Okello spent a year on loan back at Lugogo.

When KCCA chose not to retain him after that loan in 2023, Vipers stepped in, giving him a lifeline and treating his knee before he had even kicked a ball for the club.

What’s in for Okello

‘This is a step up for me,’ said Okello. ‘It’s a learning process, a chance to grow as a player while helping the team achieve its goals.’

Still, the move also made financial and professional sense. Daily Monitor can reveal that Okello’s monthly earnings at Yanga are estimated between $8,000 (Shs29m) and $10,000 (Shs36m), alongside a house, a car, and two annual return tickets.

While Simba SC showed interest, no discussions ever progressed, as Okello had made it clear he wanted Yanga.

Vipers, meanwhile, retained a percentage on any future sale – a small but important acknowledgment of the role they played in nurturing him.

‘Yanga SC checked all the boxes – both on and off the pitch,’ Atubo added.

Yanga not the end goal

Those goals extend beyond Dar es Salaam. Yanga see Okello not as a final product but as a developing asset.

The contract length, the sell-on clause retained by Vipers, and the emphasis on protection on and off the pitch all point to a shared understanding – this is a chapter, not the conclusion.

Context sharpens the decision further. Uganda’s Afcon campaign in Morocco left more frustration than fulfilment.

Okello, like several players, never quite found the platform to express himself fully. Beginning 2026 with a move of this clarity is not cosmetic – it is corrective.

What this transfer ultimately teaches is restraint. African players do not always need Europe to move forward. Sometimes, the most intelligent progression is sideways on the map but upward in meaning.

‘I’m motivated,’ Okello reaffirmed. ‘I want to fight for my place and help the team achieve those continental dreams.’

That is not marketing language. It is the voice of a footballer choosing relevance over romance, challenge over comfort, and Africa’s biggest nights over easy applause.

Okello has not gone to Yanga to hide. He has gone there to measure himself – again – where it matters most.

Okello Fact File

Full Name: Allan Okello

Date of Birth: July 4, 2000 (25)

Place of Birth: Lira, Uganda

Height: 1.79 m (5 ft 10 in)

Weight: 65 kg

Position: Attacking Midfielder

Current Club: Yanga Africans (Tanzania)

Former Clubs: Vipers SC (2023- Jan 2026), KCCA (2016-2020, 2022 loan), Paradou AC (Algeria, 2020-2023)

National Team: Uganda Cranes (Senior debut – since 2019)

Agent: NextPro Sports

Major Honours With KCCA

– Uganda Premier League (2016/17, 2018/19)

– Uganda Cup (2016/17, 2017/18)

– Cecafa Kagame Cup (2019)

With Vipers SC

– Uganda Premier League (2024/25)

– Uganda Cup (2025)

Uganda National Team

– Chan 2024 Quarterfinalist (Top Scorer with 3 Goals)

– Scored in 2026 World Cup Qualifiers vs Guinea, Mozambique and Somalia

Individual Awards

Fufa Male Player of the Year (2019) | Fufa Young Player of the Year (2018) | Airtel Fans’ Favourite Player (2018) | Football256 Player of the Year (2019)

Police have warned political candidates against moving with a personal security team at polling venues ahead of the January 15, 2026, General Election.

‘There have been complaints of security officers being seen in election operations, yet they are not officially deployed by the force commanders and are just being used by candidates. This time, we shall not allow unauthorised security officers in the field. In fact, we shall arrest them,’ said Busoga East regional police spokesperson, Mr Michael Kasadha.

According to Mr Kasadha, the release or hiring of security officers to candidates has also been stopped.

Mr Kasadha explained that in the previous election, candidates were allowed to hire their own security, but this was widely abused.

‘When we allow candidates to have private security, they end up directing them to act in their own interests, even though security is meant to serve everyone,’ Mr Kasadha said.

Mr Kasadha indicated that in cases where candidates, such as ministers, have assigned bodyguards, their role should be strictly limited to protection and not interfere with the electoral process.

He further cautioned security operatives against deploying themselves during polling, emphasising that sufficient manpower has been provided to handle any challenges faced by voters,’ Mr Kasadha said.

‘We have deployed enough security officers who will respond to any challenges that may arise,’ Mr Kasadha added.

According to him, the intensified deployment of police and military patrol officers in the Sub-region is meant to maintain peace, not to intimidate voters.

However, Mr Musa Kabugo, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) flag bearer in the Jinja South East race, disagreed with the decision to ban candidates from moving with their own security.

Mr Kabugo insisted that the police always fail to protect votes from being tampered with and sometimes conspire with the culprits.

‘Police do not help us when our votes are being tampered with, so they cannot stop me from carrying my own security,’ Mr Kabugo said.

He stressed that threats of arrest will not deter them from maintaining the groups set to guard votes.

Jinja City Mayor, Mr Peter Okocha Kasolo, welcomed the ban on private security groups for candidates during the elections.

Mr Kasolo, who is contesting as an independent candidate, noted that managing security during elections is solely the responsibility of the police, not candidates.

‘Ordinarily, the police are entrusted with maintaining law and order, and we must respect that,’ Mr Kasolo said.

Busoga region election supervisor, Mr Deo Natukunda, said at least two police officers will be deployed at each polling station to provide security.

‘But the police can increase this number as maintaining peace is their responsibility,’ Mr Natukunda said.

He advised candidates to follow police directives, as the force is in charge of election security.

A lawyer has accused the Electoral Commission (EC) of unlawfully collecting, processing, and storing voters’ personal data despite not being registered with the Data Protection Office, as required by law.

In a petition dated January 7 and addressed to the EC chairperson, Mr Michael Aboneka argued that Section 29 of the Data Protection and Privacy Act, 2019 mandates all entities that collect, process, or store personal data to register with the Personal Data Protection Office.

Mr Aboneka said the Commission routinely handles sensitive personal information of Ugandans during voter registration and management of the national voters’ register, including biometric data and national identification details such as age, date of birth, and location, hence needs to be registered.

‘However, the Commission is not registered as a data collector, processor, and controller,’ Mr Aboneka states in his petition. He argues that while the EC is a constitutional body entrusted with safeguarding citizens’ data, it must still comply with the country’s data protection framework.

Mr Aboneka has demanded that the Commission immediately register with the Data Protection Office to ensure the safety of his personal data and that of other registered voters.

‘The purpose of this communication is to demand that the Electoral Commission immediately comply with the law. Take note that failure to act shall leave me with no option but to pursue appropriate legal remedies available under the law to ensure full compliance,’ the petition reads.

When contacted, the EC Spokesperson, Mr Julius Mucunguzi, said the Commission is aware of data protection requirements and uses voters’ data in accordance with the law.

‘The Commission is very cognizant of the need for data protection and uses the data collected in line with the laws of the land,’ Mr Mucunguzi said.

He added that Article 61 of the Constitution mandates the EC to compile, maintain, and update the voters’ register, and that the Commission remains open to complaints from citizens regarding its operations.

The Data Protection and Privacy Act, 2019, was enacted to regulate the collection and processing of personal data and to protect the privacy of individuals by requiring accountability from data handlers.

Uganda stands at a crossroads. As voters gather at polling stations, the country faces not only a political decision but a civilisational one. The world is shifting, the global labour race is accelerating, and Africa’s young population has become the most sought-after resource of the 21st Century. Whether we acknowledge it or not, today’s vote will determine how prepared-or unprepared-Uganda will be for this moment. For months, Europe has been quietly reorienting its migration policy towards Africa in response to its demographic collapse. Predictions from the EU Demographic Forum (2025) warn that Europe’s working-age population will fall by over 30 million in the next decade, with demand for migrant labour rising in nearly every major sector. Proposals in the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, and the EU Commission have made one fact undeniable: Africa is no longer being engaged as a partner but as a labour reservoir. This is the context in which Ugandans must cast their vote.

Uganda’s election cannot continue ignoring global realities

Our politics remains dangerously inward-looking. Rallies revolve around personalities. Debates revolve around emotion. Voters are encouraged to choose between continuity and change, between familiarity and promise. Yet none of the major contenders-incumbent or Opposition-has meaningfully addressed the global scramble for African labour. No manifesto explains how Uganda will protect its youth when Europe’s labour demand peaks. No candidate has articulated a plan for negotiating with the world’s ageing economies. This silence is not accidental. It reveals a deeper problem: Ugandan politics is not aligned with global time. While Europe plans for 2035 and 2050, our politics plans for tomorrow’s rally.

Uganda cannot outsource its future under economic pressure

Labour export schemes are often marketed as development tools. Governments benefit from remittances; families benefit from financial support. But remittances are not development. They are the symptoms of a system that exports people because it cannot create dignified livelihoods at home. Uganda’s demographic advantage-one of the world’s youngest populations-can become a blessing or a curse depending on today’s political choices. If we vote without demanding policy clarity, we risk repeating the mistake of history: allowing African leadership to become a silent collaborator in the external exploitation of African youth.

Europe’s internal contradictions will shape the fate of our migrants

European governments may seek African labour, but European societies are divided. Rising populism, economic strain, and anti-immigration politics create hostile conditions for migrants-conditions well-documented in the 2025 EU Fundamental Rights Report, which shows Black Africans facing the highest discrimination rates in housing, employment, and policing. Uganda must, therefore, ask its leaders, who will defend our youth abroad? Who will negotiate fair protections? Who understands the political climate our migrants are entering? Voting without these questions is voting blind.

The real election question

Uganda is not only voting for a president. Uganda is voting for the person who will decide whether our youth become Europe’s demographic solution, whether labour agreements will be negotiated fairly or desperately, whether migration will be a protected choice or an unregulated necessity, whether Uganda will invest in domestic industries or outsource its workforce, and whether the next generation will be empowered at home or scattered abroad. This is bigger than party colours, bigger than personalities and bigger than political rivalry.

Uganda must vote with global consciousness

Today’s vote must reflect a sober truth: Uganda’s future rests not in the hands of Europe but in the choices Ugandans make for themselves. A leader who does not understand global demographic shifts cannot defend Uganda. A leader who does not prioritise youth policy cannot transform Uganda. A leader who does not protect Ugandan migrants can not claim to love Uganda. As you cast your ballot, ask yourself: Whose future am I choosing-Uganda’s or Europe’s? Because the world has already begun its race for our youth. Uganda must decide whether to lead, negotiate, or be left behind.

The statistics

One in 10 people in Uganda has the sickle cell gene. In northern Uganda, one in five people has the gene, and the national gene prevalence is at 13.3 percent. Every year, 20,000 babies in Uganda are born with sickle cell anaemia, and 30 to 45 percent of them die before their fifth birthday. The disease is the leading cause of admissions at the paediatric ward in Mulago National Referral Hospital. Today, there are over 5,000 patients that are attending the sickle cell clinic in Mulago Hospital alone, but many children are undiagnosed and do not even contribute to these statistics.

It is against this background that the Ministry of Health (MoH) in Uganda has launched a national sickle cell disease (SCD) screening programme for newborns to ensure early identification and management. The initiative, aims to screen every infant, provide essential care, and build capacity for long-term management. The program includes providing screening tests, ensuring access to lifesaving drugs like hydroxyurea, and developing new tools like clinical charts and health passports to track and manage the disease.

Treatment and care

According to Dr Ruth Namazzi, a paediatric hematologist at the Department of Pediatrics and Child Health of Makerere University College of Health Sciences, when a child is diagnosed with the disease, they get daily antimalarials coupled with penicillin for the first five years of their life, which act as a prophylaxis against infections such as pneumonia.

‘The children then receive full vaccination, which includes pneumococcal conjugate vaccine (PCV), Haemophilus influenzae type b (Hib) vaccine, and meningitis.

At nine months, the children start taking hydroxyurea, get nutritional support including folic acid, and get crisis management, stroke prevention, and transfusions where necessary. The caregivers are given education on the things that trigger painful crises, symptoms, how to manage, and where to seek care.’

Joining the school community

Due to the increased comprehensive care and treatment given, more children with SCD are surviving beyond the age of five years and this necessitates them to go to school. However, sickle cell disease (SCD) affects school attendance and children who are affected by the disease can be absent for a month in every term because of the frequent hospital admissions.

‘Since they are chronically absent, this affects their academic performance, and social and emotional challenges like stigma. These challenges stem from physical symptoms, the need for frequent medical appointments, and a lack of understanding, all of which impact their quality of life, concentration, and overall school functioning,’ she says.

The disease is associated with a high economic burden when it comes to treatment, poor quality of life, and effects on cognition and the ability to concentrate in school due to the painful crises. Dr Namazzi therefore, advocates for an integrated school health intervention that would support children with the disease.

‘We need to revisit the school health programme because the current guidelines do not favour the children with SCD. There are times when they get a painful crisis on the day of final exams and are unable to write. The ministry should rethink giving such a student the exam they miss so that they do not have to repeat the whole year.’

She also notes that until today, many children with SCA face stigma at school and it is perpetrated by the teachers and the learners. There is always a myth that stops them from going to school because most people in the community say they would die by the age of 14. About 40 percent of the people in Uganda do not know about the disease.

‘The target keeps shifting. Those who pass the 14 year bar are reminded that they would die at 20 which is very wrong. We get reports that these children are excluded from some school activities and the school nurses do not attend to them after their working hours yet the painful crisis can happen any time.’

One woman’s experience

Her mother had always told her that she is not defined by sickle cell disease and was always confident that she can brave through every storm until her primary three teacher shuttered her confidence. Ruth Mukiibi Nankanja (51) started school at a time when there was no sportswear and both boys and girls were required to take off their uniforms during the PE classes that were usually held in the morning. She then brought a medical letter to her teacher asking that she remain in her uniform during the PE classes.

‘The teacher announced before the whole class that I was not going to be part of the classes anymore because I had sickle cell disease. That I had to remain in class and watch over other pupils’ uniforms.’

After the announcement, her classmates avoided her. They refused to talk or sit with her and kept reminding her that children with sickle cell disease died early. There was another child at her school who had the disease, and she died when she was in Primary Six.

‘This worsened the stigma. Children kept reminding me that I was going to die just like my colleague. My mother had told me to be strong, but from that time, I stopped telling people that I had SCD because I feared being isolated, and I wanted to fit in.’

Nankanja recalls hard times at university when she would get joint pains and when asked she would say she fell or twisted her ankle. One time, she got a very painful crisis but had to lock herself in the room struggled to reach her painkiller without anyone’s help.

‘I always had everything I needed in case of a crisis but because I had not told anyone, I self-administered the painkiller. The first attempt was in a wrong place and the skin bulged. I still have a scar from that incident. On the second attempt, I administered the injection and in a few minutes, I got relief and sought the help of a nurse.’

She missed a paper during her final exams at campus because of a crisis but recalls that getting to do it was a wearisome process that required her to go up to the senate with medical forms.

The better experience

In contrast, Tracy Katusiime (23) believes she got her best support from the school community. As a sickle cell champion, everyone at her school knew about her condition, and many times she got special treatment because of that.

When she joined the secondary level at St Peters’ Nsambya, her hip joints became so painful, and so she needed crutches to walk.

‘I always tell people I have sickle cell even if they do not ask me. It saves me from a lot of trouble.’

She adds that, ‘When the school got to know about it, they made a special arrangement that I had to just go to the library for my meals. Even the security person at the school gate knew about my condition.’

In senior three, her classroom was supposed to be upstairs but since she was walking on clutches, it was shifted to the ground floor. When the time came for her to sit her UNEB exams, she was accepted to have her sweater on since the mornings were cold. This is the kind of treatment children living with SCD need to help them get through the school system, but not many of them get this chance. Children with SCD need to drink a lot of fluids to prevent pain crises, which further increases the need to urinate.

‘We find ourselves frequenting the washroom, which may be irritating to teachers. Many teachers do not have information about the disease, so they do most of the things out of ignorance,’ Katusiime says.

Breaking the silence

‘There are forms that parents fill when their children are being admitted into schools. However, many of them do not disclose the medical conditions of their children. We sometimes think they are making excuses for not doing some things at school only to find out when the children get painful crises and we do not know where to start from,” says Mudi Kangave, the national chairperson of the private teachers’ platform.

Dr Joseph Rujumba, a Lecturer in the Department of Paediatrics and Child Health, School of Medicine, Makerere University notes that it is important for children and adolescents to know about their sickle cell status early enough.

‘This,’ he says, ‘helps them to have the myths confronted early enough to build their confidence. It helps them find peers within the health care, school and community systems. From there, they will find role models and form networks that provide them with information that will help them thrive.’

‘These warriors need not just medicine but dignity and a sense of belonging,’ says Dr Phillip Kasirye.

Sickle cell disease is not just a medical challenge. It is a national call to action to improve awareness, student accommodations, teacher training, and greater public empathy. No child should suffer in silence simply because of the genes they carry.

Jinja City has improved garbage collection and sanitation after reclaiming a landfill previously encroached upon by residents, City Mayor Peter Kasolo said.

The 13-acre Masese site, which had long served as a dumping ground, was given to investor God Will Agencies in exchange for 12 acres in Musima Village, under a land swap deal with the defunct Jinja Municipal Council.

The resolution was passed on October 18, 2018, under then-speaker Moses Morrison Bizitu.

Mayor Kasolo told Daily Monitor that reclaiming the landfill enabled the city to reorganize its waste management system and introduce more sustainable approaches.

‘Initially, garbage collection was handled by the council, but it was very challenging. private companies are doing it better now,’ he said, explaining that the city now partners with licensed firms under the polluter-pays principle, where residents and businesses pay for collection directly from their premises.

Plastic waste has been banned from the landfill because it does not decompose and had caused the site to reach full capacity, Kasolo added.

‘Right now, plastic waste is no longer dumped there, and this has greatly improved sanitation in the city,’ he revealed.

The city is also in advanced talks with investors to turn waste into usable products. Factories have been mandated to manage their own garbage, either via private incinerators or licensed collection companies.

At Jinja Central Market, improved practices have changed both the environment and vendor behaviour.

On Saturday, market chairperson Henry Mugimba said sanitation has improved after appointing individuals to manage garbage collection.

‘The earlier polluter-pays system was ineffective and unfair to vendors. People continued generating garbage, paid the fee, and the problem remained,’ Mugimba said, adding: ‘Vendors were paying twice despite market dues already covering cleaning services.’

Food vendor Mariam Mutesi said regular collection has made the system fairer and encouraged responsible disposal.

‘Before, people would dump it anywhere, but that is no longer the case,’ she told Monitor.

Jinja Southern Division Deputy Mayor Maria Kasasa said the earlier challenges stemmed from unclear roles between the City Council and vendors.

‘Now everyone understands their role, which has greatly reduced mismanagement,’ she said.

Village leaders have been tasked with overseeing collection in their respective areas.

Aldina Village chairperson Vin Lawrence Ssemaganda said regular door-to-door collection, daily market cleaning, and waste separation are ongoing, although challenges remain, particularly during the rainy season when trucks struggle to access the landfill. Negative attitudes and delayed government payments also persist.

In Jinja City, households and businesses pay monthly waste fees ranging from Shs5,000 to Shs30,000, depending on the volume generated. A 2021-2022 survey by the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development estimated that 182.6 tons of solid waste are generated in the city daily.

The reclamation and restructuring efforts mark a significant step in improving sanitation in Uganda’s industrial hub, Mayor Kasolo said, as Jinja City seeks to balance growth with environmental sustainability.

President Yoweri Museveni has attributed persistent divisions among Busoga leaders to the region’s slow development, warning that the conflicts leave ordinary people trapped in poverty.

Speaking at a meeting with National Resistance Movement (NRM) flag bearers at Iganga Secondary School in Bulamagi Sub-county during the weekend, Museveni said internal disputes were behind the absence of State Minister for Lands, Housing and Urban Development Persis Namuganza.

‘Because of the divisions in Busoga, even Namuganza is not here, yet she was the one who recommended that this meeting be organized in Iganga. But this infighting is holding back the people from coming out of poverty,’ he said.

Museveni said he personally intervened to reconcile leaders, including First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga and Speaker of Parliament Anita Among, after learning Kadaga had also skipped the event.

‘I called my young sister Kadaga and asked her if she was coming to Iganga. She told me she was not invited. I then called Speaker Anita Among and asked why Kadaga was not invited. She told me all flag bearers were invited,’ Museveni explained.

When contacted again, Kadaga reportedly questioned the invitation process.

‘She asked me, ‘Did those people invite me on radio or what?’ That shows the confusion caused by lack of unity,’ he said.

The President warned that leadership conflicts mainly harm the poor. ‘The most suffering people are the poor. When leaders are fighting, they are in cars and good houses, but the poor suffer. Someone can even die because of poverty,’ he said.

Calling for humility and unity, Museveni stressed that leadership conflicts undermine development efforts.

‘I ask you to be humble. If I was not humble, I would not have managed Uganda. Leaders must work together so that our people can come out of poverty,’ he added.

Busoga continues to be one of Uganda’s poorest sub-regions, with poverty levels above the national average.

According to the Uganda National Household Survey 2023/24, about 840,700 people in Busoga live below the absolute poverty line, representing a poverty rate of 18.9 percent and accounting for 12 percent of all poor people in Uganda.

Observers say political infighting in Busoga, particularly involving Namuganza, Kadaga, and Among, has undermined party cohesion and contributed to the region being one of the few where Museveni lost in 2021.

‘In the Busoga sub region, traditionally a stronghold for Museveni, Kyagulanyi led with 437,059 votes against Museveni’s 404,862, giving him a margin of 32,197 votes,’ the President noted.

Internal tensions were heightened by the recent NRM Central Executive Committee election for female vice chairperson, which split local leaders into Kadaga loyalists (‘Team Mama’) and Among supporters (‘Team Mulamu’).

Among won the national contest overwhelmingly with 11,680 votes (92.8 percent) to Kadaga’s 902 votes (7.2 percent) out of 12,582 cast.

Within Busoga itself, Among narrowly led with 499 votes to Kadaga’s 455, reflecting regional divisions.

Despite historically backing Museveni since 1996, Busoga’s shift in voting patterns in 2021 projected the challenges the ruling party faces ahead of the 2026 General Election.

The use of motorcycles to transport building materials, including iron bars, has become quite commonplace. Whereas the practice may come across as a pocket-friendly means of moving iron bars over a short distance, those who resort to transporting those materials are oblivious to the dangers. Transportation of such materials on motorcycles poses significant risks of accidents and injuries that can be fatal.

Motorcycles were never designed to carry long loads. It makes it extremely difficult for the rider to control as it compromises the balancing, steering and braking. This increases the risk of accidents. As has often been seen on our roads, long loads such as iron bars often protrude from the front and rear ends of the motorcycle.

Those that protrude from the rear often touch the tarmac, which causes damage to the infrastructure over time. This should be a major cause for worry for a country that required, as of July last year, Shs3.153 trillion to maintain its road network. This, however, points to an even bigger problem. It suggests that there are serious shortfalls in the country’s policies on the management of public assets such as roads and bridges. The missing link is the citizens. They are not aware of their roles and functions in the protection of national and community assets, which explains why infrastructure is impinged on as they look on. This calls for an aggressive engagement of the communities.

The citizenry should be involved in the planning, development and maintenance of public projects as it not only accords them an opportunity to identify and address any social risks, but also fosters a sense of shared responsibility when it comes to the protection of public assets. This calls for intentionality. It calls for our political leaders to rise above their personal interests and political aspirations and focus on the interests of the communities and the country. It calls for an end to populism and populist tendencies that have often impeded the implementation of bylaws and policies that would have helped in the protection of public assets and returned the country to a semblance of social order.

It calls for mass sensitisation programmes on the citizenry’s roles and functions in the protection and maintenance of public assets. Government must, however, take the lead in all this by taking full charge of funding and implementing an encompassing civic awareness programme that goes beyond lectures on history and politics to responsibilities and what should be expected of a good and patriotic citizen.

The Gagamel Entertainment boss of all big sizes recently listed Tracy Melon among the top artistes of 2025, despite not knowing who she is, noting that her listing was based on her visibility rather than any identifiable hit.

The veteran Ugandan musician, popularly known as Bebe Cool, has left everyone in open-mouthed shock after admitting that he does not personally know songstress Tracy, despite including her on his annual list of top Ugandan songs and artistes for 2025. Consequently, the music industry is seriously considering renaming Bebe ‘Sam’, which is short for Samnesia.

Bebe made this stunning confession while releasing his much-anticipated end-of-year list, 2025, which assesses creativity, consistency and influence within Uganda’s music scene.

Singling out Tracy Melon-best known to fans for songs such as Kakana and Ogenda Kulilaba-the Gagamel boss said her inclusion was based largely on her visibility.

‘I do not know this artiste, but I keep hearing the name,’ the Mambo Mingi star said. ‘She is a trending name without a clear outstanding hit song. Specifically, I cannot point a finger at any of her songs. I don’t know that artiste, but I know the name.’

He added that if she had a major song or a widely recognised music video, he would be familiar with it, given his long-standing involvement in the industry. Anyway, Bebe is a well-known logician.

He proved this by separating Bobi from himself by saying Bobi is not a single person. He is two in one, a twofer, like how Mzee was both cat and rebel during the Bush War that culminated in his interminable rule.

Bebe, being a logician who cut Bobi in two, knows the word syllogism. In logic, a syllogism is a three-part logical argument using deductive reasoning, combining a general statement (major premise) and a specific statement (minor premise) to reach a certain conclusion, like: “All humans are mortal (major), Socrates is a human (minor), Therefore, Socrates is mortal (conclusion)”.

These premises must be true and logically structured for the conclusion to be valid, demonstrating how specific truths can arise from broader principles. By this logic, Bebe votes for trending musicians. Tracy is a trending musician, so he votes for her. Therefore, he will vote for Bobi, who is also a trending musician.

It’s clear Bebe will use this syllogistic train of thought to dump the ruling party. To make matters worse, he will explain it by saying: ‘I do not know this artiste, but I keep hearing the name Bobi. He is a trending name without a clear outstanding hit song. Specifically, I cannot point a finger at any of his songs in 2025. I don’t know that artiste Bobi, but I know the name.’

Bebe has stated that Bobi and Kyagulanyi are the same person but represent different personas: the political figure and the musical artiste.

In a 2019 interview, the Wire Wire hitmaker specifically stated, “Bobi is not a Member of Parliament, it is Kyagulanyi who is an MP. The difference is he is using two faces to do two things at the same time”.

This perspective suggests that the “Bobi” character is free to perform music, while the “Kyagulanyi” persona is the one involved in politics and subject to police restrictions on public gatherings.

In other words, the Fire Burn Dem singer can only vote Bobi into office because he (Bebe) only votes trending musicians such as Bobi and Tracy. Mzee is out here. His most famous track, You Want Another Rap? (also known as Mpenkoni) has not been trending for years now, so Bebe is sure to ignore him at the polls.

Some top government officials are accusing Bebe of pulling a reverse-Mpuuga on them. However, Bebe insists that he is no turncoat, his coat remains yellow. If anybody doubts that, he adds, he refers them to the title of Chameleone’s 2005 song, Bomboclat.

‘I have been a die-hard NRM guy for all my life. Before I was born, the colour yellow was there and just waiting for me to come and vote. Haters better lay low like Mzee’s envelope,’ the singer said.

Bobi reportedly says he detects no Fitina here.

As Uganda heads towards the Thursday general elections, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate, Yoweri Museveni, hopes his campaign message, centred on promises of peace, stability, agricultural growth, and economic transformation, will resonate with the voters.

His pledges were designed to reassure voters of continuity while projecting Uganda toward middle-income status.

Campaigns officially kicked off on September 29, with Mr Museveni selling the NRM’s manifesto under the theme of wealth creation, industrialisation and job creation, particularly for the youth.

But Mr Joseph Mafabi, an elder in Bulambuli District, remarks that the NRM pledges have been recycled for several years, and there is little to expect even if President Museveni secures another term.

He notes that many of the roads pledged for construction three decades ago remain in a poor state. For example, he says, the Lwangoli-Butaleja-Namutumba road, the Busolwe-Nangongera road, and the Bududa circular road are still in disrepair.

‘Most government schools are in a sorry condition, with many children forced to study under trees or in dilapidated structures due to the lack of proper facilities,’ Mr Mafabi says, appealing to the NRM to fulfil its longstanding pledges.

However, Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), observes that President Museveni entered this election with a long and well-documented record, making his campaign pledges easier to evaluate than those of most candidates.

‘Over the years, his government has delivered in areas such as security, infrastructure, and macroeconomic stability. For instance, Uganda’s paved national road network has expanded from fewer than 2,000km in the early 2000s to more than 6,000km today, while electricity generation capacity has more than tripled following major projects such as Karuma and Isimba. These achievements remain central to the NRM’s campaign, and promises tied to them are more likely to be fulfilled,’ Mr Chemonges says.

He adds that by contrast, pledges on job creation, household wealth, and combating corruption are far more complex.

‘Youth unemployment and underemployment remain stubbornly high, with national surveys showing that many young people are engaged in low-paying, informal work. Likewise, despite the existence of anti-corruption agencies, Uganda continues to lose at least Shs10 trillion annually to corruption. These challenges have featured prominently in past elections yet remain unresolved,’ he says.

According to analysts, the repetition of these promises carries mixed implications. For some voters, it signals persistence and recognition of real problems. For others, especially the youth, it reinforces frustration and scepticism.

Mr Chemonges says if President Museveni is re-elected, his next term will be defined by tighter economic conditions, rising public expectations, and mounting pressure on State institutions to deliver.

‘Public debt has grown significantly over the past decade, narrowing fiscal space, while a fast-growing population intensifies demand for jobs and services. How the government manages expectations, sets realistic priorities, and demonstrates genuine resolve in tackling corruption will determine whether these pledges translate into meaningful impact, or remain familiar campaign rhetoric,’ he adds.

Familiar yet ambitious

President Museveni, in power since 1986, presents voters with a familiar yet ambitious agenda centred on continuity and gradual reform. His supporters argue that his experience and track record position him to deliver on these promises, while critics contend that Uganda needs a change in leadership to address its long-standing governance challenges.

With Thursday’s presidential elections just around the corner, the key question remains whether Museveni’s promises will resonate with voters or whether fatigue with the status quo will shape the country’s political future.

Mr Yusuf Serukuma, a political theorist based at Makerere University, observes that if a manifesto is understood as a pledge, then Mr Museveni himself embodies the manifesto.

‘The booklet circulated during elections serves primarily a political function, designed to fulfil the formal requirements of campaigning. Beyond that, however, it holds little significance for Museveni. For him, once declared the winner, he effectively becomes the manifesto, acting according to what he deems necessary or useful over the course of the five-year term,’ Mr Serukuma says.

The pledges

At the centre of President Museveni’s campaign has been the Parish Development Model (PDM), which he described as the ‘final nail’ in ending household poverty. The President pledged to increase funding to parishes, strengthen supervision of PDM funds and crackdown on corruption among officials accused of mismanaging the programme.

He repeatedly promised that every parish would receive adequate capital to support income-generating activities, insisting that Ugandans must shift from subsistence to commercial production. He also pledged to integrate PDM beneficiaries into markets through cooperatives and value-addition initiatives.

Mr Museveni placed strong emphasis on industrialisation as a solution to unemployment. He pledged to expand industrial parks across regions, support local manufacturers with cheaper electricity and promote agro-processing industries to reduce post-harvest losses.

During rallies, the NRM candidate promised that his next term would prioritise skills development through technical and vocational education, arguing that practical skills are critical for absorbing Uganda’s rapidly growing youth population into productive employment.

Dr Enoq Twinoburyo, a lecturer at Makerere University, explains that the NRM manifesto is closely aligned with the National Development Plan (NDP). However, both have consistently faced challenges that go beyond institutional, financial, and implementation capacity.

‘In practice, many of the goals set out in the NDP and the NRM manifesto have not been achieved in the past. There is some likelihood of deliverables, particularly with the anticipated revenues from Uganda’s first oil production, significant risks remain. Even with oil resources, the full implementation of pledges is unlikely,’ Dr Twinoburyo says.

‘A recent analysis of the NDP and its implementation revealed persistent issues such as corruption, institutional weaknesses, loopholes in public expenditure, poor coordination among institutions, and weaknesses in public finance management. These factors have collectively undermined development outcomes and cast doubt on the feasibility of future pledges,’ he adds.

Mr Museveni also pledged to strengthen the ‘Buy Uganda, Build Uganda’ (BUBU) policies to protect local industries and promote Ugandan products.

Infrastructure development featured prominently in the President’s campaign. He promised continued construction and upgrading of roads, especially feeder roads to ease access to markets for farmers. The President also pledged to expand electricity connectivity to rural areas, lower power tariffs for manufacturers and complete major energy projects to support industrial growth.

On transport, Mr Museveni reiterated his long-standing pledge to revive the railway network and improve water transport on Lake Victoria as a cheaper alternative for cargo movement.

Security remained a core pillar of President Museveni’s campaign. He pledged to maintain peace and stability, arguing that without security, economic development would be impossible. The President promised continued investment in the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) and other security agencies to protect Uganda’s sovereignty and combat emerging threats such as terrorism and cross-border crime.