Kasese: The yield and field to Mr Museveni

Dear reader, looks like Mr Museveni will return to Kasese next week. Mbu he will hold a rally on Monday, January 12, 2026, in Kisinga Town Council (neighbours the famous Kiburara). What brings Mr Museveni back to Kasese? The Bakonzo have a saying that ‘a hunter’s need, not the game, decides the timing of the hunt’.

Mr Museveni’s need is votes; he will come to Kasese hunting for votes. However, the official reason is that he will be in Kisinga (Kasese) to preside over the official upgrading of Nyabirongo Health Centre IV from Health Centre III status.

For the record, I am intimately associated with Nyabirongo Health Centre. Although I was born elsewhere, my birth was recorded as someone born at Nyabirongo Health Centre. Please forgive my immodesty. I was also involved in lobbying the Ministry of Health senior officials to fast-track the process of upgrading Nyabirongo Health Centre III to Health Centre IV status.

The analysis is that Mr Museveni’s rally in Kasese on Monday, January 12, is likely to be his last for this campaign. It is very probable that from Kasese, he will be heading to a place near a polling station, waiting for January 15.

We don’t have to read so much into this: in any case, there would have to be the last rally of the campaign. What NRM cadres in Kasese should concern themselves with is: Will Kasese offer Mr Museveni the yield and field? I have said elsewhere that Kasese District NRM leadership is a complex animal. For instance, there are almost no NRM activist cadres (keyword: Activist) in Bukonzo County East. To fill the gap, civil servants (particularly those working outside Kasese) born in Bukonzo County East have taken to subtle mobilisation for the NRM.

The district NRM leadership is still reeling from the PSE (Party Structure Elections) in which Dr Crispus Kiyonga lost his position as district NRM chairperson. The political divide between Bukonzo and Basongora counties is more visible than ever. The fear is that the voting patterns for candidates vying for entire-district constituencies like (district chairperson and District Woman Representative) may reveal something more ugly. It is very probable that a candidate may get 90 percent from his county, revealing a divided district.

Question then is: how far can this Busongora-Bukonzo political divide impact the vote count for candidate Museveni? The most complicated constituency is Bukonzo County East. From 2006 to date, Bukonzo County East has never returned an NRM MP. However, observers say NRM seems to have a better shot at the Bukonzo County East seat in these elections.

Dr Julius Rude Monday, the NRM candidate for Bukonzo County East, was second in the 2021 election (he had an NRM-leaning candidate in the race). In 2026, Dr Rude is squaring off with a divided Opposition (with candidates from National Unity Platform, Forum for Democratic Change and People’s Front for Freedom). It is a safe bet to say that Mr Museveni’s visit to Bukonzo County East will give Dr Rude’s candidature a psychological edge. Indeed, Dr Rude has framed himself as the man who returned NRM to Bukonzo East.

I personally ask Mr Museveni for two things: Upgrading Kiburara Health Centre II to Health Centre III and a secondary school in Kitabu Sub-county. Yes, this is the county in which Mr Museveni always returns decimal vote numbers. In fact, there is an election in which Mr Museveni is said to have received one vote from one of the polling stations in Kitabu Sub-county. And dear reader, if Mr Museveni delivers my tractor (I have been begging him), Kasese shall offer the yield and the field on January 15.

Reviewing 2026 presidential campaigns

Finally, after five years of non-stop media, bar, pork joint, health club, burial site, and media discussions about the 2026 General Election, it is just days away.

Incidentally, it says something about how central politics is to everything in Uganda that hardly had the dust settled on the 2021 General Election, than we started speculating about 2026.

In many ways, this has been a disappointing campaign by all political parties and all eight presidential candidates.

More news was made by the crackdown on and bullying of Opposition supporters, the blocking of campaign venues, and the one-sidedness of the State-owned media than the campaign messages themselves.

It was a campaign more from 1996 than reflecting the realities and needs of 2026.

Because of the Covid-19 lockdown, the last election season of 2020 was branded a ‘scientific campaign’, with no crowds permitted to form and candidates encouraged to use the news media and social networking platforms.

The 2025 campaign season should have built on this. The 2020 season should have made them realise that a campaign, not just at the parliamentary level but up to the presidential, can be conducted entirely via the media. Not only is it much cheaper that way; it is less time-consuming and exhausting. Most importantly of all, it reaches many more people.

An appearance on a radio station in Jinja or Mbarara, Gulu or Masaka, will be heard by, say, 30,000 people. This is a small audience for radio, but in a sports stadium or Boma Grounds, this is a huge, impressive crowd.

Campaign posters whose colours fade in the sun or rain, or which are torn down by rival camps, remain intact on social media and, of course, do not require millions of shillings to print.

Whichever way one measures it, the scientific campaign of 2020 was beneficial and should have become the new standard.

Instead, presidential and other candidates reverted to the 1990s campaign style that emphasises posters and physical crowds.

Bobi Wine

One of the youngest presidential candidates in this race, Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, of NUP is the one I would have expected to be most in touch with the technological trends and tools shaping the 21st Century economy and society.

Kyagulanyi should have driven a message about digitisation and deploying the latest digital technology to try and develop or revamp Uganda.

Instead, like candidates Yoweri Museveni of NRM and Nandala Mafabi of FDC, Bobi Wine, in his campaign messages, promised the standard analogue-era deliverables – jobs, better schools, better hospitals.

Mugisha Muntu

Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu of ANT, in particular, was disappointing because he had so much going for him.

Muntu has always been viewed as an elite, or elitist, or liked by the elite. For most politicians, this is derogatory, as most of them prefer to be thought of as being ‘a man of the people’.

But in marketing, this is a useful and important demarcation. Muntu should have embraced this ‘elitist’ identity and focused his campaign on the 10 main towns, rather than get a paltry 100,000 votes after spending five months crisscrossing the country, failing to connect with rural peasants and losing valuable time to engage with town elites.

Most current and former soldiers respect Gen Muntu for his integrity and discipline. He should have known this reputation and built a campaign message around it.

He did emphasise discipline in an address to the press upon his nomination, but out on the campaign trail, he seems to have dropped it and chose to focus on the usual mundane promises.

Nandala Mafabi

Likewise, Nandala Mafabi went about on a nationwide campaign but failed to gain much traction.

Since he already enjoys meaningful political support in Bugisu Sub-region, he could have abandoned certain regions like the west and focused his effort entirely on Bugishu, Busia, and maybe Busoga.

At several campaign stops, he highlighted his professional training as an accountant and promised accountability if elected and better service delivery.

On paper, his campaign message made sense, but he should have tapped into something deeper than tax and accounting messages. After all, the runaway corruption in Uganda over the past 35 years is not because Uganda is short of ACCA graduates or professional auditors.

It sounds a bit crude, but the most realistic messaging from Mafabi should have been one of ‘it’s our turn to eat’, on behalf of eastern Uganda.

Maybe not put so crudely, but an argument along the lines of eastern Uganda having never yet had a head of state since independence, would sell.

Mafabi should also have appreciated the deep resentment felt in parts of the country at his role in the break-up of the FDC party and addressed it as a way to win back some sympathy.

Yoweri Museveni

NRM presidential candidate Museveni also ran a confusing campaign.

He, more than the other seven presidential candidates, knows or should know that a large part of politics is identity and strong feelings of justice.

The reason his Popular Resistance Army (PRA) merged with Yusufu Lule’s Uganda Freedom Fighters in 1981 was to broaden the PRA’s appeal beyond Banyankore and Banyarwanda.

The reason he has tended to have a Catholic vice president or ministers from certain regions was to appeal to popular perception and sentiment.

In this 2025-2026 campaign, however, he decided to focus about 90 percent of his messaging on development economics and microfinance.

Essentially, his presidential tour was a PDM countrywide review – seeds given to this community, goats to that village, cash to this Sacco, fishing nets to that canoe landing site.

It did not occur to him that perhaps the widespread resentment of the NRM in certain parts of the country might be because of the blatant impunity and the jailing of Opposition supporters, not necessarily poverty.

Whoever is announced the winner at the end of this week, it will not be an ideal choice for the mountain of nearly intractable problems that Uganda faces today.

We shall need to look outside the next government to tackle these challenges.

Karamoja’s silent crisis: Teenage pregnancy, child marriage

In Karamoja Sub-region, one of Uganda’s most vulnerable sub-regions, early motherhood continues to rob girls of education, health, and economic opportunity. Child marriage and teenage pregnancy remain widespread, driven by poverty, harmful cultural practices, and weak social protection systems.

According to community leaders and civil society actors, teenage pregnancy in Karamoja is not only common but deeply damaging. Girls as young as 13 are forced into motherhood, often dropping out of school permanently. Many face health complications, domestic violence, and lifelong poverty.

Mr Mark Limo Pkiror, the Probation and Welfare officer of Amudat district, said that school dropout, food insecurity, and long distances to health facilities also expose girls to exploitation and early pregnancy.

‘This problem destroys futures. Once a girl becomes a mother, education stops, and poverty becomes inherited,’ said Mr Limo.

Ms Stella Chemukai, a health worker, noted that young mothers are at higher risk of childbirth complications, while their children face malnutrition and poor access to healthcare.

‘Families struggling to survive often marry off daughters early in exchange for bride price. Harmful cultural norms that value early marriage, coupled with low access to sexual and reproductive health information, further worsen the situation,’ Ms Chemukai said.

Uganda has one of the youngest populations in the world, with 75 percent aged below 30 years and its young population face challenges such as teenage pregnancies.

According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), a total of 354,736 teenage pregnancies were registered in 2020, and 196,499 in the first six months of 2021.

The District Police Commander (DPC) of Amudat, SP Julius Baganzi, said there is a need for joint efforts to fight the harmful practices among women and girls in the region.

Ms Susan Alupo, the Community Development Officer (CDO) for Moruita Sub-county in Nakapiripirit District, noted that many of the girls had missed out on schooling due to insecurity and the challenges of living in mountainous areas.

According to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) 2018 almost a quarter (one in four or 25 percent) of Uganda women have given birth by the age of 18,with about two in 10 (18.9 percent) pregnancies in all women attending first antenatal care being almost teenage in 2021.

Action Aid International Uganda, in collaboration with the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), has rolled out start-up support initiatives targeting vulnerable child mothers, women, and girls in the Karamoja sub-region. The programme provides start-up capital, hand on skills, and livelihood opportunities aimed at restoring dignity and building long-term self-reliance.

The beneficiaries received items including maize and millet produce, beads, fabric for making shirts, plastic chairs, charcoal stoves, clothes, blankets, and seed funding tailored to each group’s enterprise to start different enterprises such as restaurants, produce businesses, boutiques, catering services, among others.

They received skills training and guidance on group dynamics, and were supported to identify priority activities in hotspot sub-counties across Nakapiripirit, Amudat, and Moroto districts.

Ms. Rebecca Katul, leader of the Apapai Group in Nakapiripirit District, described the support as life-changing, saying it has restored hope and dignity and given them a chance to provide for their families.

‘Many of us had previously struggled to meet basic needs and depended heavily on relatives or well-wishers for survival. This support has given us confidence. We now have skills and the items we need to start working and earn money to take care of our children, ‘said Ms Katul.

She noted that the items provided, such as fabric and beads, will enable the group to establish a shop, generate income, and improve their livelihoods.

Ms. Dorcas Chebet, a member of the Pamoja Saving Group in Losidok, Amudat District, said the intervention would improve food security at household level while also generating income.

‘We can grow food for home use and sell the surplus. This will help us reduce hunger and pay school requirements for our children. The economic empowerment of child mothers plays a key role in reducing poverty, child neglect, and dependence on negative coping mechanisms,’said Ms Chebet.

She added that, ‘When young mothers are empowered economically, the whole community benefits. They are able to raise healthier children and participate meaningfully in community development.’

Ms. Susan Ikwakol, the Psychosocial Support Officer for Action Aid Uganda in Amudat District, explained that the programme aims to foster long-term social change by creating a future where women and girls live free from violence and harmful norms, adolescent girls are protected, and survivors are able to rebuild their lives with dignity.

The beneficiary groups include: Losidok Adolescents Group, Pamoja Group in Nakapiripirit Town Council, Moruita Group in Nakapiripirit, United Women Group in Lotisan Sub-county, Amudat District, Naduget United Women’s Group in Naduget Town Council, Moroto District, and Niyetu Adolescents Group in Loroo Subcounty, Moroto District.

The officials said that in September last year, the women were taken through economic empowerment training, which included business planning, after which the groups selected different enterprises to pursue.

The authorities said that by equipping beneficiaries with the tools to build independent futures, the initiative seeks to combat harmful practices such as Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), early marriage, and Gender-Based Violence (GBV).

In 2024, a total of 14,073 cases of Domestic Violence were reported to the Police, compared to 14,681 cases in 2023, reflecting a 4% decrease in the volume of cases registered nationwide. Mt. Moroto, which covers the Karamoja region, recorded 534 cases of Domestic Violence.

Additionally, Mt. Moroto registered nine cases of Murder resulting from Domestic Violence in 2024.

In 2024, the Police recorded 8,240 cases of Defilement, compared to 8,925 cases in 2023.

While NGOs play a critical role, Mr John Longirot, the LC3 Chairperson of Losidok Sub-County in Amudat district agrees that long-term solutions must go beyond donor-funded projects.

‘By providing start-up capital, skills training, and mentorship, the programme enables young mothers to start small businesses, support their children, and regain control over their lives. When a young mother earns an income, she gains confidence and decision-making power. This reduces dependency, vulnerability to abuse, and the likelihood of repeating the cycle with the next generation,’ said Mr Longirot.

Ms. Ikwakol added, ‘ActionAid also donated two motorcycles to surveillance teams in Amudat District to support awareness creation, emergency response, and referrals related to FGM and other forms of abuse.’

Uganda enacted the Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act, 2010, which criminalizes all forms of FGM, including performing, attempting, procuring, or participating in the practice. The law applies irrespective of consent, cultural traditions, or religious justifications.

However, the leaders say despite its existence, implementation remains weak.

Morocco and Senegal advance to Afcon semis

Whichever way you look at it, Friday’s Africa Cup of Nations quarter-finals delivered drama, heartbreak, and a clear message: Morocco and Senegal are ready to challenge for the 2025 title.

Morocco’s clinical display

Brahim Diaz continued his incredible form, scoring for the fifth consecutive game, as hosts Morocco defeated Cameroon 2-0 in Rabat to keep alive hopes of a first continental title in 50 years.

Ismael Saibari added the second goal in a match defined more by efficiency than flair. Morocco converted two of their three shots on target, while Cameroon struggled to trouble goalkeeper Yassine Bounou. A second-half penalty appeal for Bryan Mbeumo was waved away, leaving the Indomitable Lions unable to break through.

Morocco now await the winner of Saturday’s quarter-final clash between Algeria and Nigeria, with the semi-final set to be played in Rabat on Wednesday.

Ndiaye Shines for Senegal

Senegal booked a semi-final berth for the third time in the last four tournaments with a 1-0 win over a stubborn, 10-man Mali side. Iliman Ndiaye netted the decisive goal after 27 minutes, capitalizing on a goalkeeping error by Djigui Diarra.

Mali captain Yves Bissouma was sent off just after halftime, reducing his team to 10 men and leaving Senegal in control. Despite Diarra’s heroic saves in the second half, Mali could not find a way back.

‘It was not an easy match because we played against a very talented Mali team, but we achieved our objective,’ Senegal coach Pape Bouna Thiaw said. ‘If we had been more clinical, we could have scored more, but the most important thing is reaching the semi-final.’

Mali coach Tom Saintfiet paid tribute to his side: ‘Playing large parts of the game with 10 men was difficult, but my players fought gallantly and gave their all.’

Senegal will face the winner of Egypt versus defending champions Ivory Coast in their semi-final.

THE TALKING POINT

Rising Stars. Diaz and Ndiaye have cemented themselves as key figures in their nations’ Africa Cup of Nations campaigns, proving decisive when it matters most.

Satire: How Bebe will vote for Bobi on Jan 15

The Gagamel Entertainment boss of all big sizes recently listed Tracy Melon among the top artistes of 2025, despite not knowing who she is, noting that her listing was based on her visibility rather than any identifiable hit.

The veteran Ugandan musician, popularly known as Bebe Cool, has left everyone in open-mouthed shock after admitting that he does not personally know songstress Tracy, despite including her on his annual list of top Ugandan songs and artistes for 2025. Consequently, the music industry is seriously considering renaming Bebe ‘Sam’, which is short for Samnesia.

Bebe made this stunning confession while releasing his much-anticipated end-of-year list, 2025, which assesses creativity, consistency and influence within Uganda’s music scene.

Singling out Tracy Melon-best known to fans for songs such as Kakana and Ogenda Kulilaba-the Gagamel boss said her inclusion was based largely on her visibility.

‘I do not know this artiste, but I keep hearing the name,’ the Mambo Mingi star said. ‘She is a trending name without a clear outstanding hit song. Specifically, I cannot point a finger at any of her songs. I don’t know that artiste, but I know the name.’

He added that if she had a major song or a widely recognised music video, he would be familiar with it, given his long-standing involvement in the industry. Anyway, Bebe is a well-known logician.

He proved this by separating Bobi from himself by saying Bobi is not a single person. He is two in one, a twofer, like how Mzee was both cat and rebel during the Bush War that culminated in his interminable rule.

Bebe, being a logician who cut Bobi in two, knows the word syllogism. In logic, a syllogism is a three-part logical argument using deductive reasoning, combining a general statement (major premise) and a specific statement (minor premise) to reach a certain conclusion, like: “All humans are mortal (major), Socrates is a human (minor), Therefore, Socrates is mortal (conclusion)”.

These premises must be true and logically structured for the conclusion to be valid, demonstrating how specific truths can arise from broader principles. By this logic, Bebe votes for trending musicians. Tracy is a trending musician, so he votes for her. Therefore, he will vote for Bobi, who is also a trending musician.

It’s clear Bebe will use this syllogistic train of thought to dump the ruling party. To make matters worse, he will explain it by saying: ‘I do not know this artiste, but I keep hearing the name Bobi. He is a trending name without a clear outstanding hit song. Specifically, I cannot point a finger at any of his songs in 2025. I don’t know that artiste Bobi, but I know the name.’

Bebe has stated that Bobi and Kyagulanyi are the same person but represent different personas: the political figure and the musical artiste.

In a 2019 interview, the Wire Wire hitmaker specifically stated, “Bobi is not a Member of Parliament, it is Kyagulanyi who is an MP. The difference is he is using two faces to do two things at the same time”.

This perspective suggests that the “Bobi” character is free to perform music, while the “Kyagulanyi” persona is the one involved in politics and subject to police restrictions on public gatherings.

In other words, the Fire Burn Dem singer can only vote Bobi into office because he (Bebe) only votes trending musicians such as Bobi and Tracy. Mzee is out here. His most famous track, You Want Another Rap? (also known as Mpenkoni) has not been trending for years now, so Bebe is sure to ignore him at the polls.

Some top government officials are accusing Bebe of pulling a reverse-Mpuuga on them. However, Bebe insists that he is no turncoat, his coat remains yellow. If anybody doubts that, he adds, he refers them to the title of Chameleone’s 2005 song, Bomboclat.

‘I have been a die-hard NRM guy for all my life. Before I was born, the colour yellow was there and just waiting for me to come and vote. Haters better lay low like Mzee’s envelope,’ the singer said.

Bobi reportedly says he detects no Fitina here.

Artists will soon get royalties for digital use – Mutuuzo

The government has upgraded its copyright management system to effectively collect royalties for performing artists. Minister of State for Culture, Peace Mutuuzo, announced that the system can now monitor how frequently artists’ work is used.

“We have to upgrade the system for it to be able to follow you. Those who are using it as ringtones, those who are using copyright on a media platform, like on radios and television, those who are using it in hotels, we are now upgrading to put a device that will be able to monitor how often they use it,” Mutuuzo said.

She added that negotiations have been done with user facilities to pay a specific amount of money annually, which will be distributed to artists.

“But also, since we can now monitor how many times Juiana Kanyomozi’s song has been played on NTV or has been played on somebody’s phone as a ringtone, we’ll be able to put certain percentages for each person’s music for as long as they have uploaded their work on that digital platform system. The realities can be collected with ease,” she said.

Mutuuzo noted that digitalization has led to the evolution of copyright infringement, with users shifting from physical media to digital systems. Previously, artists lost out on business, only earning money when they performed live.

Speaking at the Uganda One Festival, Mutuuzo disclosed that the government has set aside Shs28 billion to capitalize creative artists’ businesses, with some SACCOs already benefiting.

“For anybody who wants to create a show or make a show, you can borrow the money from your own SACCOs because each of them have associations. We are going to develop their SACCOs and within the associations we are going to give them money to capitalize their business,” she said.

Solomon Aboda, National Organizing Committee Chairperson, said the festival involved creatives from all regions, showcasing Uganda’s rich heritage through art, music, and culture. The Uganda One Festival is expected to boost the country’s economy, with the creative sector contributing over Shs2 trillion annually.

Sylvia Awor, Director Operation Wealth Creation, said plans are underway to hold regional festivals that will climax into a national festival.

“We are going to make sure that we contribute to the economy of Uganda as we take part in the tenfold growth strategy,” she said.

Enkuuka Bwaguuga: Where fun met disguised politics

By 3:23pm, the sun that had been roasting the early birds at Lubiri grounds had gone hiding. The temperatures dropped, lending relief to the revellers standing in the open around the stage and on the terraces outside the VIP tents. But when the skies got darker, the worry was unanimous: the rains may ruin the party.

It almost happened with Mathias Walukagga on stage at 4:50pm. The drizzle that had started an hour ago became heavier. Some partygoers hid in telecom and beer tents until 5:15pm. But Walukagga did not quit, calling the rain a blessing.

But one more worry: the Katikkiro, Charles Peter Mayiga had earlier confirmed the Kabaka would grace Enkuuka Bwaguuga-the biggest year-ending party. But nearly 6pm, with the royal tent still empty, expectation reduced to mere hope. Until the big announcement at 5:50pm. ‘Abange, twanirize Omutanda,’ sparking a frenzy.

Some had been swinging on swing sets, far away, camel riding, watching mad, sorry, mud wrestling and motorbike rallying-unmoved by music performances. But when the Kabaka showed up, everything stopped. Naturally. Everyone ran closer. Is that just love?

Frequent patrols by ordinary and military police had guaranteed a generally serene ambience at this sprawling venue. Because for every 10 genuine partygoers, count at least one criminal mind. But controlling a hysteric mammoth crowd as the royal convoy pulled in was enormous. But the men in uniform did it peacefully, almost perfectly. ‘Are these the same men who terrorise people at rallies?’ I wondered.

Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, alongside the Nnaabagereka Sylvia Nagginda, Princess Katrina Ssangalyambogo, and Prince Richard Ssemakookiro, among others, was welcomed by the Katikkiro and other kingdom officials.

Revellers hooted, cheered, moved, and waved hysterically, as thousands scrambled to catch the moment with their natural eyes or smartphones. They sang all the stanzas of the Buganda anthem with pure emotion. To many, the party had officially begun. To some, this was just enough. Yet others kept coming till the midnight peak. No wonder Lubiri Ring Road was reserved for only the palace guests till late night.

Fun, trends and sideshows

Enkuuka is no place for fashion trends. Nigiina, aka crocs, tired-not faded-jeans, loose shirts and t-shirts. Suits, gomesi, yes, gomesi, kitenge, party dresses, etc, anything goes. It is like some just came straight from their odd jobs and had no time to change.

Some wore just bras for tops, serving untidy bare backs and contoured bellies. Some, mostly beach bodies, looked dope in tight pants, heels and crop tops, flaunting snatched waists.

But others boldly wore torn leggings, others bikers, with reckless gaits, inviting ridicule from others who weren’t so neat.

You thought smartphones outdated photo studios? Think twice. After the entrance, makeshift photo studios greeted revellers inside the palace. Clients posed on sofas against backgrounds decorated with Kabaka’s portraits.

Another studio was even more creative: it had a miniature statue of a lion-the symbol of the king.

Right there were hundreds of caps made of backcloth, decorated with pictures of totems symbolising the 52 clans of Buganda. Most sold at Shs8000, but by 9pm, the prices had dropped to as low as Shs3000.

Lovebirds danced on the move, hands across each other’s waists, while movement was still easy. Mothers danced with their children, others tightly marked by their suckling babies. Yet parental duties were not exclusive to women. A man, likely 60, came along with three little girls-likely grandchildren-in white dresses and shoes, as if flower girls, only that their faces were painted.

When Irene Namatovu did her oldies Love Ey’okuvuganya and Best Friend Wo, most men and the young stood still. But the ladies around their sell-by date sang and danced along.

Then the sideshows. As Fred Ssebatta sung Baana Bange, a hit of the 90s, some fans were not watching him. Instead, they marvelled at one woman, likely in her upper 40s, acting each verb as if she had practised for years. She never got a move wrong: smiling, frowning, beating, a bit of dance, etc. and with the perfect emotion.

Elsewhere, a man, around 30, danced along song after song, with different women, while holding an energy drink. But his strokes and energy suggested something stronger on his head.

Eating for survival

What’s a party without money changing hands? Meat and chicken, fried or roasted, were in abundance. Some clients, including policemen, sat in tents for matooke, posho, chicken stew, fish or low-grade pilau, etc. For those on toothpick budgets, Shs2000 was enough for a rolex-an egg, raw tomato slices and a pinch of poorly sliced cabbage rolled with a chapatti. It was up to you to wash it down with juice or soda, which competed fairly in quantity and price-minimum Shs1000. But the juice was not the quality you carefully blend at home or buy at city restaurants. Tunywera butafa, said one man, who quit soda, but didn’t enjoy the juice either. The goal was survival.

A long queue persisted along a truck selling tea, coffee and wheaty snacks. The quality was just fine, and the prices somehow generous, by 4pm. But some buyers said that with time, the quality would fall and the prices rise with the demand. ‘Obimanyi naawe,’ a young couple said, strolling away with a couple of disposable cups. Others were sipping local brew in decorated calabashes. Many visited the nearby gardens or bushes whenever nature called.

Games of luck

At almost every corner, except on the terraces, there were stations for money games. Some were competitors, some branches of others. Some attracted more clients than others due to strategy or sheer luck.

The target customers are not those who flush millions in city casinos every night, but excited villagers and lads who stake a 1000 shillings for a million in betting houses.

To enter the game, you had to buy 10 plastic rings, each at Shs100. Throw a ring at any of the gifts on the mat: biscuits, soda bottles, money notes, tied against pieces of wood. At some game stations, the smallest was Shs1000, the biggest Shs2000. But the wiser ones offered a wider range-Shs600 to Shs20,000-to attract a bigger clientele.

To win, your ring must fully encircle the gift and rest on the mat. Anything less is a loss.

Once you win, the pay is instant. But a young man will warn you, ‘Watch your feet,’ insinuating that your feet might have crossed the byline. It’s against the rules.

It’s a game of luck. Your ring can bounce from a Shs20,000 note, dance around a Shs1000 note and settle around a packet of cheap biscuits.

In gambling, every miss feels just half an inch from the jackpot. You try again. Until you can try no more.

‘I must win that Shs20,000,’ one young girl promised her brother. She had so far bought seven rounds-that’s Shs7000-perhaps the cost of her lemon green, skimpy China-made dress. She tried on, motivated by the near-misses and her earlier win of Shs5000.

The young entrepreneurs hardly share their secrets. But in barely an hour, one had sold more than 40 rounds. That is Shs40,000, against Shs17,000 he paid to the clients. Good business.

A bad day, when the clients are hugely lucky, may deplete a hustler’s liquid capital. But I saw no signs of such on December 31.

No politics? You’re joking

How did Pallaso perform in red attire when Roden Y, aka Kabako, and others, including fans, were locked out for sporting red-a colour associated with Robert Kyagulanyi’s National Unity Platform? Even gangs, aka Eggaali, were prohibited.

The state tried to prevent Enkuuka from becoming another opposition political rally, but did not score perfectly.

Towards 8pm, comic duo Madrat and Chiko simulated Judgement Day, sending Bebe Cool, Medard Ssegona, and Mathias Mpuuga to hell; Walukagga and Kyagulanyi to heaven. ‘Guys, we are just acting,’ they disclaimed. Now came the turn for the head of state. They hesitated, citing the heavy military presence in the area. They posed, arguing over who should emulate the old man. Chiko finally took the risk. He slightly limped towards Madrat. ‘And power went off,’ they said, rushing off the stage, amid cheers.

For Walukagga, just appearing on stage was a political statement. The wild cheers said so. He read the room. Opened with Mabel, a love song nearly 20 years old.

It ends with the verses: boogere balikoowa (let them talk ill about me). Then he added: bawalane balikoowa (let them hate me), the fans picking the cues. ‘Bawaayirize balikoowa,’ (let them mudsling me).

He added: ‘Ow’e Magere aliko favour,’ (The Magere resident has favour), setting the stage for Bakoowu, his biggest hit. Released in 2012, it vividly describes our societal degeneration: marriage, health, education, politics, etc., because we are bakoowu-tired.

The song calls for an urgent need for change before ‘clerics wield machetes.’

Fans had been stingy all day, but many gave him money. When he did Uganda Empya, his latest, and a counterpunch to his political rivals-some in the VIP tents-he was simply icing the cake. An epic act.

Many others made veiled political statements. Some meant it. Some just wanted to be in the public’s good books.

Miming Pastor Wilson Bugembe’s Ekyamagero, comedian Reign, an NUP member, asked God for a miracle. Then his partner, Maulana, prayed for change, but simply gesticulated while pushing and kicking ‘someone’ off the stage. The fans connected the dots.

‘Don’t forget January 15,’ said singer Mary Bata, referring to polling day.

‘Temwerabira, akabonero umbrella,’ (don’t forget the umbrella) said Bettina Namukasa, promoting the NUP symbol.

Geoffrey Lutaaya, an NUP parliamentary flagbearer, prayed for a ‘New Year and a New Uganda.’

Just after the Kabaka’s ritual opening of the New Year, Navio hit the stage with Njogereza. He said nothing political but Bad Man from Kamwokya-his collabo with Bobi Wine-matched the mood.

Mikie Wine pulled out a Uganda flag-synonymous with his big brother Kyagulanyi’s presidential campaigns-saying ‘This is a gift to the Kabaka.’

Stop!

Vinka, Ava Peace, Mary Bata, wore baggy pants and decent tops. Other female artistes wore unprovocative dresses, even unsure of performing with the Kabaka present.

But upcoming singer and dancer Winnie Wa Mummy shredded that rulebook. Invited by her dancehall buddy Mudra, she instantly dropped her black overcoat, her skimpy white dress leaving little to the imagination. Then she twerked, her huge backside half-naked, against the audience. The giant screens amplified the madness. The organisers immediately stopped her. You don’t do this before His Majesty.

Unity is victory

Before addressing his subjects, the Kabaka crowned John Basajjamivule, who had defeated 59 others in Entanda Ya Buganda- an annual quiz contest that majors in Buganda’s history, culture and language. It runs on CBS FM for months. Joseph Busuulwa was the diaspora champion.

As the Katikkiro delivered his preamble, some sent him verbal missiles. ‘Twamukoowa’ (we are tired of him). ‘Kabaka, siima omugobe” (Kabaka, sack him), they shouted as if the Kabaka could hear them. He was only close on the giant screens, but almost 100 metres behind them.

Surprisingly, when the Katikkiro ordered them to greet the Kabaka, they obliged. Not once. But four times.

‘Muli bulungi?’ (Are you fine?), the Kabaka opened his five-minute speech in a loud voice. ‘Tuli bubi, batufuga bubi’ (we are not fine, due to misrule), said one young man. ‘Mugume tugenda kufuna omukulembeze omupya,’ (don’t worry, a new government is soon coming), one woman replied.

When the Kabaka thanked the crowds for supporting Enkuuka, they shouted “Enkyukakyuka” (change).

‘Luli wali toyogera bulungi, kati oyogera bulungi,’ one lady affectionately noticed the king’s improved speech after his battle with a mysterious disease, which kept him out of public view for months in 2024. It was a trying moment for the kingdom amid speculation fuelled by social media.

‘Kale bakuttira ki musajjawattu, atalina musango?’ (why would they kill such an innocent man?), another said, her tone oozing emotion.

“We continue to urge you to be united in all situations, and to always remind you that unity is strength,” the Kabaka said, his voice slightly shaky.

Amid fervent cheers and vuvuzelas, he emphasised: “Unity is victory,’ adding: ‘Don’t lose hope. The current storm will end if we all stay focused. Thank you very much.”

Earlier in the day, the Kabaka had urged the Electoral Commission to ‘impartially help every candidate to convey his message to the voters, without obstruction.’ He always chooses his words carefully.

At 7:22pm, King Saha drove the crowds crazy with his revolutionary hit Kimala. Fans shouted, waved flags, bandanas, umbrellas, some borrowing additional height on plastic chairs they had hired at Shs10,000 each. ‘Kabaka Tukwagala Nnyo,’ (Kabaka, we love you so much), Saha screamed at 7:28pm, unaware that the royal tent was now empty; the Kabaka already gone.

Kabale NRM leaders split, back independent mayoral candidate

A section of NRM leaders in Kabale Municipality have pledged to support Mayor Sentaro Byamugisha’s re-election as an independent candidate, leaving out their official party flag bearer, Sam Arinaitwe.

The leaders claimed Arinaitwe has remained aloof from voters and failed to achieve tangible developments during his tenure as LCIII chairman for Central Division in Kabale town.

Former NRM party flag bearer for Kabale Municipality parliamentary seat, Sheik Kassim Kamugisha, urged NRM members to support President Museveni and Byamugisha, citing the latter’s capacity to deliver services to the people.

“I appeal to all independent candidates vying for different political seats and all those whose political parties do not have a presidential candidate to vote for President Museveni. For the position of Mayor in Kabale municipality, vote for Mr Sentaro Byamugisha because he has proved capacity to deliver desired services to the people,” Kamugisha said.

NRM party flag bearer for Central Ward, Kedrace Mutabazi, urged voters to focus on the individual rather than the party, citing Byamugisha’s straightforward leadership and development-oriented approach.

“Vote for Mr Byamugisha because he is a straight forward leader that does not segregate anyone because of their political parties or religious affiliations. He appointed me as his deputy despite our different religions. This man is pro-development and deserves another term in office,” Mutabazi said.

Byamugisha pledged to lobby for funds to establish flash toilets in all primary schools, tarmac feeder roads, and extend electricity and piped water connections to boost urbanization in Kabale Municipality.

“I managed to lobby for funds to construct the magnificent Kabale central market at a cost of Shs23 billion. I also lobbied for Shs 21.7 billion to tarmac three roads under USMID. I appeal for your vote to continue delivering services to our people,” Byamugisha said.

Byamugisha is competing against Arinaitwe (NRM), Monday Everist Hussein (FDC), and Ian Ronald Mugisha (Independent) for the mayoral seat.

State House arrests four Kotido officials over mismanagement of road cash

The State House Anti-Corruption Unit arrested four Kotido municipality officials on Friday evening over the mismanagement of Shs1 billion meant for road rehabilitation and maintenance in the 2024/2025 financial year.

The arrested officials are Emmanuel Okaja, the Town Clerk, Gasper Okidi, the Senior Civil Engineer, Deo Akello Nyanga, the Senior Internal Auditor, and John Bosco Lokure, the Assistant Inventory Officer.

According to Anti-Corruption Unit spokesperson Miriam Natasha, the officials allegedly embezzled over Shs200 million meant for procuring construction materials, including 1,735.7 trips of gravel, 250 bags of cement, 20 trips of hardcore, and 10 trips of sand.

“In addition, the town clerk and senior civil engineer are accused of neglecting their official duties by failing to supervise, monitor and ensure compliance with approved guidelines during construction and maintenance of several roads,” Natasha said.

The affected roads include Miresiae-Napawu Road, Morungor-Kotyanga Road, Nangayum-Kawlapei Road, Chairman’s Road, and Romrom-Nakutakuwam Road. Natasha emphasized that the unit aims to ensure allocated funds are used effectively for better service delivery.

“The unit is out to ensure that money allocated to various sectors across the country is maximally put to good use, for the betterment of service delivery,” she said.

Kotido resident Mark Lokwang called for a wider investigation involving politicians, saying they are part of the mismanagement of funds. “A wider investigation should also be done to involve politicians across Kotido district, saying that they are part of the accomplices in the mismanagement of funds sent to the districts,” Lokwang said.

“Even the district roads under Kotido district local government remain in a pathetic situation, yet they are told that each year money is allocated. So we equally think, this money is ever being eaten,” he added.

The arrested officials are expected to be arraigned in the Anti-Corruption Court soon. The case highlights concerns about road management in Karamoja, where poor infrastructure has been a contentious issue in ongoing campaigns.

Uganda coins: Has the penny finally dropped?

In 1998, two years after President Museveni won the first of six and counting elective terms, the central bank introduced the Shs50 coin. Together with the Shs100, Shs200, and Shs500 coins, it was part of a new series of denominations, following the one issued in 1987, and it was intended to combat inflation. With Ugandans preparing to go to the polls next week, Philip Matogo looks at how the coins, intended to curb price increases, have fared.

On November 12, 2025, the US Mint officially ceased production of the one-cent coin (penny), ending 232 years of circulation to cut costs, as each penny cost about four cents to produce. While existing pennies remain legal tender, the move eliminates new production of the coin, saving an estimated $56 million (Shs201.4 billion) annually.

US businesses are increasingly adopting ‘nearest-nickel’ rounding for cash transactions only. For example, a total of $1.02 (Shs3,669.7) would round down to $1.00 (Shs3,597.75), while $1.03 (Shs3,705.68) would round up to $1.05 (Shs3,777.64). However, electronic payments (debit/credit cards, mobile wallets) are not affected and will continue to be charged to the exact cent.

While Americans are punning about how this move makes ‘cents’ (read sense), the smart money in Uganda points to our economy following suit. The Ugandan penny or coin has been losing real value over the years. Indeed, a coin’s purchasing power is poorly adjusted to changes in the price level, specifically inflation or deflation. This is not good. Since, even in America, top rapper 50 Cent (real name Curtis Jackson) thought about adjusting his name to inflation.

He humorously calculated the purchasing power of ’50 cents’ in the year he started his career (or was born) would be worth today, suggesting names like ’85 Cent,’ ‘109 Cent,’ or even ‘$2.50’ to reflect the diminished value of the dollar over time. Uganda may have to make similar considerations.

Falling value

In the late ’90s, a Shs50 coin could fetch chewing gums such as Orbit or Big G (both made by the East African Wrigley Company). That’s why before a group of friends would start their day together, they would invariably buy chewing gum for everybody. Today, Orbit is known as PK and you can’t purchase it for anything less than Shs200.

At any rate, the value of the coin has reduced significantly over the years. So, what if Uganda also ditched the coin? Some economists I spoke to say the disappearance of small-denomination coins such as the US penny, has a negligible impact on overall inflation because broad economic forces like labour costs and money supply, not tiny rounding rules, drive inflation. This may not be entirely true. If I could buy chewing gum in the past for a fraction of what I can buy chewing gum for today, then the coins full disappearance will see the cost of chewing gum rounded off to the nearest note currency shilling. This means chewing gum will likely cost Shs1,000.

Many Ugandans tend to chew gum like Sir Alex Ferguson, who is estimated to have chewed at least 3,000 packets of chewing gum during his 26-year tenure as Manchester United manager. Throughout his 1,500 matches in charge, he was notorious for chewing gum on the sidelines to manage stress and, at times, aggressively express tension during games. That’s about Shs3m worth of chewing gum, if the price of PK is rounded off to the nearest note currency shilling.

Taxis, bodas and booze

In the ’90s, one could board a taxi for Shs500 from Makindye to the Old Taxi Park. Then grab another taxi from the park to Muyenga for about Shs1,000. Sometimes, it could be Shs700. That means with Shs3,000, one could go from Makindye to Muyenga and back for a song, as it were. Today, you’d be hard-pressed to find a taxi that can take you for less than Shs1,000, even if you’re going from Ntinda to Bukoto.

Before commercial motorcyclists came on the scene, the boda bodas were bicycles. They cost anywhere from Shs200 to Shs500 as long as your journey did not exceed two kilometres. Then the motorbikes came in and suddenly, we found ourselves paying Shs500 to Shs1,000 for the same route. This counting of pennies did not make us pound foolish, so to speak.

Beer was retailed at Shs2,000 in 1997. With Shs10,000, then, one could buy more than one row in a crate of beers. In fact, a crate was about Shs25,000 wholesale. Say you went to a place like Yakobo’s Pork Joint, previously located where Fraine Supermarket Ntinda is today, and ordered some ‘past presidents.’ That was cultural shorthand for pork, thanks to President Museveni’s colourful description of Uganda’s former presidents. Anyway, the pork was Shs2,500 per stick and their beer was about the same price. If you had Shs30,000 on you, you could party until the evening adjourned itself to dawn.

The coin of vantage

The coins added to the overall cost of items, specifically the Shs500 on pork or beer, were like an unspoken compromise struck between the seller and buyer. The seller, by adding a Shs500 markup on the beer and pork, was triggering in the buyer intense psychological reactions serving as a ‘hook’ that overrides rational thinking, stimulating a dopamine-driven ‘reward’ response in the buyer for only having to pay a paltry Shs500. It’s a bait and sell tactic used by a certain bookshop in town.

Pricing their books at Shs99,999 or Shs99 is a powerful psychological strategy known as ‘charm pricing,’ designed to make products feel significantly cheaper. It leverages the ‘left-digit effect,’ where consumers subconsciously anchor on the first digit (99,999) rather than rounding up to the next whole number (100,000), despite the one-cent or Shs1 difference. Coins are essential to charm pricing.

Sodas and chocolates

At Makerere University in the late ’90s, male students of a romantic cast of mind would often buy their love interests soda or chocolate. It would sweeten the proposition of boy and girl falling in love. These were also digestifs or aperitifs, taken before one would ‘roll’ down to Wandegeya for the grand meal: chicken and chips. The chicken was between Shs2,000 and Shs3,500 and the chips about Shs1,000. Shs10,000 could give you major dating ‘street cred’ with the ladies. Even if you decided to take her out to town, the taxi ride from Wandegeya to Pioneer Mall in the City Centre was Shs500 per head. Clearly, as you can surely see, pennies turned one into a Penny Lover.

Dating was a lot cheaper in the ’90s. Everything was within reach, it seemed. Even the cost of Cadbury chocolate would not exceed Shs4,000. So, campus girls put on weight, in the right places, thanks to all the fast foods, chocolates and soda they could get from penny-happy boyfriends.

No more bargains

If the Ugandan government decides to do away with the coin, the perception of a bargain may go with it. To be sure, prices ending in 99 cents are often associated with sales, discounts, or a good deal, which encourages quicker purchase decisions. If there are no coins to execute this obvious financial trick, businesses like the bookshop I mentioned earlier are likely to be affected. It felt better buying that book somewhere at Shs299,999, but Shs300,000 is asking for a little too much.

If there are no more coins, impulse buys will also take a hit. As you might be aware, low-cost or impulse-buy are based on saving every penny. Including pennies in the price of an item makes it look marginally cheaper and thus motivates consumers to purchase it without much rational thought because the price appears very affordable.

One cannot impulsively make a decision on what to buy when the cost of what one seeks to buy is not for the impulsive but for the seemingly rich.

The vanishing of coins in the Ugandan economy is likely to expose many companies for what they truly are. Retailers use the illusion of reduced costs by using pennies to create an image of offering the lowest possible price or a competitive deal, which influences consumer behaviour even if the Shs1 or so difference is negligible. Without coins or pennies, buyers are likely to bemoan more about an expensive economy; yet the doing away with coins will make that reality less financially painful than one thinks.

Steady progress

There is another way to look at the potential disappearance of coins from the market. Coins are largely used to buy what in economics are known as inferior goods. These are products for which demand decreases as consumer income rises. Unlike “normal goods,” where demand grows alongside wealth, inferior goods are often lower-cost alternatives that people stop buying once they can afford more expensive substitutes.

In terms of inferior goods, rolexes replace tacos, cassava replaces chips and kikomando is preferred to an English Breakfast or katogo. If Uganda no longer has use for coins, inferior goods will become slightly more expensive as a Rolex will not be found for Shs1,500. It will be upwards of Shs2,000 or Shs3,000. Overall, the economy (with regard to snacks) will seem pimped up, as it were, to serve richer Ugandans. This could lead to what is known in economics as conspicuous consumption, the practice of purchasing and using goods or services of a higher quality, price, or quantity than practical to publicly display economic power and social status. Thereby, increasing consumerism as the pennywise we become more pound foolish.

Background

In June 2023, Bank of Uganda told the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that it was conducting a cost-benefit analysis to replace low-denomination notes with coins.

A letter of Intent signed by Finance Minister Matia Kasaija and Bank of Uganda Executive Director Research Adam Mugume noted that printing costs for banknotes had escalated, necessitating a study to see which ones can be replaced with coins.

In a subsequent interview, Mugume said they would start with the Shs1,000 note, and move on to others.

That was slightly over two years ago. Even as Mugume had noted that the procurement process had been put in place, the note remains in circulation.

In fact, in another letter to the IMF in April last year, Bank of Uganda recommitted itself in response to an IMF recommendation to cut the cost of money.

The process seemed, gauging from the commitments above, to be on track, but now seems to be hanging.

Why? Because the cost comparison has since tilted in favour of bank notes, unlike before when coining seemed to sway decision makers.

Bank of Uganda insists that the plan is still on the table, but without timelines.