Category: Daily Monitor

The battle for Lira City Division Member of Parliament is heating up ahead of January 15 polls, with two people vying for the seat. The contestants are James Ocen of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) party and Denis Alyela Omodi of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party.

Jimmy Akena Obote, son of former President Apollo Milton Obote and also the incumbent MP, abandoned the race to challenge President Yoweri Museveni in the 2026 elections, only to be blocked by the Electoral Commission (EC). The electoral body disqualified Akena, along with Joseph Ochieno and Dennis Adim Enap, from contesting for the presidential nomination under the UPC ticket. The EC cited their ineligibility to hold a valid UPC party card as required by the party’s constitution.

The EC’s decision stemmed from UPC’s internal wrangles, with Akena’s leadership term having expired without formal extension by the party’s organs. However, while addressing journalists at the party headquarters on December 10, 2025, Akena claimed Museveni, who is the NRM presidential candidate, was the mastermind of his disqualification. He urged his supporters to alternatively vote amongst other seven presidential contenders but not the NRM flagbearer.

“I want to tell you, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is responsible for my disqualification, and I have been telling all members who support Akena that Museveni is responsible for my disqualification. Whoever wishes to vote for Akena, please don’t vote for Museveni; rather, vote for one of the other seven candidates. And if you don’t want any of them, write my name, Akena, on the ballot,” he said.

Initially, the contest to replace Akena was a three-way race, with Isaac Apenyo (Independent) also in the running. However, just a few days to the polls, Apenyo withdrew from the race, and his withdrawal has left the field to Ocen and Omodi, who are now locked in a tight battle. Apenyo had earlier lost the UPC party flag to Ocen during the August 2025 party primaries, a development that prompted him to contest as an independent candidate until January 5, 2026, when he officially stepped down.

UPC’s Ocen is banking on his party’s legacy and grassroots connections. “We have a strong team on the ground, and we’re confident of winning,” he says.

On the other hand, NRM’s Alyela is counting on the ruling party’s resources and infrastructure. “The people of Lira want continuity and development, and that’s what we offer,” he says.

Alyela, a civil servant and survivor of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency, pledges to deliver transformative leadership rooted in lived experience, unity, and infrastructure development. He argues that the political landscape has evolved, noting that UPC, once the primary opposition force in Lango Sub-region, has since merged with the NRM following the 2021 elections. The NRM flag bearer says the people are now united under one political umbrella, focusing not on competition but on the collective development of Lira City.

About Alyela

Alyela, who was the town clerk of Nakawa Division in Kampala, officially resigned and handed over his office on June 30, 2025, to concentrate on the Lira City East MP bid. He was handed the NRM flag after defeating strong contenders, including Presidential Advisor Francis Okello-Opio and businessman Ogwal Umar Kanjule.

About Ocen

Ocen is the managing director of Giftlife Clinic and Faith Secondary School. During the 2021 elections, he contested for the Lira City East parliamentary seat as an Independent candidate against the incumbent MP Akena, but lost the election. Ocen, as head (Awitong) of Okarowok Atar Clan, is known for his niceness to most mothers who access healthcare services from his private facility located in Teso Bar in Lira City.

Key issues

Key issues shaping the elections include, among others, poor road network within the city, lack of access to affordable education, and compensation of those whose livestock got lost during the two-decade insurgency. Also, there is a need for the government to invest in agro-processing plants, promote livestock farming through scaling up animal rearing with improved breeds, veterinary services, and markets, and water for production through increased access to affordable irrigation technologies.

Voters

A total of 55,150 voters registered for the 2021 polls in Lira East Division, according to data from the Electoral Commission.

Stakeholders in the Busoga sub-region have highlighted both the achievements and failures of the Electoral Commission (EC) ahead of the elections.

FDC flag bearer in Bugweri District LC5 race, Ibrahim Ndoga, credited the EC for successfully using local residents to issue voter location slips.

“I appreciate the EC for conducting the final phase of voter verification using natives from different villages,” Ndoga said. “Those issued with voter location slips were known in their communities, which will help prevent complaints about imported voters.”

Ndoga added that the returning officer has remained in constant contact with all candidates, addressing and harmonizing challenges. He noted that the confirmation of two biometric machines at each polling station has given candidates hope that electoral malpractices will be minimized.

“The machines operate without the internet, which is an advantage for voters in remote areas with limited connectivity,” Ndoga said. He also praised the EC for scanning Declaration forms before entering results at the tally centre.

However, Ndoga criticized the EC for inconsistencies, citing a case where a candidate from Mukono was allowed to contest in Bugweri District. NUP flag bearer Julius Kayiira Nabambula faulted the EC for allowing police to disrupt rallies, recalling the arrest of his supporters during a campaign event.

“I hold the EC responsible for this unfortunate arrest of my supporters, as they could have instructed police to stop the activity,” Nabambula said. He praised the EC for managing voter update registers in his constituency.

Jinja City Mayor Peter Okocha Kasolo said candidates have tried to dictate the EC’s work, leading to problems.

“Candidates have tried to make the EC follow rules and regulations that do not exist on paper, even though they know the EC is mandated by the constitution to manage elections,” Kasolo said.

NRM flagbearer Farida Namulondo warned that last-minute recruitment of staff for biometric machines could affect the elections.

“These people are only now being recruited, yet they need proper training. I don’t think they will acquire sufficient skills to operate the machines,” Namulondo said.

Busoga region election supervisor Deo Natukunda refuted Namulondo’s claims, emphasizing that voter education has been successful.

“One of the EC’s strengths in Busoga is high voter education, but the problem is that residents don’t take it seriously,” Natukunda said.

Natukunda boasted of successful campaigns in Busoga, noting that only one candidate was disqualified. He said new polling stations have been created to reduce voter numbers, allowing for efficient voting on Election Day.

The National Drug Authority (NDA) on Monday announced the approval of the new twice-yearly injectable drug for HIV prevention for use in the country.

This drug, lenacapavir, was tested in Uganda and South Africa, where researchers found it was more than 99 percent effective in preventing HIV infections among participants who were considered to be at high risk. Information from the Ministry of Health indicates that around 38,000 doses will be received in March to enable a rollout to people in need.

These doses are enough for around 19,000 people, a quantity which might be too low given the growing interest in the drug and the large anumber of persons that need to be targeted to avert large numbers of new infections.

Uganda currently registers around 37,000 new HIV infections per year. The country is also remaining with only four complete years to reach 2030, the time the country has committed to ending HIV/Aids as a public health threat. According to information from the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/Aids (UNAIDS), the 2030 target requires the country to “reduce new HIV infections by 90 percent from 2010 and a continued five percent decline per year after 2030”.

UNAIDS also states that the country should “reduce Aids-related deaths by 90 percent from 2010” and “secure the sustainability of the HIV response through 2030 and beyond’.

According to the Uganda Aids Commission, the country should be registering fewer than 10,000 new infections to meet the 2030 elimination target. The rate at which HIV infections have been declining in Uganda is too slow to meet the 2030 target, and thus, a radical action is required.

According to our analysis of the government data, in the last five years, the number of annual new infections dropped from 53,000 to 36,648, which is a reduction of 16,352 or 3,300 per year.

One of the radical interventions to achieve the elimination is to maximise the potential of new technologies like lenacapavir.

The other interventions include intensifying campaigns to increase the use of condoms, being faithful to one’s sexual partner and the use of other existing pre-exposure and post-exposure drugs in reducing HIV infections.

Lenacapavir is priced at $28,000 per person per year, but the generic version is expected to be available at $40 per person per year. There’s thus a need for government and civil society to push for the availability of affordable versions of the drug, while ensuring that quality and efficacy are not compromised.

The 38,000 doses expected in March will be purchased through the Global Fund. The Ministry of Health has not stated a clear position of whether they will buy more doses for Ugandans to ensure widespread access.

The government should be seen prioritising this through action of putting public resources to procure some of these latest technologies, like lenacapavir, to revitalise the fight. The government should also encourage the private sector to import this drug so that Ugandans who can afford, should buy.

You are now close to the end of an election campaign that many expected to be issue-based. How has it turned out so far?

Campaigns are supposed to be issue-based. But what we are witnessing cannot honestly be called a normal election campaign. This is more of a battlefield for access to the people. The security agencies have done everything possible to make it hard for us to reach Ugandans.

For us, this has become a fight for basic freedoms, a fight for democracy. We are blocked from venues, denied access to radio stations, hounded everywhere we go, teargassed, pepper-sprayed, beaten. Some of our supporters have been shot dead. One of our comrades was attacked so viciously that a gun muzzle was forced onto his head, causing severe injuries. So it has been extremely tough, but we keep going.

This sounds similar to the 2021 election campaigns. Did you anticipate this level of violence, and if so, what mitigating plans did you have?

We anticipated it. We are under no illusion that we live under a democracy. What we have is a military dictatorship masquerading as a democracy, occasionally opening a small window to pretend that there are free and fair elections.

Our plan was simple: not to give up. Even if there is only a one percent chance of freedom, the fight is worth taking. Interestingly, the first two weeks were relatively peaceful, apart from roadblocks. Then all hell broke loose, and it has continued that way.

In your manifesto, you speak strongly about unemployment, healthcare, and opportunities for young people. Critics say these are sweeping statements. How practical are they?

I understand that criticism, but it often comes from people who have never taken time to read or understand our manifesto. These are not slogans; they are sector-by-sector solutions grounded in the realities of Uganda, especially the reality that nearly 72 percent of our population is young. For us, youth are not a problem to be managed; they are the solution to Uganda’s future.

On unemployment, our approach is very practical. We are focusing on sectors that already employ many Ugandans, but are neglected by government policy. In agriculture, which employs [68 percent of Ugandans, according to Uganda Bureau of Statistics], we are prioritising value-added agro-processing for coffee, dairy, fruits, cassava, maize, and fish in production zones, labour-intensive small-and-medium enterprises, not just big factories that employ a few people.

We shall make sure our education is skills-based and leverage the creatives in music, film, fashion and so on to solve unemployment. I come from the creative arts and I know how much potential it has in creating jobs.

Uganda’s GDP is growing at slightly over six percent, according to the government. If elected, at what rate do you envision your government will grow the country’s wealth, and how?

Growth is not just a percentage in a government report; growth must be felt in people’s pockets and homes. You can announce 6.3 percent GDP growth, but when more than 70 percent of young people are unemployed or under-employed, and millions of Ugandans are trapped in subsistence living, then that growth is clearly not working for the majority.

In our first five years, Uganda should be targeting sustained GDP growth of 8-10 percent, but more importantly, growth that is inclusive, job-creating, and resilient. This is achievable if we deliberately shift the economy from consumption and raw exports to production and value addition.

We must prioritise value addition, labour-intensive cottages, and small-scale industries, as well as small-and-medium enterprises and also deal with over-taxation in the sector, which will increase production and solve unemployment [problem and] growth the GDP [in double digits].

Most small-scale industries collapse within the first year because electricity is expensive, taxes are punitive, infrastructure is weak, and credit is unaffordable. These are policy failures, not weaknesses of our people.

On energy, Uganda relies heavily on hydropower. What are your energy mix proposals to guarantee energy security and meet growing demand?

Uganda cannot afford to keep all its eggs in one basket. We must diversify. Today, more than 80 percent of our grid electricity comes from hydropower, yet demand is growing at about 8-10 percent every year. First, we must seriously invest in solar energy.

Right now, high taxes on solar panels and batteries discourage investment. We will remove punitive taxes on renewable energy equipment so that Ugandans can generate their own power and lower their costs.

And we must explore other clean alternatives – biogas from agricultural waste, especially in cattle-keeping and sugar-producing regions.

The current government prides itself on security and stability. As president, how would you handle the security question?

Security should never be something a government boasts about because it is the first duty of any government to protect the people and their property. It is not a favour from a regime; it is a constitutional duty. The problem in Uganda today is not lack of security structures. We actually spend the biggest portion of our National Budget on security. The problem is how that security is used, or actually misused.

The first loophole we must close is the politicisation of the security forces. Today, the military and police are routinely deployed to break up our rallies, arrest Opposition leaders, intimidate voters, and even interfere with elections. That is not their job. As president, I will ensure the UPDF secures our borders, not ballot boxes, and that the police protect citizens, not suppress them. Any officer who engages in partisan politics will be held personally accountable.

What about during demonstrations on the streets and the case of citizens looting shops and all that?

Peaceful demonstrations are not illegal in Uganda. They are a constitutional right. That means citizens have the right to protest, demonstrate, and express dissatisfaction with those in power.

But that right must be exercised in a way that does not interfere with the rights of other Ugandans by looting shops and destroying property, because that is criminal.

How will you solve that problem because your group has been accused of the same?

As president, my approach will be very clear: peaceful demonstrators will be protected, not brutalised. The role of the police during demonstrations will be to manage crowds, ensure safety, and protect lives and property, not to punish citizens for expressing their views.

Criminal acts like looting will be handled by the law. If someone steals, burns shops, or vandalises property, they must be arrested, investigated, and prosecuted individually, produced before court within 48 hours, as required by the Constitution. I am a lawyer, and I know what the law provides for. That is what constitutional governance looks like.

Governance is another major concern. Uganda’s Constitution gives the President immense powers. Would you reduce the powers of the president?

Absolutely, the powers of the presidency in Uganda must be reduced, and this is not a matter of opinion; it is a matter of survival of our democracy. Our Constitution was never designed to create a king. It was designed to create a servant leader, accountable to the people and restrained by strong institutions.

The 1995 Constitution had safeguards, term limits under Article 105 and later age limits under Article 102(b). These were not cosmetic clauses; they were meant to prevent the dangerous concentration of power in one individual. Once those safeguards were removed, the presidency became unchecked, and everything else began to collapse.

Today, the President appoints the Electoral Commission, which is supposed to supervise elections in which he is a contestant. That is a clear conflict of interest. The President appoints judges, heads of commissions, accounting officers, and even influences security deployments during elections. That is why elections are militarised, courts are under pressure, and Parliament often behaves like a rubber stamp. This is not a theory – we have seen it happen repeatedly in Uganda.

So yes, we will tame presidential power, practically and deliberately.

How will you do that?

The President will no longer appoint the Electoral Commission. Commissioners must be selected by an independent process involving civil society, professional bodies, and Parliament so that elections belong to the people, not the incumbent.

Judicial independence must be restored. Judges should be appointed through a strengthened Judicial Service Commission, insulated from State House influence. Courts must be places of justice, not fear.

We also must and will restore constitutional safeguards, including term limits and age limits, so that no one ever personalises power again.

We shall go back to the people and ask them for what they want to be restored in the Constitution because it was made by the people. They meant for leadership to be temporary, not permanent.

We will reduce the size and power of the Executive. A bloated Cabinet of more than 80 ministers exists not for service delivery but for political patronage. We will cut the Cabinet to about 20 ministers, making it lean, professional, and accountable.

What role will cultural leaders play under your government?

I am one person who respects culture so much and you can call me a cultural man because cultural leaders play a very important and irreplaceable role in a democratic society, especially in a country like Uganda, where culture is deeply woven into people’s identity, values, and social organisation. They are not just ceremonial figures; they are custodians of history, unity, morality, and social cohesion.

Under our government, cultural institutions will be respected, protected, and insulated from political manipulation. One of the biggest mistakes of the current system is that cultural leaders are often treated as political tools used when convenient – threatened, or sidelined when they speak for their people. That undermines democracy and divides communities.

What’s your game plan to manage regional politics and conflicts?

Uganda does not exist in isolation. What happens in [neighbouring] Kenya, Tanzania, or the Democratic Republic of Congo inevitably affects us; through trade, security, refugees, and insecurity. That is why our approach to regional politics must be calm, principled, and diplomatic, not impulsive or militarised.

For us to do that, we shall need to make ourselves pure and correct our internal politics and issues before we poke our noses into other people’s matters. We must engage regional neighbours with pure hands and hearts, and it’s until then that other countries will listen to us.

In case of a war, would you deploy the army?

Like I said, ours would be in terms of mediation and not cause more controversy and insecurity to the citizens of other countries. We would respect the sovereignty of other states, but in order to regain respect across borders, we must first restore the rule of law in our own country and have the moral authority to mediate outside. Otherwise, we’re now a laughing stock in the region.

How would you deal with cross-border trade and tariff barriers?

Cross-border trade is vital for Uganda, not just for big business, but for ordinary farmers, traders, and small-scale entrepreneurs who rely on markets beyond our borders to survive.

Yet, today, trade is often strangled by tariff barriers and corruption at the borders. That is why under our government, we will approach this with practical solutions that empower Ugandans and strengthen our regional economy.

We will empower our traders and farmers in that they will have a higher bargaining power in the cross-border business by speaking to the other partners to remove the tariffs. We will liberate and structure cross-border trade.

Finally, what do the last days before the election look like for you?

We expect more intimidation, abductions, militarisation, and possibly an Internet shutdown. But we have encouraged Ugandans to remain firm and demand their rights peacefully.

For me, the most important agenda is to keep hope alive. If we do not give up, we are never defeated. In a free and fair election, we can defeat Museveni. I believe we can win with up to 80 percent of the vote nationwide. Let’s keep hope alive and do everything it takes to bring about a new Uganda.

The Head of Mobilisation at National Unity Platform (NUP), Mr Habib Buwembo, has been arrested, police have confirmed.

Accordiing to the Kampala Metropolitan Police Spokesperson, Ms Rachael Kawala, Buwembo was arrested alongside Ronald Katabala and Josephine Nakakembo on Saturday evening.

“The Uganda Police Force would like to confirm the arrest of Buwembo Habib, Katabala Ronald and Nakakembo Josephine. The 03 are currently in Police custody and will be arraigned before court in due course,” she posted on X on Saturday

Buwembo is a prominent Ugandan politician, human rights activist, and leading member of the National Unity Platform (NUP). He is currently serving as the National Secretary for Mobilization for the NUP.

He replaced NUP president Robert Kyagylanyi’s brother, Fred Nyanzi, who had served as the part’s head of mobilisation for nearly five years.

Police issued the statement hours after Mr Kyagulanyi posted on X saying Buwembo and two other party members were abducted by unidentified security personnel on Masaka Road alongside two other party members.

He also mentioned that another member, Robert Zziwa was abducted on Friday.

“They join a long list of our other comrades who have been disappeared and are being held incommunicado or slapped with trumped up charges. These cowardly tactics have never saved dictators from the inevitable fall,” Mr Kyagulanyi posted on his X handle

Prior to his abduction, Buwembo had been active in managing NUP’s nationwide campaign for the upcoming 2026 presidential elections. In early January 2026, he noted that the party had successfully campaigned in 130 of Uganda’s 146 districts.

Buwembo was appointed as the NUP National Secretary for Mobilisation in June 2025. Although he initially planned to contest the Lubaga South parliamentary seat, he withdrew from the race in June 2025 to focus on his national mobilisation duties for the party.

Known for his “fearless” activism, Buwembo has reportedly been arrested many times for activities related to protesting and fighting injustice.

Originally affiliated with the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), he officially joined the NUP around 2023.

Cinnamon farming is the practice of growing cinnamon trees for its bark, which is then processed into spice. Cinnamon farming in Uganda is concentrated around the fertile Lake Victoria basin, including districts such as Mukono, Kayunga, Wakiso, Buikwe and Masaka, where high rainfall supports its growth. It is also grown in highland areas with volcanic soils such as Kabale, Kisoro and Rukungiri. Farmers in these regions are increasingly growing cinnamon for its economic potential, with support programmes helping to expand production and value addition.

Background

Cinnamon originates from the inner bark of trees belonging to Cinnamomum genus species. It is believed farmers from Siri Lanka and surrounding regions were the first to adopt growing of the plant with specific varieties attributed to have originated from Southern China, all prized for their aromatic bark used as spice and medicine since ancient times Cinnamon has been traded globally for millennia, with ancient Mediterranean cultures receiving it via routes from India and Arabia.

The Dutch famously established a monopoly over Ceylon cinnamon in the 17th-18th centuries, controlling its supply and price. While native to Asia, cinnamon is now cultivated in various tropical areas, including Madagascar, South America, the West Indies including Uganda.

Cinnamon farming in Uganda

Cinnamon production primarily involves growing Cinnamomum zeylanicum trees for their commercial bark. This practice strengthens the local economy while increasing biodiversity, helping the environment. Smallholders account for nearly all production, frequently inter-cropping cinnamon with other cash and subsistence crops to increase land yields and diversify household income.

The bark is sustainably harvested and hand peeled, dried, and sold locally or exported. Cinnamon cultivation in Uganda has been drawing recent interest as a high-value, sustainable cash crop. This increasing trend opens new opportunities to enhance global demand and accelerate local economic development. Cinnamon cultivation starts with sowing seeds, cinnamon balls, or planting of cuttings in fertile sandy loam soils enriched with humus. These trees prefer places that get more than 1,200 mm of rain a year.

To keep them healthy, seedlings must be planted at least 12 ft apart and a plant consume about 4,000 liters of water while growing. Mature cinnamon trees can reach heights of 50 feet. After 10 years, they are ready for harvest and will continue to grow, providing bark for another 45 years. Pruning every other year can help produce a healthier yield and bark quality.

Two key varieties, Ceylon and cassia are widely cultivated and utilized. Both are sought after for their abundant flavour and antioxidant qualities. Their relative hardiness to Uganda’s conditions makes them particularly well-suited.

Importance of Cinnamon Farming in Uganda

The economic opportunities of cinnamon farming would be enormous for Uganda. As worldwide demand for natural flavouring grows, Uganda has a competitive advantage to become global leader in supply. Local farmers stand to gain from this burgeoning market, as will communities that work to improve food security and nutrition. In as far as biodiversity is concerned it is good to encourage the cultivation of cinnamon because it helps protect the biological environment by upholding the ecosystem within sustainable agricultural practices.

Choose the Right Location

Cinnamon grows best in tropical, humid climates with a mean temperature of 20-30°C. Sites with deep, well-drained sandy loam soils interspersed with humus or vegetative mould are best for yielding sweet, fragrant bark. Farmers are advised to stay away from areas known for waterlogging or very strong drought as both inhibit growth.

Cinnamon Seedlings

Farmers must obtain seedlings of the desired varieties from reputable nurseries to guarantee good quality seedlings. ‘Choose seedlings that are free from pests and disease, selecting local varieties that have proven to thrive in Uganda’s growing climate,’ experts warn. Note that cinnamon seedlings normally need 10 to 12 months before they are set out in the permanent field.

Planting

Gradually acclimatize seedlings to outdoor conditions. Make sure they are properly watered to encourage root establishment and check for pests or disease prior to planting. Plant seedlings about 2.5-3 m apart to allow space for growth. ‘When preparing a field, dig holes wide and deep enough to allow roots to spread comfortably and ensure that planting depth will allow for vigorous establishment and water the plant regularly,’ George Okotha, a farmer advises.

Pruning every second year eliminates dead or infected branches, thus enhancing air circulation and sunlight penetration.

Weeding

Weed control helps to eliminate competition for nutrients. Use mulch to control weeds and conserve moisture or use pull manual weeding and non-selective organic herbicides for best control.

Pests, diseases

Pest and disease issues are an ever-present risk to cinnamon plants. The main threats are leaf spot and root rot, which can both dramatically lower crop outputs.

Pests include birds which pick cinnamon seedlings before they germinate, an additional complicating filter on seedlings. Consistent monitoring can identify early signs of infestation. Integrated pest management strategies, including biological pest control and crop rotation can greatly reduce these risks.

Climate Change and Its Impact

Shifting climatic patterns have thrown cinnamon cultivation seasons out of whack, harming yields. Extended droughts or poorly timed rainfall can destroy the moisture soil and plants need to thrive. Farmers can reclaim practices such as mulching their crops to reduce evaporation and retain moisture and diversifying planting their crops to reduce risk. These adaptations both protect yields from climate fluctuations.

Harvest at the right time

Sustainably harvested the bark when the trees are to maturity, usually in the dry season. Collecting bark without damaging the tree requires sharp tools. Traditional uses of leaves, roots and branches add to the tree’s overall usefulness.

Limited market access

Marketing challenges further cut into producers’ profits. Farmers producing seedlings often lack the market because there isn’t enough local demand for them.

It is advisable to create cooperatives where growers would be able to consult one another, pool resources and increase their market reach. By opening up to online platforms, these farmers could reach international buyers, accessing the booming market demand for cinnamon worldwide.

Challenges in cinnamon farming

The opportunity is being driven by the increasing demand for cinnamon in international markets particularly in the Middle East.

Despite the great potential, the industry is still very juvenile and farmers are still being confronted with major challenges that affect their production and profitability. Without the benefit of appropriate training, farmers frequently fail to produce maximum yields.

Sensitisation workshops and seminars would help to equip growers with the necessary skills, and follow-up through agricultural extension services would ensure continued support. For instance, farmers would be trained on how to set up nursery beds to propagate and grow seedlings for sale, increasing their income-generating capabilities.

As Uganda heads towards the Thursday general elections, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) presidential candidate, Yoweri Museveni, hopes his campaign message, centred on promises of peace, stability, agricultural growth, and economic transformation, will resonate with the voters.

His pledges were designed to reassure voters of continuity while projecting Uganda toward middle-income status.

Campaigns officially kicked off on September 29, with Mr Museveni selling the NRM’s manifesto under the theme of wealth creation, industrialisation and job creation, particularly for the youth.

But Mr Joseph Mafabi, an elder in Bulambuli District, remarks that the NRM pledges have been recycled for several years, and there is little to expect even if President Museveni secures another term.

He notes that many of the roads pledged for construction three decades ago remain in a poor state. For example, he says, the Lwangoli-Butaleja-Namutumba road, the Busolwe-Nangongera road, and the Bududa circular road are still in disrepair.

‘Most government schools are in a sorry condition, with many children forced to study under trees or in dilapidated structures due to the lack of proper facilities,’ Mr Mafabi says, appealing to the NRM to fulfil its longstanding pledges.

However, Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), observes that President Museveni entered this election with a long and well-documented record, making his campaign pledges easier to evaluate than those of most candidates.

‘Over the years, his government has delivered in areas such as security, infrastructure, and macroeconomic stability. For instance, Uganda’s paved national road network has expanded from fewer than 2,000km in the early 2000s to more than 6,000km today, while electricity generation capacity has more than tripled following major projects such as Karuma and Isimba. These achievements remain central to the NRM’s campaign, and promises tied to them are more likely to be fulfilled,’ Mr Chemonges says.

He adds that by contrast, pledges on job creation, household wealth, and combating corruption are far more complex.

‘Youth unemployment and underemployment remain stubbornly high, with national surveys showing that many young people are engaged in low-paying, informal work. Likewise, despite the existence of anti-corruption agencies, Uganda continues to lose at least Shs10 trillion annually to corruption. These challenges have featured prominently in past elections yet remain unresolved,’ he says.

According to analysts, the repetition of these promises carries mixed implications. For some voters, it signals persistence and recognition of real problems. For others, especially the youth, it reinforces frustration and scepticism.

Mr Chemonges says if President Museveni is re-elected, his next term will be defined by tighter economic conditions, rising public expectations, and mounting pressure on State institutions to deliver.

‘Public debt has grown significantly over the past decade, narrowing fiscal space, while a fast-growing population intensifies demand for jobs and services. How the government manages expectations, sets realistic priorities, and demonstrates genuine resolve in tackling corruption will determine whether these pledges translate into meaningful impact, or remain familiar campaign rhetoric,’ he adds.

Familiar yet ambitious

President Museveni, in power since 1986, presents voters with a familiar yet ambitious agenda centred on continuity and gradual reform. His supporters argue that his experience and track record position him to deliver on these promises, while critics contend that Uganda needs a change in leadership to address its long-standing governance challenges.

With Thursday’s presidential elections just around the corner, the key question remains whether Museveni’s promises will resonate with voters or whether fatigue with the status quo will shape the country’s political future.

Mr Yusuf Serukuma, a political theorist based at Makerere University, observes that if a manifesto is understood as a pledge, then Mr Museveni himself embodies the manifesto.

‘The booklet circulated during elections serves primarily a political function, designed to fulfil the formal requirements of campaigning. Beyond that, however, it holds little significance for Museveni. For him, once declared the winner, he effectively becomes the manifesto, acting according to what he deems necessary or useful over the course of the five-year term,’ Mr Serukuma says.

The pledges

At the centre of President Museveni’s campaign has been the Parish Development Model (PDM), which he described as the ‘final nail’ in ending household poverty. The President pledged to increase funding to parishes, strengthen supervision of PDM funds and crackdown on corruption among officials accused of mismanaging the programme.

He repeatedly promised that every parish would receive adequate capital to support income-generating activities, insisting that Ugandans must shift from subsistence to commercial production. He also pledged to integrate PDM beneficiaries into markets through cooperatives and value-addition initiatives.

Mr Museveni placed strong emphasis on industrialisation as a solution to unemployment. He pledged to expand industrial parks across regions, support local manufacturers with cheaper electricity and promote agro-processing industries to reduce post-harvest losses.

During rallies, the NRM candidate promised that his next term would prioritise skills development through technical and vocational education, arguing that practical skills are critical for absorbing Uganda’s rapidly growing youth population into productive employment.

Dr Enoq Twinoburyo, a lecturer at Makerere University, explains that the NRM manifesto is closely aligned with the National Development Plan (NDP). However, both have consistently faced challenges that go beyond institutional, financial, and implementation capacity.

‘In practice, many of the goals set out in the NDP and the NRM manifesto have not been achieved in the past. There is some likelihood of deliverables, particularly with the anticipated revenues from Uganda’s first oil production, significant risks remain. Even with oil resources, the full implementation of pledges is unlikely,’ Dr Twinoburyo says.

‘A recent analysis of the NDP and its implementation revealed persistent issues such as corruption, institutional weaknesses, loopholes in public expenditure, poor coordination among institutions, and weaknesses in public finance management. These factors have collectively undermined development outcomes and cast doubt on the feasibility of future pledges,’ he adds.

Mr Museveni also pledged to strengthen the ‘Buy Uganda, Build Uganda’ (BUBU) policies to protect local industries and promote Ugandan products.

Infrastructure development featured prominently in the President’s campaign. He promised continued construction and upgrading of roads, especially feeder roads to ease access to markets for farmers. The President also pledged to expand electricity connectivity to rural areas, lower power tariffs for manufacturers and complete major energy projects to support industrial growth.

On transport, Mr Museveni reiterated his long-standing pledge to revive the railway network and improve water transport on Lake Victoria as a cheaper alternative for cargo movement.

Security remained a core pillar of President Museveni’s campaign. He pledged to maintain peace and stability, arguing that without security, economic development would be impossible. The President promised continued investment in the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) and other security agencies to protect Uganda’s sovereignty and combat emerging threats such as terrorism and cross-border crime.

The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) is intensifying efforts to reclaim the Busoga sub-region, which slipped into the hands of the opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) in the previous polls. However, political actors and residents say the ruling party faces an uphill task, citing unresolved grievances.

Former Iganga Municipality mayor David Balaba said the challenges that led to NRM’s poor performance in the last election remain largely unaddressed.

“What happened last time is most likely to happen again because the party has failed to solve the problems that affected it in the previous elections,” Balaba said.

He pointed to the army’s deployment on the lakes, which marginalized fishing communities, persistent complaints of unfair practices in the sugarcane sector, and the stalled development of Busoga University. “The government claimed it returned Busoga University to the people, but the work there is not moving as expected. People are watching,” he said.

Jinja Southern East councillor candidate Julius Kayiira argues that beyond specific policy issues, voter discontent with NRM’s long stay in power is the party’s biggest challenge.

“The major problem disturbing NRM is longevity in power. People are simply tired. Even if they do everything, they may not win back Ugandans,” Kayiira said.

He added that some voters are irritated by President Museveni’s continued appearance on the ballot, believing he has already done his part. “40 years is enough,” some say.

Kayiira echoed concerns about the militarisation of lakes in Busoga, saying the deployment harms livelihoods. “A lot of people have lost property and businesses because of the army presence on the lake. That has contributed greatly to the hatred of this government,” he said.

He cited abductions and alleged human rights violations, saying, “We have seen people being taken away by drones in an illegal way. Many people are in prison because of their political beliefs.”

Kayiira accused the government of meddling in Busoga Kingdom affairs, saying it has disheartened loyalists.

“For years, this government has used divide-and-rule tactics, funding factions vying for the Kyabazinga position, and our people know it,” he said.

Luuka District’s Karim Menya noted that such interference has undermined the kingdom’s neutrality. “This partisan influence has weakened the kingdom’s independence, stopping leaders from speaking openly on sub-region issues for fear of angering the government,” Menya said.

Resident Mariam Kagoda believes NRM will struggle in Busoga due to the fallout from the ruling party’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) elections, particularly the defeat of former Speaker Rebecca Kadaga.

“I am sure NRM is going to lose this region again because of the Kadaga effect. The way our daughter was treated was not called for,” Kagoda said.

Kadaga lost the NRM CEC election to Anita Among, the current Speaker of Parliament. After losing, Kadaga criticized the process, alleging bribery and intimidation, but later urged Basoga supporters to unite behind President Museveni.

In the 2021 elections, NUP leader Robert Kyagulanyi defeated Museveni in Busoga by 32,197 votes. Museveni won only three districts, while Kyagulanyi took seven.

NRM is now working to regain ground, citing efforts to address past issues. First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga said the party is gradually regaining support, highlighting improvements in the sugarcane sector and infrastructure projects.

Uganda’s transport minister, Gen Katumba Wamala, has expressed concern over structural damage on a key road in the Bunyoro sub-region, warning that the affected section may require full reconstruction rather than routine maintenance.

The Hoima-Kaiso-Tonya Road, constructed by Turkish firm Kolin Construction Ltd between 2011 and 2014 at a cost of Shs314 billion and fully funded by the government, links Kaiso in Hoima District to Kyehooro in Kikuube District in the Albertine oil graben.

During an inspection tour on Friday, Gen Wamala said the road exhibited cracks and signs that ‘the entire earth mass may have shifted, similar to landslides experienced in Bududa District.’ He noted that technical experts are yet to determine the exact cause.

‘This road was constructed between 2011 and 2014, but during our inspection, we realized that there has been a failure of the road, which is not normal. We are trying to establish the cause,’ the minister said.

‘This situation does not call for maintenance. It may require total reconstruction. But before we recommend reconstruction, we must first establish the real cause of the problem,’ he added.

Gen Wamala also visited ongoing road projects critical for Uganda’s oil and transport sectors.

The 43-kilometre Kabwoya-Buhuka Road, connecting to the Kingfisher Oil Development Area in Kikuube District, is being upgraded to a Class II bitumen standard at a cost of Shs263 billion (about $ 71.2 million).

The road is being constructed by China Railway Seventh Group Co. Ltd and is currently 15 percent complete.

Project Manager Titus Alepele said the main challenge has been financial, with the contractor temporarily abandoning the site due to non-payment.

He added that the project is implemented under a pre-financing arrangement and expects progress to now accelerate.

The minister also inspected Kabalega International Airport in Hoima District, where he was told the facility is scheduled for handover on March 31 this year.

On Thursday, Gen Wamala visited the 105-kilometre Kamwenge-Kyenjojo-Kyegegwa Road, including the Kihura-Bwizi-Rwamwanja-Kahunge (68 km) and Mpara-Bwizi (38 km) sections, along with 20 kilometres of paved town roads.

Constructed by Arab Contractors (Osman Ahmed Osman and Co) at Shs463.7 billion from the Islamic Development Bank, the project is expected to be completed in three years.

The minister said the contractor is progressing well, but only 31 percent of land belonging to Project Affected Persons (PAPs) has been compensated, highlighting the need for the government to release funds to ensure timely completion.

Finally, after five years of non-stop media, bar, pork joint, health club, burial site, and media discussions about the 2026 General Election, it is just days away.

Incidentally, it says something about how central politics is to everything in Uganda that hardly had the dust settled on the 2021 General Election, than we started speculating about 2026.

In many ways, this has been a disappointing campaign by all political parties and all eight presidential candidates.

More news was made by the crackdown on and bullying of Opposition supporters, the blocking of campaign venues, and the one-sidedness of the State-owned media than the campaign messages themselves.

It was a campaign more from 1996 than reflecting the realities and needs of 2026.

Because of the Covid-19 lockdown, the last election season of 2020 was branded a ‘scientific campaign’, with no crowds permitted to form and candidates encouraged to use the news media and social networking platforms.

The 2025 campaign season should have built on this. The 2020 season should have made them realise that a campaign, not just at the parliamentary level but up to the presidential, can be conducted entirely via the media. Not only is it much cheaper that way; it is less time-consuming and exhausting. Most importantly of all, it reaches many more people.

An appearance on a radio station in Jinja or Mbarara, Gulu or Masaka, will be heard by, say, 30,000 people. This is a small audience for radio, but in a sports stadium or Boma Grounds, this is a huge, impressive crowd.

Campaign posters whose colours fade in the sun or rain, or which are torn down by rival camps, remain intact on social media and, of course, do not require millions of shillings to print.

Whichever way one measures it, the scientific campaign of 2020 was beneficial and should have become the new standard.

Instead, presidential and other candidates reverted to the 1990s campaign style that emphasises posters and physical crowds.

Bobi Wine

One of the youngest presidential candidates in this race, Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, of NUP is the one I would have expected to be most in touch with the technological trends and tools shaping the 21st Century economy and society.

Kyagulanyi should have driven a message about digitisation and deploying the latest digital technology to try and develop or revamp Uganda.

Instead, like candidates Yoweri Museveni of NRM and Nandala Mafabi of FDC, Bobi Wine, in his campaign messages, promised the standard analogue-era deliverables – jobs, better schools, better hospitals.

Mugisha Muntu

Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu of ANT, in particular, was disappointing because he had so much going for him.

Muntu has always been viewed as an elite, or elitist, or liked by the elite. For most politicians, this is derogatory, as most of them prefer to be thought of as being ‘a man of the people’.

But in marketing, this is a useful and important demarcation. Muntu should have embraced this ‘elitist’ identity and focused his campaign on the 10 main towns, rather than get a paltry 100,000 votes after spending five months crisscrossing the country, failing to connect with rural peasants and losing valuable time to engage with town elites.

Most current and former soldiers respect Gen Muntu for his integrity and discipline. He should have known this reputation and built a campaign message around it.

He did emphasise discipline in an address to the press upon his nomination, but out on the campaign trail, he seems to have dropped it and chose to focus on the usual mundane promises.

Nandala Mafabi

Likewise, Nandala Mafabi went about on a nationwide campaign but failed to gain much traction.

Since he already enjoys meaningful political support in Bugisu Sub-region, he could have abandoned certain regions like the west and focused his effort entirely on Bugishu, Busia, and maybe Busoga.

At several campaign stops, he highlighted his professional training as an accountant and promised accountability if elected and better service delivery.

On paper, his campaign message made sense, but he should have tapped into something deeper than tax and accounting messages. After all, the runaway corruption in Uganda over the past 35 years is not because Uganda is short of ACCA graduates or professional auditors.

It sounds a bit crude, but the most realistic messaging from Mafabi should have been one of ‘it’s our turn to eat’, on behalf of eastern Uganda.

Maybe not put so crudely, but an argument along the lines of eastern Uganda having never yet had a head of state since independence, would sell.

Mafabi should also have appreciated the deep resentment felt in parts of the country at his role in the break-up of the FDC party and addressed it as a way to win back some sympathy.

Yoweri Museveni

NRM presidential candidate Museveni also ran a confusing campaign.

He, more than the other seven presidential candidates, knows or should know that a large part of politics is identity and strong feelings of justice.

The reason his Popular Resistance Army (PRA) merged with Yusufu Lule’s Uganda Freedom Fighters in 1981 was to broaden the PRA’s appeal beyond Banyankore and Banyarwanda.

The reason he has tended to have a Catholic vice president or ministers from certain regions was to appeal to popular perception and sentiment.

In this 2025-2026 campaign, however, he decided to focus about 90 percent of his messaging on development economics and microfinance.

Essentially, his presidential tour was a PDM countrywide review – seeds given to this community, goats to that village, cash to this Sacco, fishing nets to that canoe landing site.

It did not occur to him that perhaps the widespread resentment of the NRM in certain parts of the country might be because of the blatant impunity and the jailing of Opposition supporters, not necessarily poverty.

Whoever is announced the winner at the end of this week, it will not be an ideal choice for the mountain of nearly intractable problems that Uganda faces today.

We shall need to look outside the next government to tackle these challenges.