Category: Daily Monitor

The government has upgraded its copyright management system to effectively collect royalties for performing artists. Minister of State for Culture, Peace Mutuuzo, announced that the system can now monitor how frequently artists’ work is used.

“We have to upgrade the system for it to be able to follow you. Those who are using it as ringtones, those who are using copyright on a media platform, like on radios and television, those who are using it in hotels, we are now upgrading to put a device that will be able to monitor how often they use it,” Mutuuzo said.

She added that negotiations have been done with user facilities to pay a specific amount of money annually, which will be distributed to artists.

“But also, since we can now monitor how many times Juiana Kanyomozi’s song has been played on NTV or has been played on somebody’s phone as a ringtone, we’ll be able to put certain percentages for each person’s music for as long as they have uploaded their work on that digital platform system. The realities can be collected with ease,” she said.

Mutuuzo noted that digitalization has led to the evolution of copyright infringement, with users shifting from physical media to digital systems. Previously, artists lost out on business, only earning money when they performed live.

Speaking at the Uganda One Festival, Mutuuzo disclosed that the government has set aside Shs28 billion to capitalize creative artists’ businesses, with some SACCOs already benefiting.

“For anybody who wants to create a show or make a show, you can borrow the money from your own SACCOs because each of them have associations. We are going to develop their SACCOs and within the associations we are going to give them money to capitalize their business,” she said.

Solomon Aboda, National Organizing Committee Chairperson, said the festival involved creatives from all regions, showcasing Uganda’s rich heritage through art, music, and culture. The Uganda One Festival is expected to boost the country’s economy, with the creative sector contributing over Shs2 trillion annually.

Sylvia Awor, Director Operation Wealth Creation, said plans are underway to hold regional festivals that will climax into a national festival.

“We are going to make sure that we contribute to the economy of Uganda as we take part in the tenfold growth strategy,” she said.

In 1998, two years after President Museveni won the first of six and counting elective terms, the central bank introduced the Shs50 coin. Together with the Shs100, Shs200, and Shs500 coins, it was part of a new series of denominations, following the one issued in 1987, and it was intended to combat inflation. With Ugandans preparing to go to the polls next week, Philip Matogo looks at how the coins, intended to curb price increases, have fared.

On November 12, 2025, the US Mint officially ceased production of the one-cent coin (penny), ending 232 years of circulation to cut costs, as each penny cost about four cents to produce. While existing pennies remain legal tender, the move eliminates new production of the coin, saving an estimated $56 million (Shs201.4 billion) annually.

US businesses are increasingly adopting ‘nearest-nickel’ rounding for cash transactions only. For example, a total of $1.02 (Shs3,669.7) would round down to $1.00 (Shs3,597.75), while $1.03 (Shs3,705.68) would round up to $1.05 (Shs3,777.64). However, electronic payments (debit/credit cards, mobile wallets) are not affected and will continue to be charged to the exact cent.

While Americans are punning about how this move makes ‘cents’ (read sense), the smart money in Uganda points to our economy following suit. The Ugandan penny or coin has been losing real value over the years. Indeed, a coin’s purchasing power is poorly adjusted to changes in the price level, specifically inflation or deflation. This is not good. Since, even in America, top rapper 50 Cent (real name Curtis Jackson) thought about adjusting his name to inflation.

He humorously calculated the purchasing power of ’50 cents’ in the year he started his career (or was born) would be worth today, suggesting names like ’85 Cent,’ ‘109 Cent,’ or even ‘$2.50’ to reflect the diminished value of the dollar over time. Uganda may have to make similar considerations.

Falling value

In the late ’90s, a Shs50 coin could fetch chewing gums such as Orbit or Big G (both made by the East African Wrigley Company). That’s why before a group of friends would start their day together, they would invariably buy chewing gum for everybody. Today, Orbit is known as PK and you can’t purchase it for anything less than Shs200.

At any rate, the value of the coin has reduced significantly over the years. So, what if Uganda also ditched the coin? Some economists I spoke to say the disappearance of small-denomination coins such as the US penny, has a negligible impact on overall inflation because broad economic forces like labour costs and money supply, not tiny rounding rules, drive inflation. This may not be entirely true. If I could buy chewing gum in the past for a fraction of what I can buy chewing gum for today, then the coins full disappearance will see the cost of chewing gum rounded off to the nearest note currency shilling. This means chewing gum will likely cost Shs1,000.

Many Ugandans tend to chew gum like Sir Alex Ferguson, who is estimated to have chewed at least 3,000 packets of chewing gum during his 26-year tenure as Manchester United manager. Throughout his 1,500 matches in charge, he was notorious for chewing gum on the sidelines to manage stress and, at times, aggressively express tension during games. That’s about Shs3m worth of chewing gum, if the price of PK is rounded off to the nearest note currency shilling.

Taxis, bodas and booze

In the ’90s, one could board a taxi for Shs500 from Makindye to the Old Taxi Park. Then grab another taxi from the park to Muyenga for about Shs1,000. Sometimes, it could be Shs700. That means with Shs3,000, one could go from Makindye to Muyenga and back for a song, as it were. Today, you’d be hard-pressed to find a taxi that can take you for less than Shs1,000, even if you’re going from Ntinda to Bukoto.

Before commercial motorcyclists came on the scene, the boda bodas were bicycles. They cost anywhere from Shs200 to Shs500 as long as your journey did not exceed two kilometres. Then the motorbikes came in and suddenly, we found ourselves paying Shs500 to Shs1,000 for the same route. This counting of pennies did not make us pound foolish, so to speak.

Beer was retailed at Shs2,000 in 1997. With Shs10,000, then, one could buy more than one row in a crate of beers. In fact, a crate was about Shs25,000 wholesale. Say you went to a place like Yakobo’s Pork Joint, previously located where Fraine Supermarket Ntinda is today, and ordered some ‘past presidents.’ That was cultural shorthand for pork, thanks to President Museveni’s colourful description of Uganda’s former presidents. Anyway, the pork was Shs2,500 per stick and their beer was about the same price. If you had Shs30,000 on you, you could party until the evening adjourned itself to dawn.

The coin of vantage

The coins added to the overall cost of items, specifically the Shs500 on pork or beer, were like an unspoken compromise struck between the seller and buyer. The seller, by adding a Shs500 markup on the beer and pork, was triggering in the buyer intense psychological reactions serving as a ‘hook’ that overrides rational thinking, stimulating a dopamine-driven ‘reward’ response in the buyer for only having to pay a paltry Shs500. It’s a bait and sell tactic used by a certain bookshop in town.

Pricing their books at Shs99,999 or Shs99 is a powerful psychological strategy known as ‘charm pricing,’ designed to make products feel significantly cheaper. It leverages the ‘left-digit effect,’ where consumers subconsciously anchor on the first digit (99,999) rather than rounding up to the next whole number (100,000), despite the one-cent or Shs1 difference. Coins are essential to charm pricing.

Sodas and chocolates

At Makerere University in the late ’90s, male students of a romantic cast of mind would often buy their love interests soda or chocolate. It would sweeten the proposition of boy and girl falling in love. These were also digestifs or aperitifs, taken before one would ‘roll’ down to Wandegeya for the grand meal: chicken and chips. The chicken was between Shs2,000 and Shs3,500 and the chips about Shs1,000. Shs10,000 could give you major dating ‘street cred’ with the ladies. Even if you decided to take her out to town, the taxi ride from Wandegeya to Pioneer Mall in the City Centre was Shs500 per head. Clearly, as you can surely see, pennies turned one into a Penny Lover.

Dating was a lot cheaper in the ’90s. Everything was within reach, it seemed. Even the cost of Cadbury chocolate would not exceed Shs4,000. So, campus girls put on weight, in the right places, thanks to all the fast foods, chocolates and soda they could get from penny-happy boyfriends.

No more bargains

If the Ugandan government decides to do away with the coin, the perception of a bargain may go with it. To be sure, prices ending in 99 cents are often associated with sales, discounts, or a good deal, which encourages quicker purchase decisions. If there are no coins to execute this obvious financial trick, businesses like the bookshop I mentioned earlier are likely to be affected. It felt better buying that book somewhere at Shs299,999, but Shs300,000 is asking for a little too much.

If there are no more coins, impulse buys will also take a hit. As you might be aware, low-cost or impulse-buy are based on saving every penny. Including pennies in the price of an item makes it look marginally cheaper and thus motivates consumers to purchase it without much rational thought because the price appears very affordable.

One cannot impulsively make a decision on what to buy when the cost of what one seeks to buy is not for the impulsive but for the seemingly rich.

The vanishing of coins in the Ugandan economy is likely to expose many companies for what they truly are. Retailers use the illusion of reduced costs by using pennies to create an image of offering the lowest possible price or a competitive deal, which influences consumer behaviour even if the Shs1 or so difference is negligible. Without coins or pennies, buyers are likely to bemoan more about an expensive economy; yet the doing away with coins will make that reality less financially painful than one thinks.

Steady progress

There is another way to look at the potential disappearance of coins from the market. Coins are largely used to buy what in economics are known as inferior goods. These are products for which demand decreases as consumer income rises. Unlike “normal goods,” where demand grows alongside wealth, inferior goods are often lower-cost alternatives that people stop buying once they can afford more expensive substitutes.

In terms of inferior goods, rolexes replace tacos, cassava replaces chips and kikomando is preferred to an English Breakfast or katogo. If Uganda no longer has use for coins, inferior goods will become slightly more expensive as a Rolex will not be found for Shs1,500. It will be upwards of Shs2,000 or Shs3,000. Overall, the economy (with regard to snacks) will seem pimped up, as it were, to serve richer Ugandans. This could lead to what is known in economics as conspicuous consumption, the practice of purchasing and using goods or services of a higher quality, price, or quantity than practical to publicly display economic power and social status. Thereby, increasing consumerism as the pennywise we become more pound foolish.

Background

In June 2023, Bank of Uganda told the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that it was conducting a cost-benefit analysis to replace low-denomination notes with coins.

A letter of Intent signed by Finance Minister Matia Kasaija and Bank of Uganda Executive Director Research Adam Mugume noted that printing costs for banknotes had escalated, necessitating a study to see which ones can be replaced with coins.

In a subsequent interview, Mugume said they would start with the Shs1,000 note, and move on to others.

That was slightly over two years ago. Even as Mugume had noted that the procurement process had been put in place, the note remains in circulation.

In fact, in another letter to the IMF in April last year, Bank of Uganda recommitted itself in response to an IMF recommendation to cut the cost of money.

The process seemed, gauging from the commitments above, to be on track, but now seems to be hanging.

Why? Because the cost comparison has since tilted in favour of bank notes, unlike before when coining seemed to sway decision makers.

Bank of Uganda insists that the plan is still on the table, but without timelines.

The State House Anti-Corruption Unit arrested four Kotido municipality officials on Friday evening over the mismanagement of Shs1 billion meant for road rehabilitation and maintenance in the 2024/2025 financial year.

The arrested officials are Emmanuel Okaja, the Town Clerk, Gasper Okidi, the Senior Civil Engineer, Deo Akello Nyanga, the Senior Internal Auditor, and John Bosco Lokure, the Assistant Inventory Officer.

According to Anti-Corruption Unit spokesperson Miriam Natasha, the officials allegedly embezzled over Shs200 million meant for procuring construction materials, including 1,735.7 trips of gravel, 250 bags of cement, 20 trips of hardcore, and 10 trips of sand.

“In addition, the town clerk and senior civil engineer are accused of neglecting their official duties by failing to supervise, monitor and ensure compliance with approved guidelines during construction and maintenance of several roads,” Natasha said.

The affected roads include Miresiae-Napawu Road, Morungor-Kotyanga Road, Nangayum-Kawlapei Road, Chairman’s Road, and Romrom-Nakutakuwam Road. Natasha emphasized that the unit aims to ensure allocated funds are used effectively for better service delivery.

“The unit is out to ensure that money allocated to various sectors across the country is maximally put to good use, for the betterment of service delivery,” she said.

Kotido resident Mark Lokwang called for a wider investigation involving politicians, saying they are part of the mismanagement of funds. “A wider investigation should also be done to involve politicians across Kotido district, saying that they are part of the accomplices in the mismanagement of funds sent to the districts,” Lokwang said.

“Even the district roads under Kotido district local government remain in a pathetic situation, yet they are told that each year money is allocated. So we equally think, this money is ever being eaten,” he added.

The arrested officials are expected to be arraigned in the Anti-Corruption Court soon. The case highlights concerns about road management in Karamoja, where poor infrastructure has been a contentious issue in ongoing campaigns.

Prisoners in Uganda do not vote, but prison warders and their families who reside in the prison quarters are eligible voters. Our survey in the run up to next week’s polls reveals only National Resistance Movement (NRM) party candidates have been allowed to campaign or display posters within Uganda’s largest prison in Uganda.

There was no sign of any poster of Opposition candidate inside the gates of Luzira Prison. But data from the Electoral Commission (EC) shows that in 2021, Luzira Prisons Parish had five polling stations with 4,146 registered voters. These stations included Murchison Bay Primary School, Staff Nursery School, In front of Murchison Bay Prison, Football Playground and Remand Prison.

But Opposition politicians say access to these polling stations by their candidates have been unfairly restricted while their counterparts from the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party are allowed to freely roam the area and canvass votes.

Exclusive NRM posters?

In July, ahead of the NRM party primaries, posters of candidates from different political parties were pinned or plastered across Kampala and its suburbs. But within the precincts of Luzira, our reporter saw only NRM posters gracing the poles, and tree trunks. Could have this been some random occurrence? Not at all, because the residents in the prison quarters know better, as one confides: ‘In a secret ballot, we vote for candidates of our choices. But the Opposition candidates are not allowed to campaign or pin their posters here.’ ‘Only yellow posters and campaigns are allowed,’ another said, referring to NRM party candidates.

Unsurprisingly, in 2021, Mr Yoweri Museveni, the NRM presidential candidate, got 1,017 votes, translating into 67.08 percent of the ballot cast there. His closest rival, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi of National Unity Platform (NUP) party, got 422 votes, representing 27.84 percent. Until 2025, Luzira Prisons Parish constituency had been divided into Luzira Prisons I and II.

In 2021, all the three councillors, namely Stephen Pariyo, Richard Bokyangana, and Prossy Nanfuka Kasule, the Woman councillor, were NRM candidates.

But Mr Pius Jadwar told us that two days after his nomination as NUP party contestant for Luzira Prisons Parish councillor, last September, he was arrested by the prison officers.

‘I had gone with the party officials to visit our political prisoners. On our way out, I was arrested and interrogated,’ Mr Jadwar told Monitor last October, which was two months ago.

‘That’s when they told me my party had to write to the prisons commissioner for permission to campaign inside the prisons,’ he added.

Nakawa Division mayor Paul Mugambe, who joined politics as a polling agent for presidential candidate Paul Kawanga Ssemwogerere in 1996, said the selective restriction is one of the signs that the NRM party has never embraced free and fair elections.

‘It’s highly risky for us to take our posters there but our NRM opponents face no restrictions at all,’ Mr Mugambe said. But Mr Peter Muyombya, who is contesting on the NRM party ticket as councillor for Nakawa Division East in Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), also said last month he had not yet campaigned in the prison.

Mr Mugambe said the posters and campaigns are equally important, but admitted that campaigns may be a security risk in a place like prisons.

‘It’s understandable if campaigns are not allowed there. But it doesn’t make sense to block some and allow others.’

He said where campaigns are not allowed, posters help a potential voter identify a candidate’s face and do some research before making a choice.

‘And all candidates should be allowed to pin their posters inside the prison gates because they pose no security threat. Instead, the NRM candidates get an unhealthy advantage over others because they are allowed to campaign and pin posters,’Mr Mugambe stated.

Mr Godfrey Luyombya, a councillor and speaker at Nakawa Division, and an NUP party member, said as result of barring some campaign posters, many voters reach the polling day without basic knowledge of all the candidates, except those vying for parliamentary or presidential posts.

The stakeholders alleged the restricted areas become dens for malpractices, including ballot stuffing.

‘If warders are ferried in to vote, how easy is it for the Opposition candidates to question their eligibility under such tense circumstances?’ Mr Luyombya said.

He added: ‘The candidate might be bold against rigging, but not the agents. Sometimes the perpetrators are armed. If you resist, they can drag you away. By the time you return, it’s too late.’ Sometimes, he said, even the media is not spared. Mr Mugambe was a victim of such underhand action in 2021.

‘On polling day, my agents were denied entry at the quarter guard until 3pm,’ he said. ‘By the time they entered, all the ballot booklets had been used up. I lost nearly 5,000 votes.’

‘Against the law’

Mr Luyombya said this situation causes low voter turnout. He also said oftentimes, some warders and their families are transferred without updating the voter register.

‘Of the nearly 5,000 voters in the parish, a councillor might get just 300 votes. Many warders may not travel back to vote for councillors yet local government representatives are the most crucial in service delivery,’ he added.

Even the presidential elections are affected. The EC figures show that of the 4,146 registered voters, only 1,516 voted in 2021. Section 21 of the Presidential Elections Act, 2005, allows every candidate to hold individual public campaign meetings in any part of Uganda in accordance with any existing law.

What the law says

Section 39 of the Presidential Elections Act, 2005, stipulates the special procedure for voting in restricted areas like prisons and barracks and operation areas.

However, Sub-section 3 says: ‘An area provided for voting for members of the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces shall be outside of any barracks and the commission shall not create any special or separate polling station exclusively for the army or any other security personnel.’

In the 2021 General Election, voting at Mbuya military barracks happened outside the gates, as the law requires, although Mr Mugambe alleged there were cases of multiple voting and intimidation. He expressed shock that the Prisons authorities insist on voting inside the gates, which violates the law. Elsewhere, voting at Lugore Prison in Gulu in the 2021 General Election, was conducted outside the quarter guard. Similarly, our correspondent in Mbarara, who covered the 2016 and 2021 polls, confirmed that polling happened at Rubiri outside the Makenke Barracks.

Likewise, at Mbarara Central Prison in a Kiswahili Cell, the voting happened outside the prison gates. But our correspondent said these military and prison barracks are still dens of electoral malpractices, including during the recent NRM primaries where the candidates complained that the votes tallied outnumbered the registered voters. At Kabalye Police Training School in Masindi, our correspondent said voting happened outside the barracks.

Is EC complicit?

Mr Jadwar said before nomination, he secretly accessed the Luzira Prison voters. First, they were surprised by the audacity of an NUP candidate to contest in an area almost virtually gazetted for NRM.

‘They told me the voting was already done. ‘Whoever won the NRM primaries is only waiting to swear in,’ Mr Jadwar said. It is a foregone conclusion. To be nominated, a parish councillor needed a proposer, a seconder and 10 signatories. ‘But most people pulled out under intimidation and we had to look for new ones,’ Mr Jadwar said.

Some of the voters told us that some prison officers who backed Mr Jadwar were transferred immediately. However, we could not independently verify the claim.

But what are the chances that the Opposition candidates will be allowed to campaign or pin their posters within the prison gates? ‘Zero percent,’ said Mr Mugambe, who will defend his Nakawa Division mayoral seat on the Independent ticket after losing the NUP party flag to Mr Ali Buken, aka Nubian Li.

‘It’s very impossible for an NUP, PFF [People’s Front for Freedom], and FDC [Forum for Democratic Change] candidate to have that freedom.’ Mr Mugambe accused the EC of complicity. ‘The pre-ticking and ballot stuffing happens in prison and military quarters. And the returning officers do nothing about it.’

Prison contradicts EC

Surprisingly, the claims that voting happens inside Luzira Prison gates was news to Mr Julius Mucunguzi, the EC spokesperson.

‘You are lying outright because there’s no polling station in any restricted area in Uganda, including in prisons,’ he challenged.

Mr Mucunguzi added: ‘Have you seen one? What is its number? Electoral laws do not permit setting up polling stations in barracks and restricted places. Polling stations are supposed to be in public spaces that are accessible to all the voters. So, if anybody is aware of a polling station that exists in a restricted area, they should bring that evidence to the Commission as a complaint.’

He further argued that if there are polling stations inside a prison then it ceases to be a restricted area, as defined by the law.

Was Mr Mucunguzi, however, genuinely ignorant or just being defensive?

The EC’s own list of polling stations, published in New Vision on September 24, 2025, indicated that Luzira Prison’s polling stations were increased from six to 10. Even the Uganda Prisons Service spokesperson, Mr Frank Baine, said he votes inside the prison. ‘But a prison or a barracks is a restricted area. And whoever accesses it must follow a procedure, which starts with seeking permission from the Commissioner General. I’m sure the same applies to Mbuya [military barracks], Nsambya and Kibuli [police barracks]. And it is the politicians who made those laws, not us,’ Mr Baine told Daily Monitor in October 2025.

He added: ‘That’s why they pushed the elections outside the barracks. Because if the elections must happen outside the prison, should the campaigns happen inside?’ Mr Baine denied knowledge of how NRM posters are pinned inside the prison quarters. ‘I don’t know which posters are there or who put them there.’

On whether or not voting will for the first time happen outside the prison gates, Mr Baine was noncommittal. ‘Prisons don’t gazette electoral areas. That’s the duty of the Electoral Commission,’ he stated.

Case of defacing posters

In August 2025, the NUP party Entebbe Chapter launched the ‘Hands off My Poster Campaign’ to counter the rampant defacing of their posters, allegedly, by military personnel. ‘We have been suffocated because every poster we pin up, the military, comes at night and removes it, then during the day, some NRM youth are instructed to remove any NUP poster they see if they can remove it,’ Mr John Mugabi, the NUP flag bearer for the Entebbe Division B chairperson post, told Daily Monitor, an allegation we could not verify.

Mr Mugabi said the military action has affected NUP party candidates’ visibility in the municipality, because visitors to the country are welcomed by only President Museveni’s posters.

Exclusive display in Entebbe

‘In Old Entebbe, for example, one of the key villages has a polling station but no NUP party member is allowed to enter there. We are competing but don’t have the access to the voters or access to certain electoral areas but the EC does nothing,’ Mr Mugabi said. Other NUP party candidates further alleged that the military beat up and arrested NUP youth, destroying their campaign materials at night.

Ms Betty Ethel Naluyima said defacing of posters is rampant in the wider Wakiso District, where she is the Woman Member of Parliament. But Daily Monitor found a good number of red/blue posters, especially on the Hoima Road stretch and around Wakiso District headquarters. Meanwhile, only NRM party candidate Museveni’s posters are pinned at Entebbe International Airport and the airport’s roads. Ms Naluyima also accused the EC of looking the other way as security personnel breach the electoral law. ‘We expect the EC to come out and make statements about the posters that have been removed on Entebbe Road. The police have got reports on this matter but we don’t see their response,’ Ms Naluyima, the NUP flag bearer said.

She added: ‘We need fairness. We also have posters that can go inside the airport. In a multiparty system, some places cannot be for only a few people.’ Mr Mucunguzi echoed the law, which gives liberty to, especially presidential candidates, to campaign anywhere across the country using legal means like printing pamphlets, posters, leaflets, among others. ‘But where and how they place and distribute such material is not the responsibility of the Electoral Commission,’ he said. However, Mr Muzunguzi added that the Commission can handle formal complaints of candidates who have been denied access to pin up their posters.

‘But the Commission has not received any such complaints,’ Mr Mucunguzi said.

Defacing campaign posters contravenes Section 78 of the Presidential Elections Act 2005. Mr Mucunguzi said: ‘If any candidate has evidence of anybody defacing their posters, they can sue such a person.’ In 2020, Ms Effrance Musimenta Mbagaya, who was Uganda Civil Aviation Authority (UCAA)’s acting director for human resource and administration, was sued for allegedly sanctioning the removal of Mr Museveni’s campaign posters that had been pinned at the UCAA offices in Entebbe. The State, however, later dropped the charges.

The UCAA public affairs manager, Mr Vianney Luggya, had by press time not answered our calls and queries on complaints from Opposition candidates being denied access to pin posters at the airport and the airport road, like Mr Museveni.

How polling stations were removed from barracks, operational areas

The Presidential Act, 2000, was amended in 2005 to include Section 39, which spelt out special procedure of voting in restricted areas such as prisons, barracks, and operation areas. This followed a petition by Dr Kizza Besigye challenging the results of the 2001 presidential elections. Most of his grievances were against President-elect Yoweri Museveni and the Electoral Commission, and involved the men and women in uniform.

Sub-section 3 of the Act says: ‘An area provided for voting for members of the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces [UPDF] shall be outside of any barracks and the Commission shall not create any special or separate polling station exclusively for the army or any other security personnel.’ But five years later, Mr Erias Lukwago, in his final year as Kampala Central MP, dragged the EC to court against illegal polling stations, including several at Summit View military barracks in Kololo, and Kitante Courts Directorate of Military Intelligence (CMI).Mr Lukwago, just like Dr Besigye, claimed that polling stations in barracks were vote-rigging dens. In October 2010, the Kampala High Court concurred with Mr Lukwago and ordered the EC to relocate the three polling stations at Nommo Gallery, Summit View Hill, and CMI Kitante to civilian centres. In the previous month, this publication reported that the EC, then headed by Dr Badru Kiggundu agreed to relocate polling stations from military barracks in Kampala Central Division. The move followed the MP Lukwago’s August 2010 case filed at the High Court, seeking the relocation of the polling stations.In a four-hour closed door meeting with the EC chairperson, after field visits to the sites, this publication reported at the time that it was agreed that the polling stations at Nommo Gallery in Nakasero would be relocated to All Saints’ Church, Nakasero. The Electoral Commission (EC) complied, but 14 years later, data from the same electoral body shows that in 2021, Luzira Prisons Parish constituency had five polling stations with 4,146 registered voters. These stations included Murchison Bay Primary School, Staff Nursery School, In front of Murchison Bay Prison, Football Playground and Remand Prison.The EC’s own list of polling stations, published in New Vision on September 24, 2025, indicated that Luzira Prison’s polling stations were increased from six to 10. Luzira Prisons polling stations 001: Murchison Bay Primary School (Village 1)002: Staff Nursery School (Village 5)003: In front of Murchison Bay Prison (Village 3)004: Football Playground (A-KW)005: Remand Prison006: Murchison Bay Primary School (Village 2)007: Staff Nursery School (Village 6)008: In front of Murchison Bay Prison (Village 8)009: In front of Murchison Bay Prison (Village 9)010: Football Playground (KY-Z)

Ugandan Juma Miyaji was among seven young bowlers selected from seven different African countries for the International League (IL) T20 Season 4 Africa nominations – an initiative driven by International Cricket Council (ICC) Chair of the Associate Members and ILT20 Commissioner.

The programme guarantees associate nations a presence within one of the world’s fastest-growing franchise leagues, offering exposure that domestic competitions simply cannot replicate.

Cricket Uganda chairman Jackson Kavuma believes that emphasis must now be placed on recognising the intent and impact behind the move.

‘We thank Mubashshir for this initiative towards our players and Associate cricket development,’ said Kavuma. ‘Now, the first step has been taken and all that is required is more visibility to the ILT20. The ILT20 Africa version being rolled out across the continent is significant, especially in talent identification and development, too. It is a good launchpad.’

More than a call-up

For Miyaji, a bowling all-rounder who has already featured at two World Cups (U-19 in 2022 and Seniors in 2024), the stint with Gulf Giants was transformative. Training under elite coaches and bowling to international stars sharpened both his technical skill and professional mindset.

‘Being part of this season’s ILT20 in UAE has been a true privilege,’ Miyaji said. ‘Playing with high quality players obviously helps me improve my game. The coaches – especially former New Zealand opening bowler Shane Bond – embraced me and helped me learn a lot.’

While Miyaji did not feature in matches, the net sessions, tactical meetings and daily intensity represented a level of cricket education rarely available to associate players.

Leadership watching closely

Kavuma was present during the closing stages of the tournament, witnessing first-hand the scale and professionalism of the league. He also handed over the Player of the Match award to Sunil Narine after Abu Dhabi Knight Riders’ 50-run Eliminator victory over Dubai Capitals on January 1.

Though ADKR later fell short by 7 wickets against Mumbai Indians Emirates in Qualifier 2, the tournament finale itself – watched by a packed Dubai International Stadium yesterday – showcased the commercial and developmental reach of ILT20.

Among the spectators were administrators, legends of the game, and Ugandan leadership including Kavuma and former Cricket Uganda chairman Bashir Ansasiira, who also serves as chairman of ILT20 Africa.

The architect speaks

Usmani, who also chairs the ICC Development Committee, insists inclusion is central to ILT20’s philosophy.

‘One of the objectives of ILT20 is to provide opportunities to Associate nation players so that they too can benefit from sharing dressing rooms with the top players of world cricket,’ Usmani said. ‘Kavuma and Ansasiira have been instrumental in ensuring this objective is implemented.’

That alignment between administrators, franchises and associate boards is what gives the initiative sustainability beyond symbolic selection.

Africa’s wider footprint

Miyaji was joined by Katlo Piet (Botswana), Samuel Conteh (Sierra Leone), Martin Akayezu (Rwanda), Francis Mutua (Kenya), Peter Aho (Nigeria) and Mohammed Yunus Issa (Tanzania) – each attached to different franchises.

For Kavuma, this continental spread is critical.

‘This kind of storytelling goes a long way in strengthening partnerships and showcasing real impact beyond material support,’ he said.

THE TALKING POINT

SUSTAINABLE IMPACT

Future Pathways. Africa’s long-standing challenge has never been raw talent, but access. Initiatives like ILT20 Africa bridge that gap by placing associate players inside elite systems rather than outside looking in. The challenge now is continuity – ensuring these pathways are not one-off gestures but permanent fixtures that reshape Africa’s cricket economy and competitiveness.

ILT20 AFRICA – SEASON 4

Selected Players: 7

Countries: 7 African nations

Age Range: 22-24 years

Dominant skill: Bowlers selected

Teams involved: Gulf Giants, Sharjah Warriors, ADKR, Desert Vipers, Dubai Capitals, MI Emirates

God gave humans the commandment to worship Him, alone. He is worthy of our homage because we belong to Him (1 Peter 1:15-16). God prompts us to worship Him, the way we ought (Romans 8:26). This encounter is extended to the community in liturgical prayer. Being a corporate action, liturgy is governed by law and tradition so as to preserve its unity throughout the world and its fidelity to the message revealed by God. Authentic liturgical reform must respect continuity with the spiritual essence of the Mass. Sadly, some people try to make a sincere effort to simplify, demystify, and make liturgy more appealing, meaningful or contemporary, especially to children the youth, but this effort has often devolved into a form of liturgical minimalism.

It loses the value of silence and the sense of the sacred. This misconception not only introduces into the liturgy an element of subjectivism based on human concerns, but also divides the Church into age and taste groups. It usually creates problems of communion between priests and their people when a priest attempts to reform the liturgy in any given place to bring it into line with the Church’s liturgical law and tradition. Those who try to manipulate other people’s intellects and wills violate the freedom of the human person. When done in the name of God, it also violates God’s sovereignty over the intellect and will of man. Fabricated liturgy can be as harmful to spiritual life and growth as genetically modified organisms can be harmful to human health.

Conversion is about conscience

Conversion should not be seen principally as a dramatic emotional event accompanied by strong feelings. It is, rather, appreciated as the formation of the conscience under the grace of the Holy Spirit, to inform the intellect and strengthen the will to live the supernatural life of the virtues in union with Christ. Catholics define Eucharistic liturgy or Mass as a re-presentation of the Sacrifice of Christ to His Father on Calvary in the Holy Spirit. They adore Christ, whom they believe to be present, in consecrated bread and wine, whose reality has been changed into in Body and Blood, Soul and Divinity.

Mass is about God, not about ourselves. It is the apex of human obedience to the commandment to worship God. We should see it not as a spectacle but as a sacrifice to actively participate in. This sacrificial giving is the heart of worship. How the Church worships is a prophetic witness to the truth of what she professes. Good worship becomes a dynamic informs and transforms both the person and the worshiping community which participates in it. It finally draws the entire human community into the fullness of life in Jesus Christ.

What liturgy is

Liturgy is a gift from God, attuned to and ordered for the human person, but not of the human person. It is visible, audible, and tangible signs really do communicate God’s loving, enveloping, and permeating presence. It conforms and accustoms worshipers to the divine nature, to the life of heaven, to which they aspire, as their true abiding homeland. Liturgy is not a utility. If the figure of Christ does not emerge from it, it is not a Christian liturgy. “The mystery of the Eucharist is too great a gift to admit of ambiguities or reductions, above all when, stripped of its sacrificial meaning, it is celebrated as if it were simply a fraternal banquet.”- St. John Paul II. Liturgy is expressed in formulas and rites that have a beauty of their own, encouraging the contemplation of God’s mysteries. ‘By its nature, the liturgy can be pedagogically effective in helping the faithful to enter more deeply into the mystery being celebrated.’ – Pope Benedict XVI.

Liturgical music

The Church respects the power of liturgical music, with Gregorian chant (plainchant) holding a high distinction. Attributed to Pope Gregory I, it was standardised in the late ninth century. It is a genre of music dedicated to and performed exclusively within the Liturgy, keeping the mind focused on higher things. The melodies are sang in unison, without any fixed time-measurement, but according to the rhythm of the spoken language. Gregorian chant features texts derived from the Bible, safeguarding the unity, purity and clarity of the Church’s corporate worship. We only begin to understand the deepest logic of the liturgy when we have become totally transparent to the Divine Will; when our minds have been truly renewed in Christ. Christians are called upon to approach liturgical worship ready to offer their hearts and lives in true devotion and love for God (Catholic online).

As food safety concerns continue to pose significant health risks to Uganda’s population, particularly among pregnant women, lactating mothers, and young children, an estimated 1.3 million Ugandans are diagnosed with foodborne diseases each year, with children under five accounting for 40 percent of these cases. This persistent exposure to unsafe food has contributed to a heavy national malnutrition burden, with about 2.4 million children under five stunted and thousands more affected by wasting and micronutrient deficiencies.

However, as the first actors in the food value chain, farmers play a decisive role in determining whether food entering markets is safe and nutritious. Practices ranging from soil preparation, the use of agrochemicals, harvesting and post-harvest handling can either protect or compromise public health. Speaking during a national multi-stakeholder dialogue on food safety convened by the Ministry of Health in collaboration with the CASCADE project, experts stressed that addressing malnutrition and foodborne diseases requires strengthening food safety practices not only among vendors and processors but also at farm level.

Mr Henry Kimera, the Executive Director of the Global Consumer Centre Uganda, explained that while many food safety risks originate during production, this is often due to limited awareness among farmers, which leads them to engage in unsafe practices that directly compromise the quality and safety of food that reaches households. ‘There is need for deliberate efforts to build farmer awareness and capacity, to ensure that food safety is intentionally integrated into everyday farming practices,’ he said. As such, this can be achieved in the following ways.

Producing a quality culture

Understanding the right time to plant and harvest is key for farmers to be able to consistently produce high-quality, safe, and nutritious food. This not only benefits consumers, but also enhances the farmer’s reputation and income. This involves carefully observing crop maturity, including colour, texture, and firmness, to determine the optimal harvest time. In many cases, farmers are tempted to harvest early for quick sales. However, doing so often reduces the nutritional value of the produce and increases the risk of losses, as crops may spoil more quickly in storage or fail to meet market standards.

It is thus important to wait and harvest crops only when they are fully ripe, as this ensures maximum nutritional value, longer shelf life, and higher market quality. For instance, tomatoes harvested too early may be hard and lack flavour, while mangoes picked before maturity may not develop the natural sweetness that attracts buyers.

Ensure safe use of pesticides and herbicides

While using chemicals can be risky, handling pesticides and herbicides responsibly protects both farmers and the consumers of their produce. This involves selecting only approved and safe products, following their recommended dosages, and applying them correctly. According to Francis Asiimwe, an agro-chemicals expert, he explained that when farmers use the wrong pesticides or apply them excessively, this can leave harmful residues in fruits, vegetables and grains, degrade the soil, and cause health problems for consumers.

Asiimwe noted that many farmers use cheap or unlabelled chemicals thinking it will save them money, but these products can poison the food, harm the soil, and even make people sick. It is always safer to use approved pesticides the right way.’

Protect crop and soil nutrients

Nutrients play a crucial role in ensuring that crops grow strong, healthy, and rich in vitamins and minerals that consumers need. When soil lacks essential nutrients or becomes contaminated with harmful substances like heavy metals like lead, crops may fail to develop properly, and the food they produce can be unsafe for consumption. In essence, this contamination does not disappear during cooking as it enters the body of consumers, posing serious risks to children and pregnant women.

Farmers should therefore use clean water for irrigation, avoid planting near polluted sites, and apply safe fertilizers or compost to restore and maintain soil health. Additionally, routine inspection of fields is also important, particularly when chemicals are used, so that any abnormalities are detected early. Once contaminated produce is discovered, it should be separated immediately to prevent the spread of contamination to healthy crops, protecting both the quality of the harvest and the health of consumers.

Proper harvest handling

Proper handling after harvest is critical to preserving both the quality and safety of food. This involves investing in modern storage facilities that protect produce, such as fruits and vegetables, from pests, sunlight, and moisture. As farming practices evolve, farmers are embracing innovations such as green, well-managed stores, which not only extend the shelf life of their crops, but also serve as examples for farmer communities to replicate these methods. Farmers who sell directly to consumers are encouraged to adopt simple structures like food-grade kiosks or stalls.

These kiosks protect produce from dust, pests, and contamination while on display, ensuring that customers receive safe and high-quality food. Other simple practices include drying grains under clean covers and storing vegetables on raised racks can make a significant difference. Additionally, farmers should observe the recommended chemical withdrawal periods. This is the period between applying pesticides or herbicides and harvesting the crop, allowing time for any chemical residues to break down. Mr Kimera notes, ‘Waiting the appropriate number of days before selling ensures that produce is safe for consumption, free from harmful residues, and meets quality standards for the market.’

Farm hygiene and garbage sorting

Maintaining cleanliness on the farm is essential for preventing disease and protecting the food supply. As such one key factors that can affect food safety are farm equipment like tools or any machines used. For instance, rusted or dirty hoes, knives, and harvesting equipment can introduce bacteria or other contaminants into crops. Experts thus recommend using steel tools since these are easy to clean and maintain, ensuring produce stays safe from the farm to the market.

Regularly washing, sanitizing and storing tools properly also reduces contamination and spoilage. This is because farmers who maintain their equipment also find that crops last longer in storage and attract better prices, reinforcing the connection between hygiene, quality and income. It is also important to separate organic waste, which can be composted to enrich soil, from plastics and other non-biodegradable materials that should be safely disposed of. Sorting the waste prevents pests such as rodents and insects, reduces odours, and lowers the risk of soil and water contamination. A clean farm also makes it easier to spot early signs of disease, ensuring that both the farm and the food produced are safe for consumption.

In a bid to ensure safe and sustainable farming practices, farmers have been urged to comply with district by-laws and local regulations as following these rules not only helps prevent fines or shutdowns, but also strengthens the reputation of responsible farmers in the market.

In November 2025, the African Union (AU) appointed President Museveni to mediate the conflict in Sudan. This war has plunged the country into one of the gravest humanitarian crises in recent history. The conflict, which began in April 2023, has claimed more than 24,000 lives and displaced more than 13 million people.

The AU believes President Museveni’s long experience in regional diplomacy makes him a suitable choice to lead mediation efforts, especially after several international initiatives failed to bring the warring parties to the negotiating table. Under this mandate, President Museveni is expected to urge an immediate cessation of hostilities, facilitate the opening of humanitarian corridors, and promote inclusive political dialogue aimed at restoring peace and national reconciliation in Sudan.

In March 2025, President Museveni also deployed the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) to South Sudan at the request of President Salva Kiir. This intervention followed deadly clashes in which soldiers loyal to then Vice President Riek Machar mutinied and killed troops loyal to President Kiir in Nasir and parts of Juba. At the time, South Sudan stood on the brink of another devastating civil war that would likely have collapsed the government and created yet another failed state in the region. The UPDF remains deployed as regional leaders continue to pursue a lasting political solution through dialogue.

South Sudan has lived on the edge of instability since the death of its founding leader, John Garang, in a plane crash on July 30, 2005. His successor, President Kiir, has struggled to build a cohesive leadership with his former deputy, Mr Machar, whose political ambitions have repeatedly fuelled internal conflict. The country’s fragile tribal dynamics have further deepened divisions, leaving scars that may take generations to heal.

The Dinka, led politically by President Kiir, often view themselves as the principal architects of South Sudan’s liberation struggle, having sacrificed immensely in the fight against domination from the Arab north. They accuse the Nuer, led by Mr Machar, of collaborating with the Khartoum regime during the war. Conversely, the Nuer regard themselves as more educated and internationally exposed. What South Sudan urgently needs, however, is a reconstituted national army, guided by patriotism rather than ethnic/tribal loyalties.

Despite repeated calls for the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), the AU, and the European Union to deploy peacekeeping forces before the eventual withdrawal of the UPDF, little tangible action has been taken. As a result, Uganda has shouldered a disproportionate burden in preventing what could have escalated into genocide. Ironically, rather than being commended, some actors, both within the region and internationally, have accused President Museveni of being a partisan actor in the South Sudan conflict. This narrative is far from the truth.

As efforts intensify to restore peace and stability in both Sudans, President Museveni deserves the support of all peace-loving global actors. The two countries remain the ‘sick men’ of the region and require sustained international attention and assistance. Beyond the Sudans, Uganda continues to play a stabilising role elsewhere.

The deployment of the UPDF in Somalia and eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is yet another sacrifice aimed at restoring peace. Somalia, once considered a failed state dominated by clan militias and al-Shabaab terrorists, is steadily rebuilding, thanks in part to Uganda’s contribution alongside other partners.

In eastern DRC, the UPDF, at the invitation of the Kinshasa government, entered Ituri Province in November 2021 and dismantled Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) cells responsible for mass killings and displacement.

Working jointly with the DRC Armed Forces (FARDC), UPDF has helped restore relative stability, allowing communities to return home and cross-border trade between Uganda and DRC to flourish once again.

The spirit of pan-Africanism will forever be his DNA. Reason why Ugandans should, without blinking an eye, vote for the man with a hut come January 15.

When researchers Godber Tumushabe and Job Kiija authored a report in 2022 on one of the greatest empirical puzzles in postcolonial Uganda, the transition question, three possible scenarios were outlined.

‘We had the Flying Crested Crane scenario where Uganda has a peaceful election and transition to a new leader,’ Mr Kiija, one of the researchers, told Monitor.

‘Then we had a Storm in the Tea Cup where an election with disagreements and security force intervention, leading to a negotiated transition or national dialogue.’

The third scenario, colourfully dubbed Warrior-Mad King, envisages Uganda becoming ‘a military state, with the army solving political disputes.’

Since then, the researchers have followed up the 2022 study-Uganda Governance Transitions to 2026 and Beyond-with another body of research. It is just as provocative an enquiry as can possibly be. ‘Our recent study, Guns Everywhere: The Military and Uganda’s Transition Politics, suggests the Warrior-Mad King scenario is increasingly likely,’ Mr Kiija said in an interview on Thursday.

Warrior-mad king beckons?

The body of evidence that has compelled the researchers to gravitate toward the Warrior-Mad King scenario includes: Military involvement in campaigns and electoral processes; military takeovers of Electoral Commission roles; armed officers in Parliament and violent deployments; and abductions, torture, and attacks on civilians and police.

‘The President’s and Parliament’s silence implies a de facto military coup, with guns dominating Uganda’s politics 62 years after independence and nearly four decades under Museveni,’ Mr Kiija told Monitor.

In Autocratisation in Contemporary Uganda, a timely anthology on the autocratic deepening in Uganda and its attendant effects, Moses Khisa-the editor of the body of work which offers such insightful analysis-contends that President Museveni has ‘constructed and perpetuated regime resilience’ on three planks.

He lists: political uncertainty, institutional fragmentation, and elite co-optation. ‘Adaptation has been at the core of Museveni’s long rule,’ Dr Khisa writes, adding, ‘By adapting, he has had the legroom to rule for so long but also sustained the impetus to deepen an autocratic system of rule.’

Highly personalised, the autocratic system of rule that Dr Khisa describes has used elections-such as the one that millions of Ugandans are expected to take part in on January 15-to address the legitimacy deficits that continually assail it.

The elections, which Dr Khisa calls ‘dubious’, serve as ‘legitimating devices.’ And it appears a growing number of Ugandans have managed to connect the dots. Voter turnout in what-seen through Dr Khisa’s aperture-is the ritualistic coronation of the incumbent has plummeted from 73 percent in 1996 to 59 percent in 2021.

It was at the back-end of 2020 when, after unsuccessfully contesting four general elections against Mr Museveni in 2001, 2006, 2011, and 2016, Dr Kizza Besigye unmoored himself from what he long saw as a legitimating device. ‘[In 2016] I made an assessment with my colleagues that there was a greater danger that needed to be dealt with. I came back with both gears-the gear of the elections and struggle. [.] We are at another crossroads when the junta is organising another election to legitimise themselves. Having my hands on both gears is not efficient. [.] Trust my judgment, this country will not be freed by [Simon] Byabakama [the Electoral Commission chairperson] going to Kololo to announce that there is another leader other than Mr Museveni,’ he said.

Calling the shots

In November 2024, with Dr Besigye in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, to attend Ms Martha Karua’s book launch, he was sensationally abducted. Weeks later he would appear before the General Court Martial (GCM).

The Opposition leader would also learn that he was deemed to have crossed a Rubicon by reaching for his gearshift and finding the appropriate gear for the ‘struggle’-the so-called Plan B. Although his treason case has since been moved to a civilian court, Dr Besigye remains incarcerated. And has in fact been for more than a year. His travails underscore the centrality of the army in Ugandan politics.

Dr Khisa’s anthology offers a nuanced and comprehensive analysis of how the Ugandan army, the UPDF, has come to be a handy tool of regime survival. Gerald Bareebe, in one of the book chapters, advances three elemental dimensions of strength.

‘The first is the use of the army to halt attempts by Opposition groups to mobilise dissent, and to enforce cohesion within the ruling party. The second is the discrete cultural domain of military operations and procedures gyrating around familial relations and close family ties,’ Dr Bareebe writes.

‘The third is the ability of President Museveni to out manoeuvre and prevent military officers from acquiring sufficient political power to challenge his authority. The regime feels secure because it is firmly protected by the military from its opponents, but also relies on ethnic and family ties to prevent dissent within the army ranks,’ the academic adds.

According to Mr Tumushabe and Mr Kiija’s research, the securitisation of Ugandan politics, which Dr Bareebe exhaustively describes, will culminate in-to mention but one-a change of system of government post 2026.

‘It is envisaged that as part of managing the political transition and succession process, Museveni will engineer a carefully orchestrated plan to change the system of government from presidential to parliamentary system, thereby abolishing universal adult suffrage for presidential elections,’ they disclose.

‘In a parliamentary system of government, a president who has absolute control over the public purse is able to procure the presidency either for himself, for a member of his family or any chosen ‘fisherman’ by deploying money to ensure that his ruling party has a parliamentary majority,’ they add of the vision of a post-2026 order that is a horror almost beyond contemplation.

The last chance saloon?

It is against this backdrop that Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine, of the National Unity Platform (NUP) has asked Ugandans to adopt a non-traditional lens for viewing the future. Since last September, the NUP principal has barnstormed the country with a message of apocalyptic proportions: This could be the last time you will be able to elect a President by ballot. Whether its shock value will banish the lingering stench of voter fatigue remains to be seen. Yet some analysts believe that the arithmetic is straightforward for the octogenarian incumbent, who is seeking a record-extending seventh elective term.

‘Older voters often associate [Mr Museveni] with stability and continuity, while many young and first-time voters-who have known no other leader-express fatigue, frustration, and a desire for generational change. His record is increasingly judged not only by past achievements but also by current economic pressures and the perceived lack of political renewal,’ Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), opines.

Mr Marlon Agaba, the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU), reckons that-for what is at any rate a consequential process-next week’s poll has too many rough edges.

‘The credibility of the process is weakened by poor preparation and lack of transparency. The voter register was released only days before the election. Military involvement in the electoral process and the absence of voter education leave citizens uninformed about their rights and procedures.’

Mr Kiija told Monitor that the most decisive issue in Uganda’s political transition will be the demographic factor.

‘A significant portion of the population is young-nearly 50 percent of voters are under the age of 35, while almost 90 percent of Ugandans are below the age of 50. This means that the majority of citizens have only ever experienced one president. Their pressing needs, as well as their levels of satisfaction, revolve around issues such as the management of corruption, trust in institutions and the justice system, the security situation, respect for rights, access to public services, and the overall economy and business environment.’

The researcher is not in doubt about citizen apathy becoming widespread.

‘Many young Ugandans, particularly those in this age group, interact with peers in other parts of the world and observe regular transitions from one head of state to another. In contrast, they see the presidency in Uganda as being preserved for one individual, alongside a regime that appears increasingly militarised. As a result, there is a broad consensus on the need for a peaceful transition.’

Many known unknowns

Mr Kiija says citizens are closely watching to see whether the security forces will respect an electoral outcome that differs from the preferences of military leadership.

‘Equally important is the conduct of the Electoral Commission, which shapes public trust in the process. Concerns have already been raised about the integrity of the voters’ register, the use of technology, and disputes over whether citizens should remain at polling stations to observe the process. Confusing messages from government officials regarding the 20-metre proximity rule around polling areas have further dented the already fragile confidence in the electoral management system.’

In the lead-up to next week’s vote, the Electoral Commission has indicated a willingness to clean up the mess, albeit by smoothing over cracks. The voter register was released to all eight presidential candidates, even if belatedly. The widely felt impact of the disqualification of, largely, Opposition candidates should, however, critics opine, lead Uganda to ask itself more thoroughly and more openly whether-and, if so, in what form-enough has been done to forestall doomsday scenarios.

As President Yoweri Museveni orders investigations into persistent poverty in Busoga and Bukedi sub-regions despite numerous government interventions, cocoa farming has emerged as a potential game changer.

The Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation has identified cocoa as a high-value cash crop capable of lifting households in Busoga out of poverty.

According to a survey conducted by the ministry, an investment of Shs1 million in cocoa farming can potentially generate returns of up to Shs17 million after about three and a half years.

Dr. Joshua Isiko, an official from the Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation under the Office of the President, said the findings followed a five-day engagement with leaders and stakeholders across Busoga.

“We have been in Busoga for five days planning specifically for the region, to identify which commodities or value chains a Musoga should be rallied to make money and get out of poverty,” Dr. Isiko said.

He explained that the team held consultations with cultural leaders, political leaders and other stakeholders, and is midway through compiling documentation to guide the region’s economic transformation.

“During these engagements, different ideas were suggested on how people in this region can move out of poverty, including growing cash crops. But for people to benefit, they must sell these crops, earn money and then buy food,” he said.

Dr. Isiko noted that cocoa stood out as the most viable option.

“Our assessment shows that investing Shs1 million in cocoa can yield up to Shs17 million in returns,” he said. “A farmer’s investment in cocoa has the potential to grow 17 times.”

He added that coffee emerged as the second-best option, with the potential to multiply investment by nine times, while palm oil ranked third, generating between Shs4-5 million from a Shs1 million investment.

“These are the three crops we have prioritized: cocoa, coffee and palm oil on top of the food crops people already grow. We want households to have at least one crop that brings in money,” Dr. Isiko said.

He linked the initiative to President Museveni’s four-acre model.

“In the four-acre model the President has been advising one can plant cocoa, coffee or palm oil. These are the three crops we have zeroed in on,” he said.

Dr. Isiko said the ministry will document the findings in a way that enables ordinary people to understand which activities to engage in and who to contact for support.

“We also plan to engage with villagers to validate these calculations on the three selected crops with the farmers who will use this information,” he added.

He explained that Busoga won’t be assigned specific crops since it mostly has the same environmental conditions.

“Busoga has similar climatic conditions. Variations in performance are mainly due to soil factors such as acidity, nitrogen and potassium levels, which are simple problems to solve using science and technology,” Dr. Isiko said.

He added that rainfall, humidity and temperature are fairly uniform across the region.

“There is no part of Busoga that is significantly drier than another. That is why we shall not zone the region for these crops,” he said.

Dr. Isiko further revealed that demonstration sites will be established to teach best farming practices.

“We shall have demonstration sites where people will learn how to make the best money from whichever crop they choose. That will happen during implementation,” he said.

According to Dr. Isiko, the strategic plan is expected to be completed by January next year and will include mapping, technology sourcing and input supply mechanisms.

“When someone reads this document, it should clearly guide them on where and how to make money,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Minister for Science, Technology and Innovation, Dr. Monica Musenero, said Uganda’s development planning increasingly focuses on sub-regions to ensure inclusive growth.

“The President has for a long time emphasized planning around sub-regions so that each one can be deliberately brought into the money economy,” Dr. Musenero said.

She explained that while Uganda’s economy is growing, assessments show disparities in growth rates among different sub-regions.

“The uptake of government programs has not been uniform. Some regions are moving very fast into the money economy, while others are lagging behind,” she said.

Dr. Musenero noted that Bukedi and Busoga were prioritized because they have not been keeping pace with national development.

These regions are among the underperforming areas; in many cases, people see government programs as belonging to the government, not to them, she said.

She added that some national government programs failed to yield results in certain regions because they were designed uniformly for the entire country.

“As science and technology, our role is to find out what works best for each region. That is why we adopted this strategic planning approach, which is a concept developed by the President,” Dr. Musenero said.

Mr Abdul Kimbowa, General Secretary of the youth from Buyende District, welcomed the initiative led by State House, saying he believes it will drive Busoga’s transformation because of its unique approach.

He said that people in Busoga have lacked crops that provide consistent yields, like cocoa and coffee, which can be harvested repeatedly without replanting.

Mr Isaac Kambugu, a sugarcane farmer from Namutumba, welcomed the idea but noted that its success depends on the government’s good intentions.

“I’m cautious about government projects because, for a long time, the same government has sourced crops that could transform areas, only for prices to drop at harvest,” he explained.