Uganda still haunted by 1996 election; it will hit us beyond 2031

On January 15, 2026, Uganda will head to the polls in a contest that falls a few weeks shy of the 30th anniversary of the country’s first universal suffrage election under the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

While the 2026 vote will happen within a multiparty framework, its makeup still owes much to the seeds sown during the May 9, 1996, ‘no-party’ presidential election and the June 27 parliamentary ballot that followed. That election was more than a transition from guerrilla-military to half-civilian mandate; it was the primary laboratory where the NRM developed the tactical and administrative mechanisms that define the Ugandan State today, and the logic of the electoral repression of the Opposition.

Busoga security chiefs outline strategies to ensure peace during polls

Security heads in Busoga sub-region have taken measures to ensure peace as Uganda prepares for polls on January 15. In anticipation of election-related violence, they have identified hot spots and are employing strategies to maintain peace.

Kaliro Deputy Resident District Commissioner (RDC), Mr Enock Wandera, disclosed that two sub-counties in Bulamogi North West constituency have been blacklisted, prompting focused efforts to prevent potential violence.

“In Kaliro, we have blacklisted two sub-counties in Bulamogi North West constituency, represented by Minister Fredrick Ngobi Gume (Independent) and Mr Patrick Kasajja (NRM), so security forces have focused efforts on preventing potential violence ahead of the elections,” Mr Wandera said.

To curb violence, methods such as reconciliation and arrests are being used. Mr. Wandera explained that stakeholders, including commanders of groups threatening violence, are being engaged in community meetings to discuss peaceful ways of handling grievances. “Stakeholders, including commanders of groups threatening violence, are being engaged in community meetings to discuss peaceful ways of handling grievances, noting that they are permanent residents while elections are only seasonal,” he said.

Namayingo RDC, Ms. Eva Nalongo Kwesiga, expressed hope that peace will be maintained, crediting the integration of ‘Ghetto boys’ into the NRM system for keeping Namayingo peaceful during campaigns. “‘Ghetto boys’ were the main sources of unrest during previous campaigns, but they are now working alongside security personnel to strengthen safety and order,” Ms. Kwesiga said.

Bugiri RDC, Mr. Paul Kalikwani Makakanyara, highlighted two tactics: no provocation and transparency by polling officials. “My security committee advises security operatives not to provoke civilians, and reminds civilians to refrain from insulting them, as we have found such behavior to be a threat to peace,” he said. He also emphasized the importance of transparency, instructing election officers to declare the candidate with the highest number of votes as the winner.

Jinja City Resident Commissioner, Mr. Richard Gulume, said leaders are being engaged to preach peace in their communities.

“We have met church leaders, market vendors, and boda boda leaders to equip them with messages of peace as we go into the elections,” he said, expressing satisfaction that this approach is yielding results, with no major incidents of chaos recorded in the city since the start of campaigns.

Busoga East Police spokesperson, Mr Michael Kasadha, announced that sufficient security personnel have been deployed.

“As police, we have increased our numbers, reinforced by other security agencies, so there is no cause for alarm regarding peace in my region,” he said, warning that there will be no confrontation between security personnel and civilians unless people break the law.

Mr Kasadha warned that arrests will be made against any group attempting to disturb the peace during or after the elections.

What new America visa rules mean for Ugandan travellers

The United States government, on January 6, placed Uganda among 37 other nations whose citizens must now post a visa bond before either being granted a visa or facing rejection.

Also affected are Algeria, Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Central African Republic, Cote D’Ivorie, Cuba, Djibouti,Guinea Bissau, Kyrgyzstan, Malawi, Mauritania, Namibia, Nigeria, Senegal, Tanzania, Venezuela, Zambia and Zimbabwe, among others. According to Washington, this measure is meant to rein in visa overstays. Those who flout the rules will forfeit their bond, while travellers who play by the book and return home will see their money refunded.

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Law Society drags govt to EACJ over trial of civilians in army court

The Uganda Law Society (ULS) has petitioned the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) over the continued trial of civilians in military courts, accusing the State of defying binding Supreme Court decisions and undermining constitutional governance.

The petition comes a day after members of General Court Martial were sworn in following their appointment by President Museveni.

The ceremony was presided over by the Principal Judge, Ms. Jane Frances Abodo. Those sworn in included Brig. Gen. Richard Tukacungurwa, the chairperson of the General Court Martial, Col. Simon Tusah Wankandya, Col. Asha Patra, Col. Fredrick Kangwamu, and Col. Raphael Mugisha. Others were Lt. Col. Mohammedie Nasser Igambi, Maj. Samuel Moses Amodoi, Maj. Emmanuel Arihaihi, Maj. Abubaker Nyombi, and Maj. Denis Chemtai.

The appointments followed the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ (UPDF) decision to reconstitute the General Court Martial and other divisional military courts, a move ULS says directly contradicts a Supreme Court ruling that barred the trial of civilians by military tribunals.

‘In pursuit of accountability, we have filed Reference No. 14 of 2025, ULS v Attorney General, before the East African Court of Justice, seeking regional intervention and demanding that the Government of Uganda takes meaningful steps to comply with the Supreme Court’s decree and the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community,’ Mr. Isaac Ssemakadde, ULS president, said.

He added, ‘The reconstitution of the General Court Martial with criminal jurisdiction over civilians, coupled with public statements by senior military officers endorsing the practice, amounts to an abrogation of the constitutional order.’

Mr. Ssemakadde cited the Supreme Court decision in Kabaziguruka v Attorney General (Constitutional Appeal No. 2 of 2021), in which the court ruled that the General Court Martial is not a competent court within the meaning of the Constitution and lacks the independence and impartiality required to try civilians, effectively nullifying all such trials.

Despite the ruling, Parliament on May 20, 2025, passed the UPDF (Amendment) Act, which continues to permit the trial of civilians before military courts. ULS argues that the law violates the principle of constitutional supremacy and the doctrine of separation of powers.

‘Supreme Court judgments are final and binding on all organs of State, including the Executive, Parliament, and the military, and cannot be circumvented through legislative or administrative action,’ Mr. Ssemakadde said. ‘Court decisions are not optional, especially when they restrain State power. Where the Supreme Court has spoken, compliance is mandatory,’ he added.

The lawyers’ body also expressed concern over what it described as judicial inaction, noting that the Supreme Court has declined to hear applications for contempt of court arising from the Kabaziguruka decision, while the Constitutional Court has delayed hearing petitions challenging the UPDF (Amendment) Act. According to ULS, the delays have denied Ugandans a timely and effective forum to challenge what it calls an unconstitutional law.

Mr Ssemakadde warned that ULS would not remain silent in the face of what he termed growing impunity and said the society would pursue non-judicial avenues to defend constitutionalism if judicial remedies continue to be delayed or denied.

2026 polls: My life is in danger -Minister Sekindi

With a few days left to the January 15 General Election, State Minister for Water Aisha Sekindi, also Kalungu District Woman MP, has expressed fear that her life is in danger following repeated attacks on her campaign team.

Sekindi, who seeks a third term as MP, blames her current woes on her political adversaries in the district, who she says are yearning for her blood.

The latest attack on Sekindi’s supporters happened on Saturday night when masked men pounced on Mr Andy Ssekabira of Kirinnya Cell in Lukaya Town Council; beat him up, on top of confiscating his national Identity Card, stealing money, and vandalizing his motorbike by pouring salt in the fuel tank and smashing it.

“I was rounded up by a group of masked men who helplessly terrorized me; they forced me to give them an ID and voter location slip. When I resisted, they assaulted me and confiscated my national ID by force. Maybe they want to deny me a chance to take part in the polls,” he narrated during an interview on Wednesday.

Sekindi revealed that she and many of her supporters, including Ssekabira, have been receiving threats. “People from the NRM camp have been threatening us, which has now turned bloody. I had never moved with security guards, but because of this situation, my bosses have now deployed them for my safety,” a tearful Minister said.

Sekindi shunned the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries and chose to stand as an independent, saying she had got wind of a plot to rig her out. The NRM party ticket instead went to Hellen Nakeeya, a vendor at Lukaya Road Toll Market.

Others in the race include Ms Shakirah Nammiiro Zzinga of National Unity Platform (NUP) and Democratic Front (DF)’s Aisha Waliggo.

Despite Sekindi’s latest woes, she has in the last decade endured a cold war with ex-Minister for Defence Vincent Ssempijja, who she describes as her political father. Although Ssempijja has remained mute on why he fell out with Sekindi, whom she helped build politically, the latter has repeatedly come out, accusing him of working for her downfall because she abandoned his camp.

“I don’t know what I really owe them, to the extent of starting to form militias to attack my supporters, to injure them because of elections. I pray that they come out and reveal what I did wrong; I will ask for forgiveness,” she said.

She added that her rival Nakeeya is not the one behind these attacks, and she openly accuses Mr. Ssempijja of having an invisible hand in all these.

Mr. Ssempijja on Wednesday morning declined to respond to the accusations levelled against him, promising to call back, which he had not done by press time. “I am currently busy, but allow me to finish and revert to you,” he said before hanging up on the phone.

Mr. Twaha Kiganda Ssonko, the Kalungu district NRM Chairperson, also a party flag bearer for Kalungu West, noted that he is worried that the clashes between the two political bigwigs in the district may cost the party support ahead of the January 15 polls.

“Their squabbles are internally affecting our campaigns in the entire district. Unfortunately, I have personally failed to get to the bottom of their issues to know what exactly the problem is,” he said. “I once invited Hajj Moses Kigongo, the national NRM vice Chair, and Godfrey Kiwanda, who was the party vice Chairperson in charge of Buganda, to reconcile both parties, but the infighting persisted. I even wrote to President Museveni, and I still have hope that he will help find a solution,” he said.

Internal wrangles among NRM leaders in Kalungu started in the aftermath of 2021 General Elections when some party members accused Ms. Sekindi of having connived with National Unity Platform (NUP) politicians to survive the wave that swept several NRM legislators in Buganda Region. Several efforts have been made to reconcile the warring groups, but internal bickering has persisted.

During the 2021 district woman MP race, Waliggo contested and garnered 8,754 votes against Ms. Sekindi’s 28,451 votes. Dr. Margret Ntambaazi Nabaggala, who recently crossed to NUP from NRM, contested in Kalungu West Constituency, where she polled 384 votes against Joseph Ssewungu (NUP)’s 13,696 votes.

Kalungu was carved from Masaka in 2010 to become a district. Since then, NRM has enjoyed dominance until the 2021 General Election, when NUP’s Francis Katabaazi defeated Ssempijja in a hotly contested Kalungu East constituency race. Mr. Kamaadi Nyombi Mukiibi also won the district chairperson seat after defeating NRM’s Richard Kyabaggu.

Ssenyondo blasts KCCA players as Vipers assume UPL leadership

KCCA coach Brian Ssenyondo was highly critical of his side’s performance after they were handed a 2-0 defeat by Police as the Startimes Uganda Premier League resumed on Tuesday evening after the festive break.

The result, coupled with Vipers’ 2-0 win over Mbarara means KCCA dropped to second position with 26 points, one less than the Venoms who also have a game in hand.

‘The opponents were better in everything. The three battles on the pitch, they fought for the first ball, second balls and all the 50-50. And if you allow opponents to do that then you are bound to lose. I told them at half time we need to go toe to toe with them.they showed more resilience and character which a team like KCCA should have everyday. And I believe this game is substandard and we shouldn’t present ourselves like we have.,’ Ssenyondo raged after the game at the Kira Road Police Arena.

His team’s performance was in stark contrast to their previous games that saw KCCA put together a five-game winning streak.

‘I think winning five games on the bounce may be because they think that the league is won. But this kind of performance is unacceptable. Whether we have a break or not you have to present yourself at a big club like KCCA and give 100% and I believe we did not do that today. We just came here to play around and we should not represent the club like this. This should be the last performance where we represent the club like this,’ Ssenyondo further stressed.

The result on the other hand helped Police make it three wins on the trot after goals by Brian Obedi and Congolese striker Bedia Ikamba to move into third position on 24 points and two short of KCCA.

Ikamba’s goal was a joint high sixth for Police as he continues to prove to be one of the signings of the season for the Mathias Lule coached side.

In Kitende reigning champions Vipers stretched their unbeaten start to 11 games courtesy of goals in each half from talisman Allan Okello and Abdulkarim Watambala.

Okello’s goal came from a penalty converted after referee Diana Murungi adjudged Milton Karisa to have been fouled in the box five minutes before the break. It was Okello’s first spot kick taken since his penalty miss for the Cranes against Tanzania at Afcon last week.

The result leaves Mbarara languishing third from bottom with 10 points after 12 games.

MP contestants resort to fundraisers as campaigns take toll

With Election Day fast approaching, campaigns have become thicker, competitive, and demanding, resulting in a growing number of candidates embarking on fundraisers.

Kampala Deputy Lord Mayor, Ms Doreen Nyanjura, who is vying for the Mwenge Central Parliamentary seat, launched a fundraising drive, calling for support in a bid to have a people-centred and service-oriented leadership, and shared her mobile telephone number through which contributions would be made.

Mr Basil Bataringaya Rwankwene, who is contesting for the Kashari North parliamentary seat, took to his former school’s Old Boys’ WhatsApp group and appealed for financial support, which he said could be channelled through his shared mobile numbers or Centenary Bank account.

A member of the WhatsApp group, who declined to be named, says: ‘The guy is looking for money; he even calls people at random.’

Mr Samuel Makokha, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) parliamentary candidate for Busia Municipality, had his campaigns plunged into uncertainty after he was arrested last month, arraigned before the Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court, charged with misprision of treason and remanded to Luzira Prison.

His wife, Ms Jamelia Kaggwa, says the campaign is still standing, and appealed to friends, family, well-wishers, comrades, and supporters for financial support, saying ‘every contribution helps keep the campaign alive, the message visible, and the hope intact.’

Ms Kaggwa says running a campaign from behind bars comes with extraordinary legal, logistical, and humanitarian costs. ‘Makokha has been stripped not only of his freedom, but of the ability to mobilise funding as well as access to his own bank accounts, leaving him unable to pay legal fees or sustain his campaign.’

Political analysts say fundraising has long been a part of politics, and when done transparently, can be a legitimate way to engage supporters. However, the practice becomes problematic when it is done behind the scenes, fueling perceptions of corruption.

President Museveni has, for instance, traditionally hosted fundraising dinners for the business community at State House, highlighting the blurred lines between patronage politics and money.

Dr Kiiza Besigye in 2016, and the National Unity Platform (NUP) have currently opted for open public fundraising, which can be a strategic move to build authenticity and contrast with wealthier opponents perceived as ‘buying’ support.

Mr Job Kiija, a governance researcher and policy analyst, says while open fundraising can demonstrate grassroots support, it also risks exposing candidates to pressure from powerful financial interests.

‘The ruling regime’s history of targeting vulnerable opponents suggests that transparent fundraising could be exploited, making candidates more susceptible to compromise. Ultimately, a candidate’s integrity and ground support are their best defenses.

‘What is needed is a robust campaign finance law requiring disclosure of funds raised, sources, and expenditures to promote accountability and transparency. This would help level the playing field and reduce the influence of money in politics,’ Mr Kiija said on Tuesday.

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the Executive Director at the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), says open fundraising by candidates is emerging largely because the cost of running for office has risen sharply, while access to traditional financing party structures, private donors, or personal resources has become more constrained, especially for opposition actors.

‘In situations where candidates face arrests, account freezes, and even restricted movement, public fundraising becomes a survival mechanism rather than a choice. In that sense, it is understandable, but it also reflects deeper stress within the political and electoral system,’ Mr Chemonges says, adding that the strategy is tenable, but only to a limited extent.

He adds that while public fundraising can ‘democratise’ campaign financing and build solidarity, it operates in a largely unregulated space. ‘Without clear disclosure rules, spending limits, and oversight, it risks undermining transparency and accountability in the electoral process.’

Asked if fundraising puts them in a compromised position, especially given how the NRM has allegedly been buying out opposition candidates, Mr Chemonges says the risk is real.

‘In a political environment where inducements and buyouts are alleged, candidates who depend on ad-hoc fundraising are more vulnerable both to financial pressure and political manipulation. It can weaken autonomy and expose campaigns to influence from actors whose interests may not align with the voters.

‘Of course, I should also emphasise that this trend signals the need for serious reform of campaign finance laws, including fair public financing, clear disclosure requirements, and protection of candidates’ financial rights. Otherwise, fundraising will continue to reflect inequality and pressure in the political arena, rather than genuine democratic competition.’

Mr Henry Muguzi, the director Alliance for Campaign Finance Monitoring (ACFIM), says the ongoing fundraising strategies mean that the campaign war chest candidates started with is done, candidates have been spending massively, not wisely, and that they did not prepare enough prior to deciding to offer themselves.

‘I won’t be surprised if many of them did not even have a budget. Many go into politics without a fundraising team, and a fundraising strategy. Politics being a service rather than a job, should be for people who have reached a level of self-actualization financially.

‘Candidates who are running broke are peasants who are seeking political positions to get rich rather than to serve. A rich candidate who wants to serve may not run out of money because he may not engage in vote-buying schemes. The ones that are broke now have been engaging in the wanton distribution of Largesse to the electorate,’ Mr Muguzi says.

Being an MP comes with a hefty salary and other additional perks, according to information obtained from the Parliamentary Commission.

Each MP is entitled to a monthly salary of Shs25m, a one-off vehicle allowance of Shs150m; a subsistence allowance of Shs4.5m per month, a town running allowance of Shs1m per a month, medical allowance of Shs500,000 per month, sitting allowance of Shs50,000 for committee meetings, and plenary sitting allowance of Shs150,000; as well as mileage allowances.

This publication has previously reported that the price of running a well-oiled campaign varies from region to region, but contests for constituencies in Western Uganda were the most expensive, ranging from between Shs400m and Shs600m.

In a previous interview, Kigulu South MP, Mr Andrew Kiiza Kaluya, said campaigning in constituencies in Eastern Uganda costs between Shs300m and Shs500m.

A synthesis report by Pete Wardle, a WFD Associate at Westminster Foundation for Democracy examined the cost of parliamentary politics in six countries, including Ghana, Kyrgyzstan, Macedonia, Nigeria, Uganda and Ukraine, with focus on the costs faced by individual candidates and elected Members of Parliament (MPs) – not just during the election period itself, but before and after the election as well.

The report revealed that in all six of the countries, getting your name onto the ballot paper as a candidate endorsed by a political party can involve very significant payments to the party, in addition to the official deposits and fees payable to the election authorities.

According to the report, the costs tend to be higher with party-list electoral systems, although in Uganda, for example, with a single-member constituency system, it is more expensive to secure a nomination from the dominant National Resistance Movement party than from other parties.

‘It finds that the costs faced by aspiring MPs are high, not just to conduct their election campaign, but before that to secure their place on the ballot paper; and that those who succeed and are elected to parliament face further costs throughout their term of office,’ the report reads in part.

Adding: ‘Some of these costs arise from their constituents’ general expectation that their MPs, as prominent figures in the community, should provide wealth enough to finance themselves, or have to make significant personal financial sacrifices (or incur significant personal debts) to raise the necessary funds.

‘. . . Those who fail to become MPs risk very significant financial losses and/or debts, while those who succeed in becoming MPs face a strong temptation to focus a high proportion of their efforts on ensuring that they recoup the major investments that they have made, or are able to repay the major debts that they have incurred, and to deliver the corrupt demands of their wealthy sponsors. . .’

Budget graft case: DPP withdraws budget corruption charges against three MPs

The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has formally withdrawn budget corruption charges against three Members of Parliament.

The legislators, Yusuf Mutembuli, Bunyole East MP in Butaleja District; Paul Akamba, Busiki County MP in Namutumba District; and Cissy Namujju Dionizia, Woman MP for Lwengo District, are no longer facing criminal charges, bringing to an end the proceedings that had been before the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court since 2024.

In a notice dated January 6, 2026, addressed to the Deputy Registrar of the Anti-Corruption Division in Kampala, the DPP informed court that the state would no longer pursue the criminal case against the three MPs.

‘This is to inform you that the Director of Public Prosecutions has decided to discontinue the criminal proceedings in Criminal Case No: AC-CO-0078-2024 against all three accused persons,’ the notice reads.

The decision was communicated through a letter filed in court under Section 133 of the Trial on Indictment Act.

The notice was signed by Chief State Attorney Jonathan Muwaganya and the Head of the Investment Crimes Prosecution Unit on behalf of the DPP.

A separate nolle prosequi, also dated January 6, 2026, states that the Government of Uganda ‘intends that the proceedings against Mutembuli, Akamba, and Namujju, charged with corruption shall not continue.’

The document was signed by DPP Lino Anguzu.

The three MPs had been charged under sections 2(e) and 26 of the Anti-Corruption Act, 2009 (as amended), with the prosecution alleging they sought a 5 percent kickback from the chairperson of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC).

Before the withdrawal, the case had taken a constitutional turn following a human rights application by Akamba, who claimed he had been tortured and asked the High Court to drop the charges.

High Court judge Lawrence Gidudu declined to terminate the case at that stage but referred key questions to the Constitutional Court and temporarily halted the trial of all three MPs.

‘I have given considerable thought to this matter and conclude that whilst several cases have interpreted the meaning of a fair trial in relation to the rights of an accused, I have not benefited from any interpretation of Article 28 of the Constitution regarding the rights of victims or society, which are larger than the accused,’ Justice Gidudu said.

He added: ‘Consequently, the questions of law raised need to be interpreted by the Constitutional Court before this court is guided on how to proceed.’

The issues referred for constitutional interpretation included whether provisions of the Human Rights Enforcement Act mandating nullification of trials without taking evidence violate the right to a fair hearing and whether victims or society have rights protected under Article 28 of the Constitution.

What next?

With the filing of the nolle prosequi, the corruption proceedings against the three MPs are now discontinued.

However, Akamba faces a separate case, accused of conspiring with former Trade Permanent Secretary Geraldine Ssali, MPs Michael Mawanda (NRM, Igara East) and Ignatius Mudimi Wamakuyu (Elgon County), lawyer Taitankoko, and Leonard Kavundira, Principal Cooperative Officer from the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives, to defraud the government of Shs3.4 billion intended to compensate war victims of Buyaka Growers Co-operative Society.

The 13 beneficiaries of EC’s rampant disqualifications

The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) has emerged as the chief beneficiary of the ongoing wave of disqualifications of nominated Parliamentary and Local Government candidates by the Electoral Commission (EC).

With barely a week to the first of the month-long elections, the Commission’s tribunal, chaired by Justice Simon Byabakama, struck 11 candidates off the Makindye Division Mayoral race. This handed the NRM’s Yasin Omar an unopposed victory, a windfall that has only fanned the flames of public scrutiny and criticism.

According to the tribunal, the 11 candidates failed to muster at least 20 supporter signatures from the 25 parishes across the Division, thereby falling short of the legal threshold. They joined a growing list of more than 13 parliamentary hopefuls from across the country who have been shown the exit door for similar reasons, ranging from inadequate academic credentials to procedural lapses. Opposition parties and sections of the public have cried foul, accusing the Commission of singling out Opposition candidates. The EC, however, insists its decisions are rooted in evidence and law.

‘The Commission tribunal makes its decisions on the basis of facts, evidence, witnesses, and the law. The Commission doesn’t take its decisions with a person’s colour or political party in mind,’ said Mr Julius Mucunguzi, the EC spokesperson. Justice Byabakama has vowed that the Commission will continue to weed out ineligible candidates until polling day. On December 30, Justice Byabakama told reporters: ‘These petitions are not generated by the Commission but rather vigilant Ugandans who scrutinised the nomination papers that were presented by some candidates and later petitioned us.

We summoned all the accused and complainants, who majority, turned up while others did not.’ He added: ‘We give a fair hearing to all of them, and the Commission asked the respondents to come along with their lawyers, witnesses, and any evidence that backs their nomination, which they did, and we gave judgment based on that..those with enough evidence, we upheld their nominations, only that we don’t publish them.’

Who benefits?

Critics argue that NRM candidates, who are deemed weak on the ground, have been the biggest winners from the tribunal’s axe. Some insiders, including former Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, claim the ruling party leans on the Commission to clear the field of formidable opponents. However, some players have argued that the disqualifications are well within the ambit of the Commission. NRM spokesperson Emmanuel Dombo, for instance, has dismissed claims of weakness, urging aggrieved candidates to seek redress in court. ‘Whoever feels dissatisfied with the EC’s decision should go to court because whatever they are doing is under the law, but otherwise we, the NRM, are strong. We are prepared to massively defeat them again in both Parliamentary and presidential elections…’ But who are some of those beneficiaries?

Isingiro North

Isingiro North has been a hotbed of controversy since November, after three of the six challengers to NRM’s State Minister for Animal Industry, Mr Bright Rwamirama Kanyontore, were disqualified. Mr James Atwiine Nkizimagara was struck off on November 18, for alleged lack of the requisite academic papers.

Mr Best Arnold Akunda of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) and Sharif Ntanda of the National Unity Platform (NUP) followed suit on December 19, both for allegedly failing to raise the required supporter signatures. Rwamirama, a retired army officer, has held the constituency seat since 2001 and the ministerial docket since 2006, a political old hand who has weathered many storms.

Isingiro District Woman MP Seat

NUP officials allege that the disqualification of Sarah Kyarimpa was engineered to pave the way for NRM’s Lilian Ruteraho, who had earlier defeated incumbent Claire Mugumya in party primaries for the Isingiro District Woman MP race. Justice Byabakama, in a December 23 letter, confirmed that Kyarimpa’s papers fell short after one of her seconders reportedly signed twice. Two days later, NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya produced a photograph of the nomination form, questioning how the EC’s computerised system could allow duplicate signatures.

Nebbi District Woman MP

The State Minister for Energy, Ms Phionah Nyamutoro, was declared unopposed after her sole rival, Ms Mercy Rebecca Abedican of NUP, was disqualified. The tribunal ruled that two of Abedican’s supporters denied ever signing her nomination papers.

Budiope East

The disqualification of Daniel Mulirire, a former police officer vying against Moses Hashim Magogo, also sparked outrage. Magogo, husband of Speaker Anita Among and president of the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa), now faces no challenger. Justice Byabakama in the December 23 decision informed Mr Mulirire that he failed to attach proof of resignation from public service at the time he submitted his nomination papers, which is contrary to Section 4(4) (a) of the Parliamentary Elections Act, Cap. 177 and based on Section 30(e) of the law. Yet later revelations indicated that Mr Mulirire’s resignation was approved by the Force on April 18 last year.

Buyanja County

Finance Minister Matia Kasaija will not face youthful NUP challenger Christopher Ategeka, who was disqualified for failing to raise the required signatures.

NUP president Robert Kyagulanyi protested: ‘When they invited him for a hearing, Ategeka went with the three people who they claimed didn’t sign for him. The three people confirmed having signed his nomination forms, and even drew down similar signatures in the presence of Byabakama. Ategeka is very shocked to receive this ruling, because he left the hearing quite sure there was no logical case.’

PETITIONS

Defence

‘We give a fair hearing to all of them [candidates], and the Commission asked the respondents to come along with their lawyers, witnesses, and any evidence that backs their nomination, which they did, and we gave judgment based on that..those with enough evidence, we upheld their nominations, only that we don’t publish them,’ EC tribunal chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama

How do you know when to leave?

I took time off from my column in parts of November and December. Over the years, this column has been the space I turn to when time out of work is needed. I agonised several times in the year to just let it go. I was constrained by time, no doubt, but I just kept going until I finally asked for some weeks off, which my editor was gracious to grant. I felt guilty whenever people asked why I was no longer writing, but here I am.

It is strange that as a young person, I thought I loved reading so much that I wished someone would one day pay me to just read, I would have eternal gratitude and keep going as long as my eyes can manage. When people say be careful what you wish for, take them seriously; the universe may hear you. And so, I ended up with a professional life defined by reading. I still enjoy reading, but it is increasingly hard to read the things I would love to like novels. There are so many interesting books in my house now begging me to read them. Biographies people gifted me, or I buy to have to peek into other people’s lives, away from my mundane one.

Development debates that need my attention and of course, my beloved magazines now watching me on endless board papers, minutes, policies to analyse and reports of all kinds. Writing is what I thought I could do for free because it was my greatest desire and goal. ‘Get paid for reading and write for free’, looked like my life’s best laid plan and purpose. The thing that was supposed to make life fun and pay my bills, reading, would turn into a lifelong affair, taking most of my time, leaving just enough to do a bit of writing. The column kept me from feeling that I failed at the thing I loved the most.

I would argue that I was still writing anyway, just another way. Training future writers, journalists and communicators became the thing that took me to the literal ends of the earth, and thankfully, I still enjoyed that. Thinking about leaving the column altogether got me to think deeply about how to know when it is time to leave something, especially if you love it and it gives you meaning. At the beginning of the electoral period, most of us received WhatsApp messages sharing the nomination of our elder and politician, Moses Ali and others.

For the most part, the message seemed to be about why do these people not leave the stage when it is clear that time is up for them? Who decides if it is something you love and defines you? I have left many times, spaces I still loved. And each time no one could persuade me to stay if I felt ready. When I had just graduated from the university, I got a job and felt lucky. I was to collect data for a research institute and within the week of training, got promoted to supervisor. I was paid well for a recent graduate, and felt content. It was a temporary role to end with the exercise, but I stayed for several months, working with the best bosses. I enjoyed the work.

I then got a government job that doubled my salary, yet I agonised about leaving. These people loved me and treated me like a person of value even though I joined without experience. I went with my appointment letter to the boss, and she hugged me and said she was so happy for me because I deserved it. In those days, parastatals in government paid very well. She said she needed me, but if I were her daughter, with my career just starting, she would insist I take the government job. Just like that, I resigned. I left five years later to take up teaching full-time at Makerere University.

This time, my boss did everything to make me stay, persuaded me and still, I left with his blessing. Then I left Makarere University, after 14 years of growth and service, to focus on teaching at Uganda Christian University, where I found the space to really grow. The decision to leave has always seemed very personal. That decision is often also dictated by so many factors, sometimes difficult to comprehend, especially when the situation is complex.

When my mentees ask me if they should leave or stay, whether it is a job, a relationship or things they embraced in life, I tell them the answer is within them. I ask them questions that help them clarify their thought, turn angles but the decision is theirs. Naturally, some people have difficulty letting go. But it can be liberating to start over if you leave for the right reasons. Sometimes the signs are that the grace that brought and kept you has left, when there is no joy, no passion and no peace. When it’s just a job without joy and your everyday dignity is commonly stripped off. Happy New Year.