Category: Daily Monitor

The second Deputy Prime Minister and Member of Parliament, Gen. Moses Ali, has dismissed media reports suggesting that his health has deteriorated to the extent that his doctor advised him to choose between his life and active politics.

The veteran politician described the allegations as baseless propaganda aimed at undermining his political career ahead of the 2026 general elections.

Speaking to journalists on Tuesday, Gen Ali said he was unaware of such medical advice.

He claimed that his last trip to Germany was in October last year and that he has not consulted any doctor there this year.

‘I want to thank you for coming to me directly. I am not aware of any doctor advising me to abandon politics. I have not been to Germany this year; I only travelled there last October,’ Gen Ali stated, brushing off the claims as deliberate misinformation.

Gen Ali also addressed reports of an alleged court case filed against him by writer and human rights activist Kakwenza Rukirabashaija, seeking to nullify his nomination to contest in the upcoming elections.

He said he had neither received a court summons nor been served with any legal documents related to such a petition.

‘I have not received any court order or summons, so I am not aware of the alleged case. And why only me? Am I the only elderly person in Parliament?’ he asked, questioning what he described as selective targeting.

His political aide and campaign team leader, Mr Gabu Amacha, echoed Gen Ali’s sentiments, dismissing the health and legal claims as political gimmicks by opponents seeking to discredit a strong candidate.

‘This is pure political mischief by people who wish him ill. I am the head of his campaign team, and we continue to receive overwhelming support from voters. God willing, we shall win this election. This is not the first time such propaganda has been used against him,’ Amacha said.

He added that despite the rumors surrounding Gen Ali’s health, the general remains active and energetic on the campaign trail. ‘You saw him dancing with the people. The crowds are happy, and the love for him is clear,’ he noted.

Amacha further pointed to Gen Ali’s performance in the NRM primary elections as evidence of his popularity, saying that he defeated three rivals by a wide margin. ‘Even when you combine the votes of the three candidates who contested against him, they do not reach half of what Gen Ali got,’ he said.

At a public rally in Ukusijoni Sub-county, voters expressed mixed reactions. Ms Gloria Mundua Chandia, a resident of the area, said she strongly supports Gen Ali, arguing that no other candidate can effectively represent the constituency.

‘He is close to the President. If there is an issue affecting us, he can easily raise it directly. The other candidates are not known to the President. We still want him to remain in that seat,’ Chandia said.

However, not all voters shared the same view. Mr Peter Adebasiku, who identified himself as an opposition supporter, said it was time for change. ‘We don’t want to be represented by old people anymore. This time, we are entrusting Mr Patrick Tandrupasi with his visionary leadership, commitment and energy to take our community to new heights,’ he said.

Background

Lawyer Kakwenza Rukirabashaija, together with human rights defender Ssuna James Kiggala, through Kiiza and Mugisha Advocates, reportedly petitioned the Constitutional Court, naming the National Resistance Movement (NRM), the Electoral Commission, the Attorney General and Gen Moses Ali as respondents.

The petitioners argue that Gen Ali’s nomination and endorsement to contest for re-election allegedly violate citizens’ constitutional right to effective and accountable representation.

They claim that the Electoral Commission officially nominated Gen Ali on October 22, 2025, as the NRM flag bearer for Adjumani West after he secured 8,609 votes in the party primaries, despite what they describe as health-related concerns.

They further contend that both the Electoral Commission and the Attorney General failed in their constitutional duties by approving and facilitating the nomination of a person they allege is incapable of effectively executing the functions of a legislator.

In the 2026 general elections, Gen Moses Ali is set to face three challengers, including his closest rival, Mr Patrick Tandrupasi of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC).

In the 2021 general elections, Tandrupasi garnered 6,891 votes compared to Gen Ali’s 10,227, setting the stage for another closely watched contest in Adjumani West.

President Yoweri Museveni has underscored the critical role of peace in Uganda, describing it as a foundation for wealth, jobs and development.

“When you hear people talking of violence, know they are your enemies, they are enemies of wealth, jobs, development, like the roads we build. Roads need money, and the money comes from wealth. If you don’t want peace, you are an enemy of everything,” he said during a campaign rally at Buziga Islamic playground in Makindye Division, Kampala on Wednesday.

He addressed concerns about Parish Development Model (PDM) SACCO committees, emphasising they should serve all residents, not just themselves.

“Now when I move around, I hear people saying they serve themselves, and I wonder who selected that committee,” he said, adding that transparency is crucial, especially for youth and women.

Museveni highlighted Uganda’s growth sources, including commercial agriculture, manufacturing, services, and ICT. He praised local entrepreneurs like Johnson Basangwa, who started a small poultry farm and now produces 2,500 trays of eggs daily, employing 300 people and earning Shs7.2 billion annually.

‘Wealth comes from commercial agriculture, artisanship, factories, and services. When Kenzo entertains us, he is contributing through services. Someone else makes chairs, others run factories, and we are even making our own cars at Kira Motors,’ the President said.

First Lady Janet Museveni reminded NRM supporters to match their rally attendance with responsible voting.

“I always remind ourselves that attending a rally, however beautiful and huge it may be, is not enough,” she said, emphasising the importance of voting in nation-building.

Speaker of Parliament Anita Annet Among commended party supporters and assured residents of Makindye Division that the government is addressing urban challenges.

She acknowledged delays in Namuwongo and Muyenga parishes, citing administrative changes, and assured residents that funds are available.

‘The ghettos of Kampala are full of hardworking youth. What they need is financial support to grow their businesses and become productive contributors to the economy,’ Ms Among said.

‘In Makindye alone, more than 70,000 people earn a living at night. If we are serious about growing the night economy, then these people must be supported,’ she added.

With a few days left to the January 15 General Election, State Minister for Water Aisha Sekindi, also Kalungu District Woman MP, has expressed fear that her life is in danger following repeated attacks on her campaign team.

Sekindi, who seeks a third term as MP, blames her current woes on her political adversaries in the district, who she says are yearning for her blood.

The latest attack on Sekindi’s supporters happened on Saturday night when masked men pounced on Mr Andy Ssekabira of Kirinnya Cell in Lukaya Town Council; beat him up, on top of confiscating his national Identity Card, stealing money, and vandalizing his motorbike by pouring salt in the fuel tank and smashing it.

“I was rounded up by a group of masked men who helplessly terrorized me; they forced me to give them an ID and voter location slip. When I resisted, they assaulted me and confiscated my national ID by force. Maybe they want to deny me a chance to take part in the polls,” he narrated during an interview on Wednesday.

Sekindi revealed that she and many of her supporters, including Ssekabira, have been receiving threats. “People from the NRM camp have been threatening us, which has now turned bloody. I had never moved with security guards, but because of this situation, my bosses have now deployed them for my safety,” a tearful Minister said.

Sekindi shunned the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries and chose to stand as an independent, saying she had got wind of a plot to rig her out. The NRM party ticket instead went to Hellen Nakeeya, a vendor at Lukaya Road Toll Market.

Others in the race include Ms Shakirah Nammiiro Zzinga of National Unity Platform (NUP) and Democratic Front (DF)’s Aisha Waliggo.

Despite Sekindi’s latest woes, she has in the last decade endured a cold war with ex-Minister for Defence Vincent Ssempijja, who she describes as her political father. Although Ssempijja has remained mute on why he fell out with Sekindi, whom she helped build politically, the latter has repeatedly come out, accusing him of working for her downfall because she abandoned his camp.

“I don’t know what I really owe them, to the extent of starting to form militias to attack my supporters, to injure them because of elections. I pray that they come out and reveal what I did wrong; I will ask for forgiveness,” she said.

She added that her rival Nakeeya is not the one behind these attacks, and she openly accuses Mr. Ssempijja of having an invisible hand in all these.

Mr. Ssempijja on Wednesday morning declined to respond to the accusations levelled against him, promising to call back, which he had not done by press time. “I am currently busy, but allow me to finish and revert to you,” he said before hanging up on the phone.

Mr. Twaha Kiganda Ssonko, the Kalungu district NRM Chairperson, also a party flag bearer for Kalungu West, noted that he is worried that the clashes between the two political bigwigs in the district may cost the party support ahead of the January 15 polls.

“Their squabbles are internally affecting our campaigns in the entire district. Unfortunately, I have personally failed to get to the bottom of their issues to know what exactly the problem is,” he said. “I once invited Hajj Moses Kigongo, the national NRM vice Chair, and Godfrey Kiwanda, who was the party vice Chairperson in charge of Buganda, to reconcile both parties, but the infighting persisted. I even wrote to President Museveni, and I still have hope that he will help find a solution,” he said.

Internal wrangles among NRM leaders in Kalungu started in the aftermath of 2021 General Elections when some party members accused Ms. Sekindi of having connived with National Unity Platform (NUP) politicians to survive the wave that swept several NRM legislators in Buganda Region. Several efforts have been made to reconcile the warring groups, but internal bickering has persisted.

During the 2021 district woman MP race, Waliggo contested and garnered 8,754 votes against Ms. Sekindi’s 28,451 votes. Dr. Margret Ntambaazi Nabaggala, who recently crossed to NUP from NRM, contested in Kalungu West Constituency, where she polled 384 votes against Joseph Ssewungu (NUP)’s 13,696 votes.

Kalungu was carved from Masaka in 2010 to become a district. Since then, NRM has enjoyed dominance until the 2021 General Election, when NUP’s Francis Katabaazi defeated Ssempijja in a hotly contested Kalungu East constituency race. Mr. Kamaadi Nyombi Mukiibi also won the district chairperson seat after defeating NRM’s Richard Kyabaggu.

KCCA coach Brian Ssenyondo was highly critical of his side’s performance after they were handed a 2-0 defeat by Police as the Startimes Uganda Premier League resumed on Tuesday evening after the festive break.

The result, coupled with Vipers’ 2-0 win over Mbarara means KCCA dropped to second position with 26 points, one less than the Venoms who also have a game in hand.

‘The opponents were better in everything. The three battles on the pitch, they fought for the first ball, second balls and all the 50-50. And if you allow opponents to do that then you are bound to lose. I told them at half time we need to go toe to toe with them.they showed more resilience and character which a team like KCCA should have everyday. And I believe this game is substandard and we shouldn’t present ourselves like we have.,’ Ssenyondo raged after the game at the Kira Road Police Arena.

His team’s performance was in stark contrast to their previous games that saw KCCA put together a five-game winning streak.

‘I think winning five games on the bounce may be because they think that the league is won. But this kind of performance is unacceptable. Whether we have a break or not you have to present yourself at a big club like KCCA and give 100% and I believe we did not do that today. We just came here to play around and we should not represent the club like this. This should be the last performance where we represent the club like this,’ Ssenyondo further stressed.

The result on the other hand helped Police make it three wins on the trot after goals by Brian Obedi and Congolese striker Bedia Ikamba to move into third position on 24 points and two short of KCCA.

Ikamba’s goal was a joint high sixth for Police as he continues to prove to be one of the signings of the season for the Mathias Lule coached side.

In Kitende reigning champions Vipers stretched their unbeaten start to 11 games courtesy of goals in each half from talisman Allan Okello and Abdulkarim Watambala.

Okello’s goal came from a penalty converted after referee Diana Murungi adjudged Milton Karisa to have been fouled in the box five minutes before the break. It was Okello’s first spot kick taken since his penalty miss for the Cranes against Tanzania at Afcon last week.

The result leaves Mbarara languishing third from bottom with 10 points after 12 games.

With Election Day fast approaching, campaigns have become thicker, competitive, and demanding, resulting in a growing number of candidates embarking on fundraisers.

Kampala Deputy Lord Mayor, Ms Doreen Nyanjura, who is vying for the Mwenge Central Parliamentary seat, launched a fundraising drive, calling for support in a bid to have a people-centred and service-oriented leadership, and shared her mobile telephone number through which contributions would be made.

Mr Basil Bataringaya Rwankwene, who is contesting for the Kashari North parliamentary seat, took to his former school’s Old Boys’ WhatsApp group and appealed for financial support, which he said could be channelled through his shared mobile numbers or Centenary Bank account.

A member of the WhatsApp group, who declined to be named, says: ‘The guy is looking for money; he even calls people at random.’

Mr Samuel Makokha, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) parliamentary candidate for Busia Municipality, had his campaigns plunged into uncertainty after he was arrested last month, arraigned before the Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court, charged with misprision of treason and remanded to Luzira Prison.

His wife, Ms Jamelia Kaggwa, says the campaign is still standing, and appealed to friends, family, well-wishers, comrades, and supporters for financial support, saying ‘every contribution helps keep the campaign alive, the message visible, and the hope intact.’

Ms Kaggwa says running a campaign from behind bars comes with extraordinary legal, logistical, and humanitarian costs. ‘Makokha has been stripped not only of his freedom, but of the ability to mobilise funding as well as access to his own bank accounts, leaving him unable to pay legal fees or sustain his campaign.’

Political analysts say fundraising has long been a part of politics, and when done transparently, can be a legitimate way to engage supporters. However, the practice becomes problematic when it is done behind the scenes, fueling perceptions of corruption.

President Museveni has, for instance, traditionally hosted fundraising dinners for the business community at State House, highlighting the blurred lines between patronage politics and money.

Dr Kiiza Besigye in 2016, and the National Unity Platform (NUP) have currently opted for open public fundraising, which can be a strategic move to build authenticity and contrast with wealthier opponents perceived as ‘buying’ support.

Mr Job Kiija, a governance researcher and policy analyst, says while open fundraising can demonstrate grassroots support, it also risks exposing candidates to pressure from powerful financial interests.

‘The ruling regime’s history of targeting vulnerable opponents suggests that transparent fundraising could be exploited, making candidates more susceptible to compromise. Ultimately, a candidate’s integrity and ground support are their best defenses.

‘What is needed is a robust campaign finance law requiring disclosure of funds raised, sources, and expenditures to promote accountability and transparency. This would help level the playing field and reduce the influence of money in politics,’ Mr Kiija said on Tuesday.

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the Executive Director at the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), says open fundraising by candidates is emerging largely because the cost of running for office has risen sharply, while access to traditional financing party structures, private donors, or personal resources has become more constrained, especially for opposition actors.

‘In situations where candidates face arrests, account freezes, and even restricted movement, public fundraising becomes a survival mechanism rather than a choice. In that sense, it is understandable, but it also reflects deeper stress within the political and electoral system,’ Mr Chemonges says, adding that the strategy is tenable, but only to a limited extent.

He adds that while public fundraising can ‘democratise’ campaign financing and build solidarity, it operates in a largely unregulated space. ‘Without clear disclosure rules, spending limits, and oversight, it risks undermining transparency and accountability in the electoral process.’

Asked if fundraising puts them in a compromised position, especially given how the NRM has allegedly been buying out opposition candidates, Mr Chemonges says the risk is real.

‘In a political environment where inducements and buyouts are alleged, candidates who depend on ad-hoc fundraising are more vulnerable both to financial pressure and political manipulation. It can weaken autonomy and expose campaigns to influence from actors whose interests may not align with the voters.

‘Of course, I should also emphasise that this trend signals the need for serious reform of campaign finance laws, including fair public financing, clear disclosure requirements, and protection of candidates’ financial rights. Otherwise, fundraising will continue to reflect inequality and pressure in the political arena, rather than genuine democratic competition.’

Mr Henry Muguzi, the director Alliance for Campaign Finance Monitoring (ACFIM), says the ongoing fundraising strategies mean that the campaign war chest candidates started with is done, candidates have been spending massively, not wisely, and that they did not prepare enough prior to deciding to offer themselves.

‘I won’t be surprised if many of them did not even have a budget. Many go into politics without a fundraising team, and a fundraising strategy. Politics being a service rather than a job, should be for people who have reached a level of self-actualization financially.

‘Candidates who are running broke are peasants who are seeking political positions to get rich rather than to serve. A rich candidate who wants to serve may not run out of money because he may not engage in vote-buying schemes. The ones that are broke now have been engaging in the wanton distribution of Largesse to the electorate,’ Mr Muguzi says.

Being an MP comes with a hefty salary and other additional perks, according to information obtained from the Parliamentary Commission.

Each MP is entitled to a monthly salary of Shs25m, a one-off vehicle allowance of Shs150m; a subsistence allowance of Shs4.5m per month, a town running allowance of Shs1m per a month, medical allowance of Shs500,000 per month, sitting allowance of Shs50,000 for committee meetings, and plenary sitting allowance of Shs150,000; as well as mileage allowances.

This publication has previously reported that the price of running a well-oiled campaign varies from region to region, but contests for constituencies in Western Uganda were the most expensive, ranging from between Shs400m and Shs600m.

In a previous interview, Kigulu South MP, Mr Andrew Kiiza Kaluya, said campaigning in constituencies in Eastern Uganda costs between Shs300m and Shs500m.

A synthesis report by Pete Wardle, a WFD Associate at Westminster Foundation for Democracy examined the cost of parliamentary politics in six countries, including Ghana, Kyrgyzstan, Macedonia, Nigeria, Uganda and Ukraine, with focus on the costs faced by individual candidates and elected Members of Parliament (MPs) – not just during the election period itself, but before and after the election as well.

The report revealed that in all six of the countries, getting your name onto the ballot paper as a candidate endorsed by a political party can involve very significant payments to the party, in addition to the official deposits and fees payable to the election authorities.

According to the report, the costs tend to be higher with party-list electoral systems, although in Uganda, for example, with a single-member constituency system, it is more expensive to secure a nomination from the dominant National Resistance Movement party than from other parties.

‘It finds that the costs faced by aspiring MPs are high, not just to conduct their election campaign, but before that to secure their place on the ballot paper; and that those who succeed and are elected to parliament face further costs throughout their term of office,’ the report reads in part.

Adding: ‘Some of these costs arise from their constituents’ general expectation that their MPs, as prominent figures in the community, should provide wealth enough to finance themselves, or have to make significant personal financial sacrifices (or incur significant personal debts) to raise the necessary funds.

‘. . . Those who fail to become MPs risk very significant financial losses and/or debts, while those who succeed in becoming MPs face a strong temptation to focus a high proportion of their efforts on ensuring that they recoup the major investments that they have made, or are able to repay the major debts that they have incurred, and to deliver the corrupt demands of their wealthy sponsors. . .’

The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has formally withdrawn budget corruption charges against three Members of Parliament.

The legislators, Yusuf Mutembuli, Bunyole East MP in Butaleja District; Paul Akamba, Busiki County MP in Namutumba District; and Cissy Namujju Dionizia, Woman MP for Lwengo District, are no longer facing criminal charges, bringing to an end the proceedings that had been before the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court since 2024.

In a notice dated January 6, 2026, addressed to the Deputy Registrar of the Anti-Corruption Division in Kampala, the DPP informed court that the state would no longer pursue the criminal case against the three MPs.

‘This is to inform you that the Director of Public Prosecutions has decided to discontinue the criminal proceedings in Criminal Case No: AC-CO-0078-2024 against all three accused persons,’ the notice reads.

The decision was communicated through a letter filed in court under Section 133 of the Trial on Indictment Act.

The notice was signed by Chief State Attorney Jonathan Muwaganya and the Head of the Investment Crimes Prosecution Unit on behalf of the DPP.

A separate nolle prosequi, also dated January 6, 2026, states that the Government of Uganda ‘intends that the proceedings against Mutembuli, Akamba, and Namujju, charged with corruption shall not continue.’

The document was signed by DPP Lino Anguzu.

The three MPs had been charged under sections 2(e) and 26 of the Anti-Corruption Act, 2009 (as amended), with the prosecution alleging they sought a 5 percent kickback from the chairperson of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC).

Before the withdrawal, the case had taken a constitutional turn following a human rights application by Akamba, who claimed he had been tortured and asked the High Court to drop the charges.

High Court judge Lawrence Gidudu declined to terminate the case at that stage but referred key questions to the Constitutional Court and temporarily halted the trial of all three MPs.

‘I have given considerable thought to this matter and conclude that whilst several cases have interpreted the meaning of a fair trial in relation to the rights of an accused, I have not benefited from any interpretation of Article 28 of the Constitution regarding the rights of victims or society, which are larger than the accused,’ Justice Gidudu said.

He added: ‘Consequently, the questions of law raised need to be interpreted by the Constitutional Court before this court is guided on how to proceed.’

The issues referred for constitutional interpretation included whether provisions of the Human Rights Enforcement Act mandating nullification of trials without taking evidence violate the right to a fair hearing and whether victims or society have rights protected under Article 28 of the Constitution.

What next?

With the filing of the nolle prosequi, the corruption proceedings against the three MPs are now discontinued.

However, Akamba faces a separate case, accused of conspiring with former Trade Permanent Secretary Geraldine Ssali, MPs Michael Mawanda (NRM, Igara East) and Ignatius Mudimi Wamakuyu (Elgon County), lawyer Taitankoko, and Leonard Kavundira, Principal Cooperative Officer from the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives, to defraud the government of Shs3.4 billion intended to compensate war victims of Buyaka Growers Co-operative Society.

The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) has emerged as the chief beneficiary of the ongoing wave of disqualifications of nominated Parliamentary and Local Government candidates by the Electoral Commission (EC).

With barely a week to the first of the month-long elections, the Commission’s tribunal, chaired by Justice Simon Byabakama, struck 11 candidates off the Makindye Division Mayoral race. This handed the NRM’s Yasin Omar an unopposed victory, a windfall that has only fanned the flames of public scrutiny and criticism.

According to the tribunal, the 11 candidates failed to muster at least 20 supporter signatures from the 25 parishes across the Division, thereby falling short of the legal threshold. They joined a growing list of more than 13 parliamentary hopefuls from across the country who have been shown the exit door for similar reasons, ranging from inadequate academic credentials to procedural lapses. Opposition parties and sections of the public have cried foul, accusing the Commission of singling out Opposition candidates. The EC, however, insists its decisions are rooted in evidence and law.

‘The Commission tribunal makes its decisions on the basis of facts, evidence, witnesses, and the law. The Commission doesn’t take its decisions with a person’s colour or political party in mind,’ said Mr Julius Mucunguzi, the EC spokesperson. Justice Byabakama has vowed that the Commission will continue to weed out ineligible candidates until polling day. On December 30, Justice Byabakama told reporters: ‘These petitions are not generated by the Commission but rather vigilant Ugandans who scrutinised the nomination papers that were presented by some candidates and later petitioned us.

We summoned all the accused and complainants, who majority, turned up while others did not.’ He added: ‘We give a fair hearing to all of them, and the Commission asked the respondents to come along with their lawyers, witnesses, and any evidence that backs their nomination, which they did, and we gave judgment based on that..those with enough evidence, we upheld their nominations, only that we don’t publish them.’

Who benefits?

Critics argue that NRM candidates, who are deemed weak on the ground, have been the biggest winners from the tribunal’s axe. Some insiders, including former Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, claim the ruling party leans on the Commission to clear the field of formidable opponents. However, some players have argued that the disqualifications are well within the ambit of the Commission. NRM spokesperson Emmanuel Dombo, for instance, has dismissed claims of weakness, urging aggrieved candidates to seek redress in court. ‘Whoever feels dissatisfied with the EC’s decision should go to court because whatever they are doing is under the law, but otherwise we, the NRM, are strong. We are prepared to massively defeat them again in both Parliamentary and presidential elections…’ But who are some of those beneficiaries?

Isingiro North

Isingiro North has been a hotbed of controversy since November, after three of the six challengers to NRM’s State Minister for Animal Industry, Mr Bright Rwamirama Kanyontore, were disqualified. Mr James Atwiine Nkizimagara was struck off on November 18, for alleged lack of the requisite academic papers.

Mr Best Arnold Akunda of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) and Sharif Ntanda of the National Unity Platform (NUP) followed suit on December 19, both for allegedly failing to raise the required supporter signatures. Rwamirama, a retired army officer, has held the constituency seat since 2001 and the ministerial docket since 2006, a political old hand who has weathered many storms.

Isingiro District Woman MP Seat

NUP officials allege that the disqualification of Sarah Kyarimpa was engineered to pave the way for NRM’s Lilian Ruteraho, who had earlier defeated incumbent Claire Mugumya in party primaries for the Isingiro District Woman MP race. Justice Byabakama, in a December 23 letter, confirmed that Kyarimpa’s papers fell short after one of her seconders reportedly signed twice. Two days later, NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya produced a photograph of the nomination form, questioning how the EC’s computerised system could allow duplicate signatures.

Nebbi District Woman MP

The State Minister for Energy, Ms Phionah Nyamutoro, was declared unopposed after her sole rival, Ms Mercy Rebecca Abedican of NUP, was disqualified. The tribunal ruled that two of Abedican’s supporters denied ever signing her nomination papers.

Budiope East

The disqualification of Daniel Mulirire, a former police officer vying against Moses Hashim Magogo, also sparked outrage. Magogo, husband of Speaker Anita Among and president of the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa), now faces no challenger. Justice Byabakama in the December 23 decision informed Mr Mulirire that he failed to attach proof of resignation from public service at the time he submitted his nomination papers, which is contrary to Section 4(4) (a) of the Parliamentary Elections Act, Cap. 177 and based on Section 30(e) of the law. Yet later revelations indicated that Mr Mulirire’s resignation was approved by the Force on April 18 last year.

Buyanja County

Finance Minister Matia Kasaija will not face youthful NUP challenger Christopher Ategeka, who was disqualified for failing to raise the required signatures.

NUP president Robert Kyagulanyi protested: ‘When they invited him for a hearing, Ategeka went with the three people who they claimed didn’t sign for him. The three people confirmed having signed his nomination forms, and even drew down similar signatures in the presence of Byabakama. Ategeka is very shocked to receive this ruling, because he left the hearing quite sure there was no logical case.’

PETITIONS

Defence

‘We give a fair hearing to all of them [candidates], and the Commission asked the respondents to come along with their lawyers, witnesses, and any evidence that backs their nomination, which they did, and we gave judgment based on that..those with enough evidence, we upheld their nominations, only that we don’t publish them,’ EC tribunal chairperson Justice Simon Byabakama

I took time off from my column in parts of November and December. Over the years, this column has been the space I turn to when time out of work is needed. I agonised several times in the year to just let it go. I was constrained by time, no doubt, but I just kept going until I finally asked for some weeks off, which my editor was gracious to grant. I felt guilty whenever people asked why I was no longer writing, but here I am.

It is strange that as a young person, I thought I loved reading so much that I wished someone would one day pay me to just read, I would have eternal gratitude and keep going as long as my eyes can manage. When people say be careful what you wish for, take them seriously; the universe may hear you. And so, I ended up with a professional life defined by reading. I still enjoy reading, but it is increasingly hard to read the things I would love to like novels. There are so many interesting books in my house now begging me to read them. Biographies people gifted me, or I buy to have to peek into other people’s lives, away from my mundane one.

Development debates that need my attention and of course, my beloved magazines now watching me on endless board papers, minutes, policies to analyse and reports of all kinds. Writing is what I thought I could do for free because it was my greatest desire and goal. ‘Get paid for reading and write for free’, looked like my life’s best laid plan and purpose. The thing that was supposed to make life fun and pay my bills, reading, would turn into a lifelong affair, taking most of my time, leaving just enough to do a bit of writing. The column kept me from feeling that I failed at the thing I loved the most.

I would argue that I was still writing anyway, just another way. Training future writers, journalists and communicators became the thing that took me to the literal ends of the earth, and thankfully, I still enjoyed that. Thinking about leaving the column altogether got me to think deeply about how to know when it is time to leave something, especially if you love it and it gives you meaning. At the beginning of the electoral period, most of us received WhatsApp messages sharing the nomination of our elder and politician, Moses Ali and others.

For the most part, the message seemed to be about why do these people not leave the stage when it is clear that time is up for them? Who decides if it is something you love and defines you? I have left many times, spaces I still loved. And each time no one could persuade me to stay if I felt ready. When I had just graduated from the university, I got a job and felt lucky. I was to collect data for a research institute and within the week of training, got promoted to supervisor. I was paid well for a recent graduate, and felt content. It was a temporary role to end with the exercise, but I stayed for several months, working with the best bosses. I enjoyed the work.

I then got a government job that doubled my salary, yet I agonised about leaving. These people loved me and treated me like a person of value even though I joined without experience. I went with my appointment letter to the boss, and she hugged me and said she was so happy for me because I deserved it. In those days, parastatals in government paid very well. She said she needed me, but if I were her daughter, with my career just starting, she would insist I take the government job. Just like that, I resigned. I left five years later to take up teaching full-time at Makerere University.

This time, my boss did everything to make me stay, persuaded me and still, I left with his blessing. Then I left Makarere University, after 14 years of growth and service, to focus on teaching at Uganda Christian University, where I found the space to really grow. The decision to leave has always seemed very personal. That decision is often also dictated by so many factors, sometimes difficult to comprehend, especially when the situation is complex.

When my mentees ask me if they should leave or stay, whether it is a job, a relationship or things they embraced in life, I tell them the answer is within them. I ask them questions that help them clarify their thought, turn angles but the decision is theirs. Naturally, some people have difficulty letting go. But it can be liberating to start over if you leave for the right reasons. Sometimes the signs are that the grace that brought and kept you has left, when there is no joy, no passion and no peace. When it’s just a job without joy and your everyday dignity is commonly stripped off. Happy New Year.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi’s campaigns in the southern Karamoja sub-region came under heavy frustration after police and the military blocked him from driving on some roads.

Mr Kyangulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, was scheduled to campaign in Amudat, Moroto and Napak, according to the Electoral Commission programme, but he was on Tuesday blocked from accessing Moroto and Napak districts, much to the chagrin of his supporters who waited hours for him in vain.

The NUP candidate told the mini rallies he held at the roadside in Amudat District that the heavy deployment of the police and military was curtailing his movement, and at the end of the day, he barely had a rally in the last two districts of Moroto and Napak.

Mr Kyangulanyi said that he is in the race to put to an end to the 40-year rule of candidate Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, who is now seeking another term in office.

‘All of you know that we can have good leadership if we have new leaders in place,’ Mr Kyangulanyi told his supporters in Amudat District.

He added: ‘Look at the roads that come here, the same is despicable of the hospitals, the schools, so many people have no jobs, and if you make me president, we shall have a different story in Amudat and Karamoja.’

According to him, many people in the restive, mineral-rich Karamoja sub-region have been evicted from their land, and the youth commonly known as the Karachunas are held in prisons hundreds of kilometres away from home.

Mr Kyagulanyi said if he is elected president, all the people in Uganda would be treated equally, irrespective of their background.

‘You will not have one president and family rule for 40 years again. I know that you have been intimidated that if you vote out Museveni that there will be war. An old man cannot intimidate the young. When you vote for an umbrella, there will be tarmac roads to Amudat, hospitals and better schools,’ he promised.

Mr George Ojamuge, the NUP candidate for Moroto municipality, said that the security blockades were a big disappointment to the voters of NUP in Moroto municipality.

He said that the voters wanted to see Mr Kyagulanyi campaigning in Moroto.

Mr Ojamuge revealed that there was a lot of intimidation directed at him and the supporters of NUP, who were beaten and injured throughout the day as they mobilised voters ahead of Mr Kyagulanyi’s scheduled visit.

‘There are continued verbal dwellings aimed at the supporters of the NUP. We tried to engage the RDCs, but they were not of help. They are partisan, they are not civil servants,’ he said.

Mr Ojamuge said that the huge amount of taxpayers’ money being used by the NRM government is an indictment of democracy.

‘Elections shouldn’t be a do-or-die affair,’ he said.

Since presidential campaigns were officially opened months ago, Mr Kyagulanyi has endured several security blockades, coupled with violence meted out on his supporters and journalists.

Every year, like clockwork, January returns with the same reputation. It is the month many Ugandans dread, the month that feels unbelievably long, and the month where money seems to run out faster than the days on the calendar.

Jokes about January lasting 60 days instead of 31 have become part of everyday conversation. But beneath the humour lies a serious financial reality that many households quietly endure.

For most families, the pressure does not begin in January. It starts much earlier, often as early as November.

By then, the festive mood has already taken hold. Children return from school, Christmas excitement builds steadily, and households begin spending as though December comes with extra income attached to it.

In reality, salaries remain the same, financial obligations do not disappear, and discipline slowly fades under the glow of Christmas lights, family gatherings, and social expectations.

It is at this point that Mr Daniel Ayebare, chairperson of the Uganda Financial Literacy Association, says the problems of January are born.

Speaking to BD Life, Ayebare explains that ‘the 60 days of January actually start in November, because people begin spending heavily long before their December pay arrives.’ According to him, January hardship is rarely accidental; it is usually planned unknowingly.

Rise of misplaced spending

Ayebare argues that the challenge is not just overspending, but misplaced spending.

‘Most people use their December income on wants,’ he says, ‘the parties, the visiting, the excitement, all the fun. But they forget to pay for their needs, things like food, rent, school fees, and transport.’

By the time Christmas passes, there is still a long stretch before the next payday, and many households begin the year in survival mode.

National consumption patterns reflect this behaviour. Financial behaviour studies estimate that more than 55 percent of Ugandan households spend up to 40 percent more in December than in any other month, even though their income remains constant.

Some employers also pay salaries earlier in mid-December, which only accelerates spending. By December 22, many people are already broke, yet the most financially demanding period of the year has not even arrived.

Ayebare warns that this pattern pushes households directly into borrowing traps. ‘When you spend all your income on wants and your needs are still waiting, you will borrow,’ he says.

‘People rush to money lenders or take quick mobile loans that charge exorbitant interest rates.’ January then becomes a month defined by loans, panic, and regret rather than fresh starts.

What makes the situation more worrying is how normalised debt has become. Surveys show that more than 60 percent of Ugandan parents borrow for school fees at least once a year, while nearly a third take more than one loan per term.

Borrowing is no longer treated as an emergency measure, but as a routine financial tool. For many families, the year begins with loan deductions, constant pressure, and fear of falling behind.

Consider the experience of Sarah and Joseph, not their real names. Just three years ago, the couple was borrowing between Shs1.2 million and Shs1.5 million every school term to educate their two children.

Their combined monthly income stood at Shs1.8 million, yet more than 35 percent of it went straight into loan repayments.

By the time one loan was cleared, another school term had already arrived. Borrowing became their default solution, and stress became a permanent presence in their home.

Their turning point did not come from a salary increase or a sudden financial windfall. It came from learning how to plan. They sat down and calculated the true annual cost of schooling, including tuition, books, uniforms, transport, meals, and exam fees.

The total came to Shs3.6 million per year. When they divided this amount into monthly instalments of Shs300,000, school fees stopped being an emergency and became a predictable responsibility.

They adopted one rule that changed their financial life, while paying for the current term, they saved for the next one. By automating deposits into a separate school fees account and making small but deliberate sacrifices in discretionary spending, their borrowing was reduced by more than half within two terms. By the third term, it stopped.

Ayebare says this kind of transformation shows what basic financial literacy can do for households. ‘Have a spending plan early,’ he advises.

‘Count the costs. Pay what must be paid before the festive season. If you can, put the money for January needs aside in a separate account.’

He also points to the simple but effective budgeting principle of allocating about 50 percent of income to needs, 20 percent to savings, and 30 percent to guilt-free spending.

However, Uganda’s financial pressures go beyond school fees and December excesses. Rising living costs have further squeezed household budgets.

Uganda Bureau of Statistics data shows that prices of essential items such as rent, transport, and food have risen by an average of between 6 percent and 12 percent over the past year. Without structured budgeting, even households with stable incomes are finding January harder to manage.

Financial stress

The consequences of poor financial planning ripple across families, workplaces, and communities. Mental health surveys indicate that financial stress contributes to nearly 30 percent of household conflicts and reduced productivity.

January, filled with debt and anxiety, often sets the tone for an entire year of delayed growth and missed opportunities.

As the festive season approaches, Ayebare urges Ugandans to reflect more deeply. ‘If you spend all your income on wants, you will borrow for needs. Do not try to impress people who do not even notice your struggle. And every shilling you use has an opportunity cost,’ he says.

These principles, he adds, are not about denying joy, but about ensuring that celebration does not end in regret.

Christmas, after all, is meant to bring families together, not push them into panic. The problem is not the celebration itself, but carelessness. Joy does not require financial self-sabotage; it requires balance.

This view is echoed by Ms Monica Kasirye, the chief executive officer of Financial Fitness Spa, who says the signs of January distress are already visible long before the new year begins.

‘If someone has not planned for December or January by now, they will obviously fall into debt,’ she says, noting that the widespread availability of mobile loans has made overspending even more tempting.

In Uganda, several digital lenders charge effective monthly interest rates of between 7 percent and 20 percent, meaning a small loan taken in December can quickly spiral into a heavy burden by mid-January.

Kasirye explains that the real problem is not Christmas itself, but concentrating too much spending into a single day or week without thinking about what comes next.

‘You spend heavily on Christmas, and 24 hours later, reality hits,’ she says. ‘You still have January to go through, you have rent, school fees in some cases, and outstanding loans. Just one day can mess you up.’

For many salaried and informal workers whose income is seasonal or irregular, January often stretches far longer than 31 days as cash inflows slow down after the holidays.

Cut unnecessary costs

Still, Kasirye insists that it is never too late to change course. She encourages households to rethink how they celebrate by cutting unnecessary costs and embracing practical alternatives.

‘You do not have to buy so many things for just one day,’ she says. ‘What can you make yourself? Do it yourself some of the things so that you reduce on cost.’

Simple choices, such as home-cooked meals instead of expensive outings or thoughtful low-cost gifts, can significantly reduce December spending.

Beyond cutting costs, Kasirye advises families to prepare deliberately for January. Stocking up on dry food rations before prices rise can help stretch limited incomes. Paying rent in advance, especially for those in seasonal work, provides a critical safety net.

‘At least you know you are covered,’ she notes. She also encourages decluttering and donating unused items, a gesture that supports others without adding financial pressure.

According to Kasirye, the so-called 60 days of January begin almost immediately after Christmas celebrations end. ‘The moment you celebrate Christmas and the excitement goes away, you start asking yourself, ‘What am I going to do?” she says.

It is at that point that disciplined spending, creativity, and early planning make the difference between a manageable January and one defined by debt and stress.

Uganda’s long January will continue to feel like 60 days until households shift from festive impulse to deliberate preparation.

When needs are prioritised before wants, when saving becomes a system rather than an afterthought, and when borrowing is treated as a last resort, January becomes just another month, not the longest one of the year.