UEDCL secures Shs180b loan to upgrade power distribution network

Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL) has secured a five-year $50 million (about Shs180 billion) financing facility from Absa Bank Uganda to expand and modernise the country’s electricity distribution network, in a move aimed at improving power reliability and meeting rising demand.

The loan, signed on Monday at the UEDCL tower in Nakasero, will finance large-scale grid upgrades, construction of new electricity substations, smart grid initiatives, and network reinforcements. UEDCL said the investments will reduce technical losses and enable the utility to unlock suppressed electricity demand by the end of 2026.

In a press statement the company said the financing will also support the integration of renewable energy into the national grid while strengthening electricity reliability to support Uganda’s industrialisation agenda.

UEDCL Board Chairperson, Ms Lynda Ochieng-Obbo, described the deal as timely, noting that it is the company’s first major private-sector financing since assuming responsibility for electricity distribution nationwide.

‘This agreement is a sign of confidence in UEDCL and the government’s broader efforts to establish a standard framework for public agencies to access private capital,’ Ochieng-Obbo said.

The UEDCL Managing Director, Paul Mwesigwa, said the investment will enhance the reliability and efficiency of electricity supply, contributing to improved affordability for consumers.

‘This investment will enhance the reliability and efficiency of the electricity supply system, cementing our role in supporting Uganda’s economic growth,’ he said.

Mr Mwesigwa added that the Electricity Regulatory Authority (ERA) approved the loan and allowed it to be included in the tariff structure to help make the distribution segment financially sustainable. The facility attracts an interest rate of eight percent, lower than the prevailing market rate of 28 percent, inclusive of VAT.

Absa Bank Uganda Managing Director, David Wandera, said the financing aligns with the bank’s long-term commitment to supporting infrastructure development across Africa.

‘Reliable power distribution is fundamental to Uganda’s industrialisation, competitiveness, and inclusive growth. By partnering with UEDCL at this critical phase, we are supporting a more resilient and future-ready power distribution network aligned with Vision 2040 and the National Development Plan IV,’ Wandera said.

The financing comes amid growing public concern over intermittent power outages and unending blackouts reported in several parts of the country since UEDCL took over electricity distribution from Umeme.

The loan also comes against the backdrop of significant infrastructure gaps inherited by UEDCL on April 1, following the end of Umeme’s concession. According to the company’s five-year strategic plan, Mr Mwesigwa, while speaking with the Monitor by the start of the month, said UEDCL requires about $950 million to fully stabilise and expand the electricity distribution network.

In its first year of operation, the utility received approval to spend $74 million, funds he says have already been secured, and has ordered network equipment worth more than $134 million, enough to sustain operations for the next 18 months.

UEDCL was established in 2001 following the unbundling of the Uganda Electricity Board and is mandated to own and operate the country’s electricity distribution network spanning more than 33,000 kilometres. The company received its electricity distribution licence in December 2024 after the expiry of Umeme’s 20-year concession.

Put expected to shuffle for Gabon showdown

Uganda’s Afcon 2025 preparations have entered the phase coaches quietly value most – the sorting, the testing, the subtle narrowing of ideas.

Saturday’s 2-2 draw with AS Far Rabat was not an ending, nor a verdict, but a useful pause.

Paul Put now perhaps has clearer evidence of what works, what fades, and what still needs tightening before facing Tunisia in their Group C opener in Rabat next Tuesday.

Against one of Morocco’s strongest club sides, the Cranes showed early personality.

You can’t switch off

Denis Omedi’s opener and Ivan Ahimbisibwe’s second-half equaliser spoke to a team willing to play, willing to compete, and comfortable enough to ask questions of a serious opponent.

Put liked the courage and the mentality. He did not like the second-half lull, though – the loss of control when the game drifted away from Uganda’s grip.

‘We played with courage and mentality but not happy with the second half ball situation,’ said the Belgian, finalist with Burkina Faso at the 2013 Afcon finals.

Serious business

That balance – encouragement without indulgence – is likely to define selection against fellow Afcon finalists Gabon on Wednesday.

This will not be about repeating line-ups, but about refinement. Several Europe-based players could be available, and Put is expected to shuffle with purpose rather than experiment for its own sake.

The friendly against Gabon, a side with greater international edge than Far, offers a sharper rehearsal.

Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang remains their reference point – a talisman whose movement and finishing punish hesitation.

Even when Gabon are uneven, Aubameyang gives them menace, a constant reminder that mistakes at Afcon level are rarely forgiven twice.

Much needed test

For Uganda, this is precisely the test required. Tunisia, Tanzania and Nigeria will not wait politely.

Gabon’s pace and experience demand defensive organisation, midfield discipline and concentration across 90 minutes – areas Put has repeatedly flagged as decisive.

Saturday’s match also allowed a glimpse of Uganda’s evolving midfield triangle, with Bobosi Byaruhanga and Travis Mutyaba in front of captain Khalid Aucho.

Omedi, leading the line, looked increasingly assured, his goal reward for movement rather than force.

U-17 World Cup youngster James Bogere’s rare start fitted into this broader assessment.

The teenager’s movement, confidence and willingness to combine hinted at promise rather than conclusions.

He created chances, missed a couple, and faded late on – a familiar arc for a young player tasting senior international tempo.

The bigger picture is that Uganda now have depth, not that one player must carry expectations.

Wednesday is therefore about calibration. Put will want rhythm without recklessness, sharpness without overexposure.

Those who missed the Far match due to club duty – Jordan Obita, Aziz Kayondo, Toby Sibbick, Elio Capradossi, Timothy Awany, Melvyn Lorenzen and Uche Ikpeazu – could be folded in. Allan Okello is also expected to return to the starting picture.

Beyond Gabon lies Tunisia on December 23, a fixture that rarely forgives lapses in structure or patience.

The Rabat draw showed Uganda can compete. The Gabon test will show whether they can control, adapt and endure.

Afcon 2025

Build-up matches

Saturday result

AS Far Rabat 2-2 Uganda

Wednesday, December 17

Uganda vs Gabon

Afcon Group C matches

Dec 23: Tunisia vs Uganda

Dec 27: Uganda vs Tanzania

Dec 30: Uganda vs Nigeria

Hidden cost of Uganda Airlines’ new aircraft fleet

The Ministry of Works and Transport asked Parliament in early December for a supplementary payment of Shs422b to ‘secure’ 10 aircraft for Uganda Airlines.

What the public document and the parliamentary scrutiny that followed did not make clear was that the Shs422b is almost certainly a pre-delivery deposit, not the purchase price.

That deposit buys the right to a production slot, it does not tell taxpayers how large the full purchase obligation will be months or years from now.

Approving a supplementary appropriation for a deposit on aircraft without a transparent, parliamentary discussion of the ultimate price, payment schedule, and financing risk is exactly the sort of budgetary theatre that leaves our country exposed. Parliament’s Budget Committee discussed and voted on the deposit. It did not, as far as public reporting shows, discuss the scale of the final liability or the tradeoffs that will follow when the full purchase invoices arrive.

The ministry sought a Shs1.7 trillion supplementary package, of which Shs422b was singled out as the initial payment required to secure the order for four Airbus narrowbodies, four Boeing wide-bodies and two Boeing converted freighters. Ministry officials framed the deposit as necessary to ‘secure the slot’ in tightly stretched production lines.

Ministry figures also referenced pre-delivery payments (PDPs) in two tranches: roughly Shs247b at signing and another Shs275b due in January 2026. Those PDPs, typical in aircraft deals, are real cash outflows before any aircraft flies. But PDPs are measured against a purchase price that will be negotiated, and that purchase price is the number most taxpayers should know.

Manufacturers publish list prices, but no airline pays up those numbers. Still, list prices give an anchoring point. Crucially, real world purchase prices are discounted heavily from list prices. Public reporting and industry analysis show discounts frequently in the 40-60 percent range on major orders, PDPs historically represent something like 15-30 percent of the gross purchase price. In short, a list price balloon is not the final answer, but neither is the deposit. Both must be presented to Parliament and the public before final signatures bind taxpayers.

Using conservative, transparent assumptions allows us to estimate the likely total fiscal exposure. Airbus narrowbodies – using the A320neo list price of $113.5m (Shs401b). Assume 50 percent discount – net price per aircraft = $56.75m (Shs200b). Four aircraft = $227m (Shs802b). Boeing wide-bodies – using Boeing 787-9 list price of $292.5m (Shs1 trillion). Assume 40 percent discount – net price per aircraft = $175.5m (Shs700b). Four aircraft = $702m (Shs2.5 trillion). Two converted freighters – using conversion / used-airframe benchmark of $45m (Shs159b)each = $90m (Shs318b). Adding the three buckets totals up to $1.02b (Shs3.6 trillion).

So, under plausible commercial terms, the 10-aircraft package that Parliament was asked only to put a deposit on could cost the Ugandan taxpayer on the order of $0.8-1.2b (Shs4.2 trillion), with a mid-point near $1b Shs3.5 trillion).

Those are the numbers that Parliament should have had before endorsing the initial payment. A PDP is an irrevocable cash outflow. If the full price exceeds expectations, finishing payments will either require more supplementary requests, re-allocation of funds, or additional borrowing, all of which have consequences for other public priorities. This order did not appear out of nowhere. Uganda Airlines issued tenders for advisory services and public reporting shows negotiation activity for more than two years.

The parliamentary debate suggests the government brought taxpayers the deposit before a transparent final package was presented. The approved deposit is the first chapter of a contract that could shape Uganda’s aviation footprint for a generation.

How African leadership once enabled exploitation, why it is happening again

One of the most painful truths in Africa’s history is not only that millions were taken, but that the tragedy was made possible by local intermediaries who misread the danger, sought short-term gains, or succumbed to external pressure. Exploitation in Africa has never occurred in isolation. It has always had two sides: the external demand and the internal collaborator. This is not a theoretical warning. It is not a distant memory. It is happening again. As Europe’s demographic crisis intensifies, African leaders face mounting incentives to support new labour-export schemes.

Yet these schemes, often advertised as ‘opportunities,’ overwhelmingly position African youth in the lowest-tier jobs, the jobs Europeans avoid. In response to Essay 2, one reader captured this tragedy in a single line: ‘Least desirable jobs is my take-home.’ It is a painful but accurate summary. Africa is filling the roles others reject, not because our young people lack intelligence or ambition, but because social, political, and economic pressures leave them with no meaningful alternative.

As that same reader wrote, ‘We willingly hand ourselves over, though not willing in the true sense of the word.’ This is where the modern collaboration begins.

Leaders enable exploitation when local conditions become unbearable. High youth unemployment, unstable incomes, and limited social protection create a landscape where migration feels like the only option. This desperation relieves governments of pressure to create jobs at home, while remittances conveniently mask deeper structural failures. Sending youth abroad becomes a political release valve.

The illusion of ‘opportunity’ hides the reality of outsourcing human vulnerability. As one young Ugandan observed, soldiers sometimes sign up to fight in foreign wars knowing the odds of survival are uncertain not because they are brave, but because economic desperation has narrowed their choices. He wrote: ‘If men knowingly walk into a war zone, we as Africans must have been dazed on something.’

The same logic applies to African labour migrants. When staying home means stagnation, and going abroad means survival, exploitation begins to feel like opportunity. That is how collaboration works: quietly, gradually, and often unintentionally. Illegal labour markets flourish because desperation outpaces protection.

Governments issue statements about protecting migrant workers, yet the most abusive recruitment channels remain the most profitable. The reader shared an article detailing cases where migrants endured severe violations because illegal brokers act faster than official channels; bureaucratic delays push people into danger; and desperate migrants choose exploitation over waiting ‘just to wash dishes in a foreign land.’ This is not future risk. This is current reality.

Why African leaders collaborate – consciously or unconsciously. The incentives are powerful: remittances boost national foreign exchange; labour-export policies reduce domestic unemployment pressure; bilateral agreements earn political favour; external partners reward compliance; and corruption within recruitment systems enriches intermediaries. Some leaders see migration as a development strategy, not realising that it is also a long-term leakage of national talent and human capital.

If we cannot name the problem, we cannot solve it. In earlier drafts, I wrote cautiously that African collaboration ‘may happen again.’ But readers are right: it is already happening, and we must say so clearly. Collaboration today is not about selling bodies for rifles or cloth. It is about endorsing systems that channel our youth into foreign economies that value their labour but not their lives.

Unless African states renegotiate their relationship with global labour markets – with dignity, protection, and sovereignty – we risk repeating the most painful chapter of our history, written in modern language and carried out with quiet consent.

Essay 4 – ‘Europe’s Blind Spot: Why Europeans Themselves Don’t Know What Is Being Done in Their Name.’

Noise pollution in Kampala: A call to action

Dear Tingasiga:

It rained in Kampala this past weekend. The sound of raindrops on the roof and windows was a pleasant return to my childhood. Few things brought me as much pleasure as hearing the rain on the corrugated iron roofs of my parents’ houses in Mparo and Kahondo ka Byamarembo while I lay on my bed.

I loved to keep the window ajar, to hear the rain dancing with the banana leaves and the grass. The flashes of lightning, followed by roaring thunder in the distance, invariably added to the joy of the unsurpassed symphony that nature offered us during the rainy seasons of Kahingo, Katumba, and Museenene. The feeling has not been altered by time.

The rain in Kampala, in this twelfth month that my people call Muzimbezi, was welcome relief after several nights of ugly noise in the neighbourhood where I am staying. This beautiful part of the city, which once stood out because of its tastefully designed homes and leafy landscape, was assaulted by very loud dance music that, I was told, was part of some end of year celebrations.

The music itself was very good, mostly your usual beautiful and rhythmic offering that likely kept the attendees on their feet. However, it was so loud that I heard some of the lyrics clearly. This notwithstanding the long distance between my bedroom and the purported source of the noise pollution.

The folks in Nakasero, Wandegeya, Mulago, Kitante, and the west side of Kololo were assaulted by this merrymaking on at least three nights in the last week. As though this was not enough torture, they had to continue to endure what has now become part of Kampala’s environment – noise from the city’s exponential growth of engines.

The number of cars, trucks, vans and boda bodas that ferry people and goods around this great city seems to be more each time I come home. They serve a great purpose, of course, but they add to environmental pollution, not only with their gaseous emissions, but their noise that is demonstrably harmful to humans and animals.

This environmental assault is not limited to Kampala. I have endured noisy nights in other Ugandan towns and cities, where folks seem to think that their music and merrymaking must be inflicted on the rest of us who are not in attendance. How people in attendance survive the assault on their eardrums and their brains is hard to understand. But that is their right and choice. I only take issue with the disc jockeys who crank up the volume as though music without unbearable noise is incompatible with joyful dancing.

I do not recall hearing such noise coming from White Nile, New Life Club, Silver Springs Hotel, Suzana Club, or Makerere Main Hall – these being some of the dance places of my youth. One would literally have to enter the dance hall to appreciate the music on offer. The amplification systems were modest affairs those days, but the music was quite pleasant to my ears. And it seems to me that people had a good time dancing to the pleasant sounds of our venerable musicians like Kawumba and Swissman at Mengo’s New Life Club.

Noise pollution causes cardiovascular (heart and blood vessel) disease, mental health and cognitive disorders, sleep delay or sleep disruption, chronic discomfort, and premature death. It is so serious a problem that respectable international health agencies, including the World Health Organisation, have sounded the alarm to alert us to this self-inflicted harm to which humanity has given little attention.

Many countries and urban centres have laws that regulate noise levels. The challenge is the lax enforcement of the laws, if any attempt is made at all. Do we have such laws in Kampala and other Ugandan towns and cities? If we do, who is responsible for their enforcement? Are my concerns the rumblings of a senior citizen who is disconnected from the joy of youthful living, or are there others who share my view on this important matter?

It seems to me that we need a citizens’ anti-noise movement, to launch a non-partisan campaign against this preventable cause of physical and mental health disorders. Much as I love Kampala, I cannot wait to escape from this city of my youth, and seek refuge in the pleasant countryside where I can hear the rain drops caressing the leaves, the sparrows and crested cranes singing their melodies, and the drunken brother belting his blues as he struggles with his unsteady legs towards his home across the valley. The beautiful silence of the dark night in Kigyezi is only surpassed by the sweet dreams of a past that I refuse to let go.

Kampala runners club in shock after abduction of member

Members of two top elite clubs, Kampala Club and Fast and Furious Runners’ Club, are in shock after their member and her 13-year-old daughter were abducted by armed people dressed in civilians before they were driven off to unknown place. Efforts to trace Ms Sarah Nambogo and daughter’s whereabouts have not yet yielded fruit since Friday last week when they were abducted at Kampala Club in Kampala City.

‘We are deeply concerned by the reported abduction of Sarah Nambogo, our member, taken this morning from her workplace at Kampala Club. We call upon @PoliceUg (Uganda Police Force) to urgently investigate and secure her safe return. We are committed to support all lawful efforts to ensure her safety,’ reads a statement by Fast and Furious Runners’ Club. Ms Nambogo’s abduction was captured on video by her colleagues. She alongside her daughter were taken to a van and driven off to unknown place.

They join a long list of people who have been disappeared by armed people in Uganda. At first, most of the victims of abductions were members of the Opposition or those with security-related cases. Ugandan laws prohibit illegal arrests and detention of anyone, but most of these incidents have been going on unabated. Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesman Rachael Kawala said they hadn’t established her whereabouts since Saturday.

‘By yesterday (Saturday), we were still verifying about her whereabouts,’ Superintendent of Police Kawala said yesterday.

Of recent, security personnel, business people and foreigners have joined the long list of victims of disappearance and abductions. Fast and Furious Runners’ Club members said they would continue their efforts to trace the whereabouts of their member.

‘Our spirits remain undampened. We continue to hope and believe that Sarah Nambogo and her daughter Christella will be safely reunited with us,’ their statement reads. The National Unity Platform and several other groups have been complaining about abductions of their members with several of them missing since November 2020.

Mr Bob Njagi and Mr Nicholas Oyoo, both Kenyan nationals, who were illegally detained for 38 days in Uganda, said they were held alongside 150 others, including Mr Amos Rwangomani, a National Resistance Movement cadre, Mr Moses Kasiba, a former Flying Squad Unit operative, six Nigerians and a South African, at SFC facilities at Kasenyi, Wakiso District. President Museveni later confirmed that the Kenyans were being held in a ‘fridge’. He ordered their release after the intervention of the Kenyan government.

Mr Rwangomani was arrested at Mulago in Kampala City. His relatives contacted the Minister of Internal Affairs, Maj Gen (Rtd) Kahinda Otafiire to help them find their loved one. During the Sam Kalega Njuba Memorial Lecture in Kampala City, Gen Otafiire said Mr Rwangomani’s relatives went to court to order the government to produce him in court, but the Attorney General said they didn’t know where he was.

Trade wars destroy the planet

Tariff wars are often justified as necessary to protect or reshore manufacturing jobs and to improve national security. But, according to new research, these conflicts produce another outcome that is largely overlooked: pollution. When global supply chains are forced into inefficient detours, carbon dioxide emissions rise.

In a recent study of the US-China trade conflict’s environmental effects, my co-authors and I found that tariffs have directly increased global CO2 emissions. Based on our calculations, if both sides were to impose a 60 percent tariff on imports from the other – a level consistent with the recent escalations in April – this would lead to a one-time increase in global emissions of nearly 410 million tonnes, roughly the same amount produced by 165 million gas-powered cars (with 1.6L engines) each travelling 10,000kms.

This may seem counterintuitive. Given that China is the world’s largest emitter and has a high carbon intensity, some assume that shifting production out of the country would reduce global emissions. But in many manufacturing sectors, China’s carbon intensity is significantly lower than that of numerous developing economies, and in certain industries it is even lower than that of some advanced economies. In effect, China bears a disproportionate share of the world’s emission-intensive production.

According to the UNCTAD-EORA Global Value Chain database, in 2017 (before the trade war between the US and China began), 33.9 percent of the carbon embodied in US imports originated in China. These emissions did not vanish once tariffs disrupted bilateral trade; they have either been re-imported by the US through costlier domestic production or diverted to third countries. If trade tensions reshape industrial structures in China and the US, the shift of production toward more energy-intensive activities will raise the weighted-average carbon intensity of both economies, even without a change in sector-specific intensities.

Our research shows that the emissions increase caused by structural shifts vastly exceeds the emissions decline associated with slower economic growth. But the impact is more pronounced in third countries. The US merchandise-trade deficit has hovered above 4 percent of GDP for the past decade, implying that the country’s trade war with China has resulted in nearshoring and friendshoring, rather than reshoring. We find that each percentage-point increase in US-China bilateral tariffs causes a 0.1-0.34 percent rise in carbon flows embodied in trade between third countries.

Simulation results confirm that reduced US imports from China are largely replaced by imports from Southeast Asian or Latin American economies, where many industries have higher carbon intensities than in China. The US essentially swaps one supplier for another – only to increase the world’s emissions. This is not to say that Southeast Asia or Latin America should not attract investment or pursue growth. Under normal circumstances, an economy’s carbon intensity follows the environmental Kuznets curve, rising in the early stages of development and then declining in the later stages, as cleaner technologies diffuse.

But trade conflicts disrupt this balance. High tariffs undermine economic performance in the US and China, pushing them left along the Kuznets curve, toward the phase where emissions rise rather than fall. The current US-China trade relationship is thus a ‘high-emissions’ one that externalises pollution and erodes the world’s capacity to fight climate change. This is why we advocate a ‘green’ trade relationship, with trade policy and climate goals explicitly aligned – for example, by lowering barriers to low-carbon technologies and recognising that tariff reduction can be a form of climate cooperation when it facilitates cleaner trade flows and discourages carbon-intensive production.

Kampala traders deserve better

The frustration that spilled onto the steps of the High Court last week was not the noise of unruly protesters but the cry of ordinary Ugandans pleading for justice. Kampala’s traders, many of them members of Kampala Arcade Traders Association (KATA) and Uganda National Traders Alliance (UNATA), gathered once again to demand answers after their case against the redevelopment of the Nakivubo drainage channel was pushed to 2026.

For small business owners already battered by floods, lost income, and economic uncertainty, this postponement feels less like a delay and more like abandonment. Their legal battle began after floods swept through downtown Kampala, destroying merchandise worth millions and leaving families financially crippled. The traders argue that the ongoing redevelopment of the Nakivubo channel, which is led by businessman Hamis Kiggundu and his company Kiham Enterprises, has obstructed natural water flow and worsened the flooding that repeatedly ruins their livelihoods. Many of these traders are mothers, fathers, and breadwinners who cannot simply ‘wait until 2026.’ Their lives and businesses are at stake today.

Yet instead of answers, they have received a string of adjournments, procedural explanations, and shifting court dates. It is a pattern that has become all too common in our justice system. When delays become habitual, the courts risk signalling that the powerful can wait out the powerless, that justice is not a right, but a privilege. This case raises uncomfortable but necessary questions. Why is a project of such magnitude allowed to proceed amid allegations of inadequate environmental compliance? Why are affected traders left without compensation even as government entities involved in the same area reportedly received theirs? And why must ordinary citizens feel that justice slips further from reach each time the courtroom doors open?

When traders ask, ‘Are we Ugandans or not? Does the law work for everyone or only the rich?’ they are voicing a national sentiment that the rule of law feels uneven. They see a system that appears more responsive to economic might than to the everyday citizen struggling to keep a shop open. Urban development is essential, and Kampala undeniably needs upgraded drainage infrastructure. But development that disregards environmental safeguards and public participation cannot be called progress. When enforcement of regulations appears selective, public trust erodes. A functional justice system must demonstrate that even the most influential developers are not exempt from scrutiny.

What Kampala’s traders want is timely adjudication of their case, accountability where harm has been done, assurance that development will not drown their livelihoods. Above all, they want recognition that their rights matter. The Judiciary carries the heavy responsibility of restoring confidence. By resolving cases swiftly and transparently, it can reaffirm that justice in Uganda is not reserved for the well-connected but is the foundation upon which a fair society stands.

Hidden cost of Uganda Airlines’ new aircraft fleet

The Ministry of Works and Transport asked Parliament in early December for a supplementary payment of Shs422b to ‘secure’ 10 aircraft for Uganda Airlines.

What the public document and the parliamentary scrutiny that followed did not make clear was that the Shs422b is almost certainly a pre-delivery deposit, not the purchase price.

That deposit buys the right to a production slot, it does not tell taxpayers how large the full purchase obligation will be months or years from now.

Approving a supplementary appropriation for a deposit on aircraft without a transparent, parliamentary discussion of the ultimate price, payment schedule, and financing risk is exactly the sort of budgetary theatre that leaves our country exposed. Parliament’s Budget Committee discussed and voted on the deposit. It did not, as far as public reporting shows, discuss the scale of the final liability or the tradeoffs that will follow when the full purchase invoices arrive.

The ministry sought a Shs1.7 trillion supplementary package, of which Shs422b was singled out as the initial payment required to secure the order for four Airbus narrowbodies, four Boeing wide-bodies and two Boeing converted freighters. Ministry officials framed the deposit as necessary to ‘secure the slot’ in tightly stretched production lines.

Ministry figures also referenced pre-delivery payments (PDPs) in two tranches: roughly Shs247b at signing and another Shs275b due in January 2026. Those PDPs, typical in aircraft deals, are real cash outflows before any aircraft flies. But PDPs are measured against a purchase price that will be negotiated, and that purchase price is the number most taxpayers should know.

Manufacturers publish list prices, but no airline pays up those numbers. Still, list prices give an anchoring point. Crucially, real world purchase prices are discounted heavily from list prices. Public reporting and industry analysis show discounts frequently in the 40-60 percent range on major orders, PDPs historically represent something like 15-30 percent of the gross purchase price. In short, a list price balloon is not the final answer, but neither is the deposit. Both must be presented to Parliament and the public before final signatures bind taxpayers.

Using conservative, transparent assumptions allows us to estimate the likely total fiscal exposure. Airbus narrowbodies – using the A320neo list price of $113.5m (Shs401b). Assume 50 percent discount – net price per aircraft = $56.75m (Shs200b). Four aircraft = $227m (Shs802b). Boeing wide-bodies – using Boeing 787-9 list price of $292.5m (Shs1 trillion). Assume 40 percent discount – net price per aircraft = $175.5m (Shs700b). Four aircraft = $702m (Shs2.5 trillion). Two converted freighters – using conversion / used-airframe benchmark of $45m (Shs159b)each = $90m (Shs318b). Adding the three buckets totals up to $1.02b (Shs3.6 trillion).

So, under plausible commercial terms, the 10-aircraft package that Parliament was asked only to put a deposit on could cost the Ugandan taxpayer on the order of $0.8-1.2b (Shs4.2 trillion), with a mid-point near $1b Shs3.5 trillion).

Those are the numbers that Parliament should have had before endorsing the initial payment. A PDP is an irrevocable cash outflow. If the full price exceeds expectations, finishing payments will either require more supplementary requests, re-allocation of funds, or additional borrowing, all of which have consequences for other public priorities. This order did not appear out of nowhere. Uganda Airlines issued tenders for advisory services and public reporting shows negotiation activity for more than two years.

The parliamentary debate suggests the government brought taxpayers the deposit before a transparent final package was presented. The approved deposit is the first chapter of a contract that could shape Uganda’s aviation footprint for a generation.

Kampala City slum residents hold onto hope amid despair

From the glass-fronted offices and guarded compounds of Kampala’s city centre, it takes only minutes to reach some of the city’s forgotten communities.

A short walk, a boda ride, sometimes just crossing a road, and the city’s promise collapses into a maze of rusted iron sheets, open drains, choking smoke, and cramped rooms where families reside.

These are Kampala’s slums, neighbourhoods that exist in the shadow of power and wealth, yet remain cut off from the protections, services, and dignity that the city offers just beyond their borders. Here, life is shaped by battles for clean water, safe shelter, food, and survival. Disease spreads easily, fires are frequent, and insecurity is constant. In some ghettos, the problems are decades old, yet hope survives. There is a crucial element of resilience, ingenuity, and a thriving human spirit found within these settlements.

Daily Monitor goes beyond the stereotypes to explore the multifaceted existence of slum dwellers. We take you on a journey through Kamwokya, Kiyembe, and Kimombasa, some of the city’s slums, and delve into the daily struggles of the slum dwellers. We also highlight the ways residents manage to survive, cope, and even thrive against the odds. The three-part series goes inside these settlements to tell the stories behind the statistics and the faces. It examines how communities living just a stone’s throw from State House meetings, luxury hotels, and policy decisions endure conditions that reflect neglect, inequality, and broken urban planning. It is a reminder that Kampala’s prosperity and progress are unevenly shared.

Kiyembe: What it means to grow up in a slum

In the wee hours of the morning, Kiyembe Village is already awake. Music from all-night discos thumps through rusty iron sheets. Half-dressed women shuffle away from corners where they spent the night, while young men lie stretched along a foul-smelling drainage channel. The air carries a blend of sewage, alcohol, and charcoal smoke.Mothers light small charcoal stoves and boil thin porridge, carefully rationing the little they have so each child gets a sip. Breakfast here is not guaranteed. Deciding who eats and who waits until evening is part of the daily struggle.

As dawn settles, the slum begins to stir. Children step over sleeping bodies and stagnant pools as they prepare for the day. Kiyembe slum, found in Masana zone in Kansanga parish, Makindye Division, is home to 40,000 people squeezed into just 25 hectares. Life is loud, chaotic, and fragile. By mid-morning, the surrounding neighbourhood is alive with commerce. The aroma of Ethiopian and Eritrean coffee blends with the sound of frying chapattis in the nearby market. Shops open along the tarmacked Ggaba road, giving the illusion of prosperity. But a few metres down the murram stretch, reality shifts drastically: electronics stalls, tiny restaurants, salons, bars, and movie libraries line the crowded paths, each squeezed between makeshift homes. This is where many children spend most of their day learning, observing, and absorbing things around them.

Loss of innocence

Among them is Brian, a 13-year-old boy. His family lives in a single room tucked behind a drug-infested alley. He once attended a nearby primary school, scoring Aggregate 13 in the Primary Leaving Examinations. But school fees, uniforms, and lunch money became an obstacle. A year later, he remains out of school. The roadside has become his classroom. Older boys have become his teachers, showing him how to sniff toxic drugs and pickpocket. His mother, a market vendor and mother of five, has watched him change. She says: ‘My son changed a lot; I no longer understand him. He must have picked habits from the neighbourhood and his friends.’

Her worries do not end with Brian. She guards her teenage daughters closely, afraid they might slip into the same traps that caught many girls raised beside sex workers and nightly chaos. Her eldest son is already in rehabilitation. A few steps away, another reality unfolds. A group of girls, not older than 12, wander the slum asking for Shs500 to buy popcorn. One of them carries a baby strapped to her back. She explains that their stepmother locks them out of the house each dawn as she goes to work in Kajjansi on Entebbe Road, leaving them only a flask of porridge. They roam the slum until evening, waiting for her return. Here, innocence is short-lived.

Children grow up among different tribes, nationalities, behaviours, and influences, many of them destructive. According to local leaders, of every 10 adults in these communities, at least three are involved in theft or crime. In such an environment, picking up dangerous habits is not a possibility; it is almost a guarantee.

In some corners, babies relieve themselves on the floor while chicken hover nearby, pecking at waste. Flies swarm freely between rubbish and cooking utensils. Cholera and other diseases are constant threats.

Fighting back

Yet, amid this bleakness, there are pillars of strength, leaders who refuse to give up. Nalongo Kasapatu, often referred to as the ‘Iron Lady,’ is an ex-leader at the local council. She dedicated herself to fighting the vices that entangle young lives. ‘These children don’t need charity, they need a fighting chance, school, safety, guidance,’ she says. Mr Joseph Kasasira, the LC chairperson of Ssebuliba Zone, sees the long-term cost of Kiyembe’s struggles. Raising a child here, he says, is more than providing food or shelter; it is carrying the burden of lost innocence, wasted potential, and poverty.

Without community accountability and shared responsibility, he warns, the slum will continue to raise not just children, but future criminals and victims. Other leaders echo similar concerns. Mr Constantine Bagula from Mponye Zone emphasises poor parenting. Parental involvement has dwindled, he says, adding that when meetings are organised to help address children’s issues, parents demand transport refunds or refreshments. Community observer Vian Kirausi says poverty in the slum is not just economic, it is structural.

‘Poverty steals everything: dignity, safety, and a child’s future,’ he says. He argues that the education system, inherited from colonial structures, was never designed to uplift the poor. Dreams here are expensive and scarce. Some university graduates even return to the slum, defeated by a system that prepared them for disappointment rather than success, he says. He says government initiatives such as the rent-to-own housing plan once brought hope, but even that has proven unrealistic for many. Mr Kirausi says many of the slum dwellers do not earn even Shs1,000 a day; formal housing remains a distant dream.

In Kiyembe, raising a child means fighting several negative influences: drugs, crime, overcrowding, poverty, broken systems, and disappearing community values. It means watching dreams wither and struggling to keep them alive. Children still hope to become doctors, teachers, or pilots. Parents still pray for better days. Leaders still try to pull their communities back from the edge.

Keeping law and order in chaos

Mr David Twoyem, the officer, in-charge of Kansanga Police Station, says the community used to be good for the locals until urban refugees displaced locals. Urban refugees came with a lot of money and caused inflation. Accommodation became too expensive, and the only option was to move to slums, where accommodation is cheaper. However, this cheap accommodation has also come with a cost; children raised in slums easily become thieves, abuse drugs and are targeted by sex offenders. ‘In this parish of Kansanga, we have been fighting against drug abuse, but it has failed. Most of the youth are almost deranged. You find them talking alone,’ he says.

Mr Twoyem says, children raised in slums tend to be unruly and eventually become criminals. ‘Parents report cases of indiscipline, school drop-outs. Last month, I recorded two serious crimes. The child wanted to kill his parents, and we found out he was influenced by drugs,’ he says. Mr Twoyem says they are boosting community policing to fight the vices, with emphasis on curbing drug abuse. Ms Hellen Nakanwagi, a mother of five, says even though her home is situated close to the slum, her children are safe, and she always assigns them work. ‘My children are still safe. One sells water, another one works in the restaurant. The father is so strict. I check on their whereabouts every 20 minutes. They are under strict surveillance,’ she says.

Some parents though are too busy to look after their children, says Ms Nakanwagi. She explains that by the time parents come back from work, their children are already tempted. Some parents in slums will do anything for survival. Some women practice prostitution and accidentally teach their children the vice. Mr Nespol Amudoi, the deputy head teacher of KCCA Kansanga Primary School, says children copying their parents’ behaviours are easily identified by some characteristics they exhibit.

‘We give learners long uniforms, and they cut them too short. Some children come with alcohol. We only get notifications from fellow learners,’ he says. Now the school is designing a child protection book to encourage them to speak about the challenges they go through, but also report issues they encounter at home. This very year and term, a child in Primary Six left and got married for one week and later came back. She did it out of ignorance, the child says the mother encouraged her, saying she is already grown up,’ he says. ‘We wanted to suspend her, but we thought otherwise. So, we left her, next year, she will be in Primary Seven,’ he adds.

Mr Amudoi says so far, Girl Up Uganda has signed an MoU to coach girls. The Girl Up Uganda project will start next year. Kansanga Primary School has more than 1,000 pupils. For its size, leaders feel the sub-county needs two more schools.