Category: Daily Monitor

The frustration that spilled onto the steps of the High Court last week was not the noise of unruly protesters but the cry of ordinary Ugandans pleading for justice. Kampala’s traders, many of them members of Kampala Arcade Traders Association (KATA) and Uganda National Traders Alliance (UNATA), gathered once again to demand answers after their case against the redevelopment of the Nakivubo drainage channel was pushed to 2026.

For small business owners already battered by floods, lost income, and economic uncertainty, this postponement feels less like a delay and more like abandonment. Their legal battle began after floods swept through downtown Kampala, destroying merchandise worth millions and leaving families financially crippled. The traders argue that the ongoing redevelopment of the Nakivubo channel, which is led by businessman Hamis Kiggundu and his company Kiham Enterprises, has obstructed natural water flow and worsened the flooding that repeatedly ruins their livelihoods. Many of these traders are mothers, fathers, and breadwinners who cannot simply ‘wait until 2026.’ Their lives and businesses are at stake today.

Yet instead of answers, they have received a string of adjournments, procedural explanations, and shifting court dates. It is a pattern that has become all too common in our justice system. When delays become habitual, the courts risk signalling that the powerful can wait out the powerless, that justice is not a right, but a privilege. This case raises uncomfortable but necessary questions. Why is a project of such magnitude allowed to proceed amid allegations of inadequate environmental compliance? Why are affected traders left without compensation even as government entities involved in the same area reportedly received theirs? And why must ordinary citizens feel that justice slips further from reach each time the courtroom doors open?

When traders ask, ‘Are we Ugandans or not? Does the law work for everyone or only the rich?’ they are voicing a national sentiment that the rule of law feels uneven. They see a system that appears more responsive to economic might than to the everyday citizen struggling to keep a shop open. Urban development is essential, and Kampala undeniably needs upgraded drainage infrastructure. But development that disregards environmental safeguards and public participation cannot be called progress. When enforcement of regulations appears selective, public trust erodes. A functional justice system must demonstrate that even the most influential developers are not exempt from scrutiny.

What Kampala’s traders want is timely adjudication of their case, accountability where harm has been done, assurance that development will not drown their livelihoods. Above all, they want recognition that their rights matter. The Judiciary carries the heavy responsibility of restoring confidence. By resolving cases swiftly and transparently, it can reaffirm that justice in Uganda is not reserved for the well-connected but is the foundation upon which a fair society stands.

We have largely abandoned the language of moral character and civic virtue. What was once condemned as corruption is now rationalised as ‘smart politics,’ and the use of public office for private enrichment has quietly become an acceptable path to prosperity. Our public conversation has shifted so dramatically that what used to shame leaders now earns applause, while those who insist on integrity are dismissed as naive or unrealistic.

This is not merely a political problem; it is a moral one. Uganda is a living proof that no constitutional framework, however beautifully crafted or institutionally sound, can restrain leaders who lack the civic virtues necessary for public service. Laws may guide a nation, but it is the character of its leaders that ultimately determines its destiny. You may amend the Constitution 10 times, expand oversight bodies, create new commissions, or impose more layers of accountability, but if the people entrusted with these tools lack integrity, the entire system collapses.

The Roman Republic (1st Century BC) once operated under one of the most advanced constitutional systems in human history, complete with checks and balances, term limits, and a clear separation of powers. Yet the Republic still collapsed spectacularly. Why? Because its leaders abandoned civic virtue. Figures like Julius Caesar, Sulla, and Pompey turned public office into a pathway for personal glory, wealth, and unchecked power. Their moral decline, not the inadequacy of the Constitution, fractured the Republic. .

Germany’s Weimar Constitution (1919-1933) was one of the most liberal and progressive documents of its time, guaranteeing rights, elections, and checks on executive power. But it failed because many leaders, especially in the political elite and civil service, lacked democratic commitment and moral courage. Adolf Hitler did not destroy the constitution alone; weak, self-interested leaders enabled him, abused emergency powers, and used public office for personal survival.

Many newly independent African states (1960s-1980s) adopted beautifully written constitutions modelled on Westminster or Washington.

But these documents did not survive the ambitions of leaders who lacked the civic virtue to protect them. Idi Amin in Uganda swept away constitutionalism within months. Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire looted the national treasury despite constitutional limits. Jean-Bédel Bokassa of the Central African Republic crowned himself emperor while the constitution remained in place on paper.

These examples tell us that no constitution can protect a nation from leaders who don’t respect it. In Uganda, we celebrate cleverness more than character and connections more than competence. A person who becomes wealthy through suspicious means is admired more than the civil servant who refuses to take a bribe. Public service, meant to be an act of stewardship, has been reduced to a stepping stone for personal advancement. The tragedy is not that corruption exists, but that we have normalised it to the point where it no longer shocks us.

Look at the recent scandals involving ghost beneficiaries, inflated procurement contracts, and billions unaccounted for in service delivery. None of these happened because the Constitution is weak. They happened because individuals entrusted with public responsibility knowingly chose self-interest over civic duty. Even the best laws cannot restrain a corrupt heart.

This moral decline has consequences. When a district road collapses because funds were diverted, it is not the Constitution that failed; it is the character of the people who approved the theft. When medical interns are told to sponsor themselves due to ‘budget constraints,’ yet resources are freely found for political comfort, it is virtue, not legality, that is missing. When Parliament becomes a marketplace for political loyalty rather than a guardian of national interest, the crisis is ethical, not structural.

Our future does not depend only on reforms, amendments, or structural changes. It depends on the moral character of those who lead and the civic courage of those who follow. If we continue abandoning virtue, no constitution will save us. But if we choose to restore it, beginning with the honesty of leaders and the vigilance of citizens, then Uganda can still build the just, prosperous, and dignified society we all desire.

Across the coffee-growing districts of West Nile – Nebbi, Arua and Zombo – the once scattered groups of smallholder farmers struggling to market low-value coffee have steadily grown into a community of organized producers, with women taking up leadership roles and households beginning to earn more from their labour.

According to Mudi Oyikuru, a project officer at the c (AFCE), under the Power of Voices project supported by Oxfam, farmers have come together to contribute local materials such as poles, timber, stones, and labour.

This collective effort allows them to access services that would otherwise be unaffordable, including agricultural extension, post-harvest handling facilities, and better market opportunities. As a result, six micro-stations have been constructed across the region, improving coffee processing quality, strengthening farmer groups, and attracting buyers willing to pay premium prices for their produce.

He says: ‘At the micro-stations, we have registered an improvement in the quality of coffee as the farmers are producing specialty coffee that attracts buyers that are able to offer good prices for farmers with each kilogramme costing Shs2,400. This has in turned boosted production and improved their livelihoods.’ At the micro-stations, farmers follow a careful process to ensure quality.

As seen at Gonyobendo, Deogracious Mongrek, a community-based consultant explains, ‘Farmers bring fully ripe red cherries from their farms, which we first inspect for quality. Anything that does not meet our standard is returned for unsorting. Once sorted, the cherries are weighed and processed through the pulper into fresh parchment, which is then left to ferment for two nights in our pits and drums.’ Similarly, during the post-processing, women play a crucial role as after fermentation, the coffee is washed and carefully hand-sorted by women to remove damaged beans and foreign materials. Their attention to detail ensures uniform drying in the sheds, preventing cracks and preserving quality. This meticulous process has enabled farmers to consistently produce specialty coffee that fetches higher prices in the market.

Capacity building

Beyond improving coffee processing, the project has invested heavily in building the skills and knowledge of farmers across West Nile. The trainings have covered a range of areas, such as agronomic practices, and financial management, ensuring that farmers not only produce quality coffee but also manage their resources effectively. Oyikuru explains, ‘We trained farmers on nursery management, pruning, and proper harvesting techniques. We also introduced savings groups and provided each group with saving kits. This has enabled them to manage their finances better, invest in their farms, and plan for the future.’

As part of a core initiative that fosters an inclusive and equitable community, Sophie Nampewo Njuba, the Financing for Development Coordinator at Oxfam and coordinator of the Fair4All/Power of Voices project, highlighted that through partnership with Third World Network, these promote Fair4All value chains where the rights of women and youth in the coffee value chain are recognized and protected. ‘Our goal has been to empower smallholder farmers, especially women, to fully participate in and own their coffee value chains. Through these trainings, they gain both the technical and business skills they need to turn ideas into sustainable livelihoods,’ she says.

Similarly, the capacity-building initiatives have been particularly transformative for women. Through the Gender Action Learning System and Girls’ Methodology, women have learned to participate fully in decision-making at both household and group levels. They now take active roles in leadership committees, manage savings groups, and contribute to planning for collective marketing and investment. Oyikuru adds. ‘The trainings gave women confidence and practical skills, as they can not only manage coffee processing, but also run small businesses, make decisions about household income, and influence community priorities.’

In a patriarchal society, where enterprises that involve money like coffee sector, are dominated by the men, the skills and knowledge attained have also been used to help the minority groups to also own their land through registration. ‘Through maximizing land ownership as a form of main cash crop, this has not only improved people’s livelihoods, but also increased agribusiness as land ownership encourages producing for the ready market rather than for consumption,’ Ms Nampewo says. One of the notable achievements from the trainings has been in horticulture. Farmers were provided with onion seeds and, equipped with skills acquired from nursery bed management to harvesting.

The introduction of horticulture, such as onions, has provided an additional income stream, diversifying household earnings and reducing dependency on a single crop. Since the inception of the project, a total of 1,388 farmers have been recruited across the six micro-stations, comprising 723 men and 665 women, reflecting strong participation and notable inclusion of women in a traditionally male-dominated sector.

Despite these successes, the project faced initial challenges, including small landholdings, a male-dominated coffee sector, and limited access to agricultural extension services. Overcoming these barriers required persistent training, community engagement, and strong collaboration among partners.

Looking ahead

The success of the project has been built on the complementary expertise of several partners. AFCE focused on mobilizing farmers, facilitating trainings, and constructing micro-stations, Oxfam coordinating the project and emphasized inclusive, women- and youth-centered value chains, Third World Network ensuring farmers’ rights were protected along the coffee value chain, the Uganda Agribusiness Alliance supported alternative business practices favoring women and minorities, while SFU Uganda helped strengthen land governance and legal ownership and CIATINI provided guidance for compliance with EU market regulations. Together, these partnerships have created a structure where farmers are empowered technically, financially, and socially.

As the project approaches its final year, the focus is shifting towards sustainability and turning ideas into enduring business models. Ms Nampewo says ‘What we want to emphasize now is how to transform everything that has been tested and utilized into a viable business model.’ She adds, ‘While we have supported farmers with inputs so far, their current skills and experience mean they are well-equipped to continue producing for the market and earn a living independently.’

This approach thus ensures that the achievements in coffee production, women’s empowerment, and alternative livelihoods will continue to benefit communities in West Nile long after the formal support from the project ends.

As is the wont, the campaigns have reached the stage where the NRM government of HE Yoweri Museveni goes into the ‘warning stage.’ In the days when he was much younger, Museveni would wear his military fatigues and send a stern warning ‘to those intending to destabilise Uganda’ that they would ‘end up six feet below.’

This show of bravado happens when threatened, especially by huge crowds that follow the Opposition. Over the years, opposing Museveni and NRM’s hold on power, has been made to appear like treason or an affront on the state of Uganda. The panacea is a military response. Here, the army and what over time appear like their bridesmaids, the police, and in some cases, ‘unknown’ stick-wielding lumpens are deployed.

Any iota of suspicion, real, imagined, or fabricated, leads to arrest, abduction, torture, jailing, and a long-drawn-out legal process that rarely ends in a conviction.

The greatest strength of the ruling NRM for the last 40 years has been its portrayal as the ultimate invincible force. One with a military backing and a successful violent past to warn its contenders.

Wherever there is contention -even a traders’ strike, the instruments of coercion, also known as ‘our army,’ are deployed.

Increasingly, the main Opposition party, National Unity Platform (NUP) and its leader, Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu, widely known as Bobi Wine, has been warned about reckless statements intended to destabilise Uganda.The military and the police have violently broken up rallies and beaten up their supporters as seen in videos. The latest is the gruesome encounter coming out of Gulu.

There are allegations that the Uganda police and the military, acting on ‘credible intelligence,’ are forestalling anticipated chaos that intends to turn Uganda to the dark old days, the NRM saved it from, in 1986.

The allegations against NUP of illegal drilling, the adoption of attire mimicking a military outfit, complete with pips, boots, and a red beret, are used as proof of mobilisation for war. It is made worse by the call by its leaders to protect the vote and demand victory after the election in case it is ‘stolen’.

Is there a possibility that NUP would go to war to contest the election like Museveni after the 1980 election? If at all it happened, it would be a very tall order for them. The circumstances in 1981 when Museveni went to the bush are different from what prevails at the moment.

In 1981, Uganda was fresh out of the anti-Amin war of 1979. The state had collapsed in all aspects. It was just building a new national army, the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). The economy had collapsed and had challenges in funding a war. The UPDF has been around for 40 years. It is much larger, better equipped, and has a stronger economy to fund a war. In fact, most of the economy is now in the hands of foreign interests and other global capital interests.

They would either fund the government war effort or black list the Opposition to protect their investment. Additionally, it is hard to see how global powers would sit by and watch Uganda being destabilised in the volatile Great Lakes region. There is a need to have a stable Uganda as a gateway to the rare earth minerals in the explosive DR Congo.

South Sudan is perennially on the brink of war. So is Burundi. Rwanda has issues with the DR Congo. Kenya and Tanzania are on tension caused by the rise of the Gen Z after contentious elections.

In 1981, the command and control of the UNLA was weakened by ethnic division between the Acholi and the Lango. It was what eventually brought it down and helped the rebels when Maj Gen Oyite Ojok died and was replaced by Brig Smith Opon Achak.

UPDF has its command and control firmly in the hands of groups associated and very close to the President. His son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, is the Chief of Defence Forces. They have a vested interest in keeping him in power, and they have never shied away from saying it publicly.

The same applies to the public service, financial, social, and many other sectors. They can watch the movement of people, money, goods, and services in the economy and country to frustrate the funding of subversive activities. That way, you limit rebels using fake travel documents.

You avoid a repeat of the tales in the 80s of bank headquarters in Kampala, transferring huge sums of money to branches where the rebels would easily break in and steal them.

The hospitals can take note of people with gunshot wounds, reporting for treatment and trace them to a rebellion.

The NRM allegedly had many contact doctors who treated wounded rebels in government hospitals and others who would divert government medical supplies to the war effort. You contain all this to the detriment of the rebels if ‘your people’ are in place. Secondly, unlike today, by 1981 the NRM found a central government of Uganda that was ‘besieged.’ It was already being fought by the Uganda Freedom Fighters (UFF) of Yusuf Kironde Lule, the Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM) of Andrew Lutaakome Kayiira, Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) of then Brig Moses Ali and other remnants of the defeated Uganda Army of the Idi Amin era. NUP would not have that advantage.

The leaders of the opposition of 1981 were young men who believed in the lofty Eastern ideologies of Marxism and creating egalitarian societies. They, including Museveni, hardly had any material possessions to protect or worry about as they went to war. The leaders of the current opposition, including Bobi Wine, are encumbered by wealth, family, businesses, and other assets. These risk being targeted by the government in case they take up arms.

The NRM has also made elective political office very lucrative. It is now the ultimate goal of any politician, be they in the government or the Opposition. The struggle of today is to win an elective political office and keep it at all costs. The cost includes being compromised by the very government they purportedly are fighting to remove. That opens the door to infiltration and divulging of secrets, something that weakens a war effort easily.

The war of 1981 to ’86, especially in Buganda, left a lot of destruction of human life, the economy and material possessions in its wake. It later spilled over in the north and north eastern Uganda were the people endured two decades of untold suffering. The far-reaching consequences were that the people became poorer and weakened as a result of war. Most have been forced to sell their land to survive. They can hardly finance another war or risk the lives of their children as they did for the NRM in Buganda.

The fact that after all the sacrifices made for the success of the NRM, most of the things that were touted as the motives for the war are still alive. Some conditions are even worse. The corruption, bad elections, abduction, torture, and the lack of due process. The absence of or poor social services like schools, hospitals, housing, and roads. The irony is that the justification of the NRM’s war has taught the people not to trust those promising a better tomorrow by resorting to war.

Lastly, in 1981, Museveni found fertile ground in Buganda because there was almost total hatred for President Milton Obote. He had allegedly stolen an election won by a Muganda Paul Ssemogerere.

Today, Museveni still has some support in Buganda. The area is also home to many migrants, and it is no longer purely an area inhabited by Baganda. On this note, Bobi Wine would not have the same advantage as Museveni in 1981.

Rev. Fr Joseph Sebatware, the Dean of Mutolere Deanery in Kabale Diocese, has slammed President Museveni and his government for reportedly failing to contain the rampant alcoholism plaguing Uganda, linking the vice directly to persistent poverty witnessed in the last 40 years in rural communities.

The outspoken catholic priest made the remarks on Saturday while presiding over the graduation ceremony of 218 married couples at St. Joseph’s Mbonjera Catholic Church Centre in Gasiza Parish, Nyakabande Sub-County, Kisoro District.

The couples had completed a one-year training programme organised by the Eden Mission, focusing on parenting skills, financial literacy, conflict resolution, and spiritual development.

Fr. Sebatware lauded the graduates for their commitment to strengthening family units but used the platform to highlight what he described as a national crisis.

“In the time of Idi Amin, people were not allowed to drink alcohol before 5pm. Bars remained closed during working hours, enforcing a level of discipline. Today, under President Museveni, I must say with regret that the government has failed to end alcoholism in Uganda. Drinks are available from morning to night, leading to broken homes, neglected farms, and widespread poverty. President Museveni has done well in securing peace and introducing programmes meant to lift our people out of poverty. But I want to tell you that without strict laws regulating alcohol consumption, people will remain poor,” Fr Sebatware said.

He attributed much of the region’s economic hardship to excessive drinking, noting that productive hours are lost and family resources squandered on alcohol.

Fr. Sebatware also directed criticism at women he accused of frequenting bars late into the night. He said that some women in Kisoro leave their husbands at home during night hours and go to bars only to return past 10pm.

“I criticize those women who loiter in drinking places, taking alcohol and only returning home at midnight. They abandon their children and homes, contributing to family breakdown,” he stated.

The priest also called upon local authorities to enact and enforce bylaws to curb excessive alcohol consumption in Kisoro District, noting that it remains a major contributor to persistent poverty among both men and women.

Attendees described the priest’s message as bold but necessary, with some expressing agreement on the need for stronger measures against alcohol abuse.

Representing Eden Mission executive director, Mr Kenneth Rwego, Mrs. Grace Akampurira Mutabazi, the organization’s Fund Manager, emphasized the organisation’s commitment to equipping families to live healthy lives, maximize economic opportunities, and become Christ-like agents of transformation. She challenged graduates to apply the knowledge and skills gained to positively influence their communities.

The Eden Mission program is a faith-based initiative, aimed at equiping couples with tools for stable marriages and household prosperity.

Uganda’s alcohol consumption stats

According to the World Health Organisation’s Global Status Report on Alcohol and Health, 2018, it is estimated that Uganda consumes 12.2 litres of alcohol per person annually. This is much higher than the African region average of 6.3 litres, and the global average of 6.18 litres per person per year.

The Uganda Alcohol Report 2022, published by the Uganda Alcohol Policy Alliance (UAPA) estimated that the number of alcohol drinkers had increased from 5.67 million to 12.67 million people. The total volume of alcohol consumed in a year was estimated at 110.6 million litres. According to the report, the average age at which alcohol consumption begins is eight years. Alarmingly, 53 percent of alcohol users began drinking before the age of 18. The report further showed that the Karamoja region ranked highest in alcohol consumption at 46 percent, followed by West Nile (16 percent), Test (14 percent), and Elgon (13.8).

The police have said a man arrested in connection to a defilement and a murder case of a 15-year-old student in Mbale City in March this year, has told them that he killed 49 people for ritual sacrifices. The suspect was arrested on the allegations of defilement and murder of Sumaya Edrisa Binti, 15, a Senior Two student of Nakaloke Secondary School, in a lodge in Mbale City on March 23.

It is alleged that the suspect cut off the victim’s index finger and collected her blood before he left the lodge room. Police Crime Intelligence operatives led by Assistant Superintendent of Police Ismael Ssenono arrested the suspect in Budebela Cell in Mayuge Town Council, Mayuge District, on Saturday last week after investigating and tracking him for months. Police sources investigating the case said the suspect admitted to the killing of Binti and 48 others.

‘The suspect told detectives that a witch doctor asked him for human blood and an index finger that were to be used in the performance of rituals. He alleges that he was paid Shs5m for the blood and the index finger,’ a senior police officer said. Police are still holding the suspect at Iganga Central Police Station, but they are to transfer him to Mbale City, where the Binti murder case is being investigated.

‘We have put serious efforts to examine his statements about the death of the 49 girls because he had another pending human trafficking case in court. The pending case is similar to that of Binti,’ the officer said. The suspect has, however, not yet given names of his suspected victims other than Binti.

Binti’s killing

In Binti’s case, the police records show that the suspect visited Grace Guest House in Mbale City at around 9am, looking for a room to spend the night. ‘Mr Peter Nabende, a receptionist at the guest house, welcomed the suspect and took him to the manager to check the rooms. They started with room 10, which the suspect said was good. They proceeded to room 14, but the suspect claimed it was too small. He finally chose room 11,’ the police officer said.

The suspect allegedly told the manager that his girlfriend was to visit him in the room. After the suspect had paid the bill, the manager left him in the room.

Four hours later, the receptionist visited the room only to find a naked body of Binti tied with a mosquito net on the bed and one of its fingers cut off. The suspect had already fled the place. As the guest house workers were grappling with the incident, the suspect allegedly called the guest house manager and told him to go to room 11 to check their property.

The manager reported the case at Nkoma Police Station and an investigation was launched. However, the police’s efforts to identify the suspect failed for months.

Mayuge incident

Three months later, on June 29, the suspect was arrested with a 16-year-old girl in a guest house in Mayuge District. Police later linked him to Binti’s murder in Mbale City. Detectives in Mayuge District charged him with human trafficking of a 16-year-old girl, and produced him in court. The court remanded him to prison, but he later applied for bail.

On October 16, the court granted him bail and released him. Police investigators said after he secured his freedom, he reconnected with the traditional healer to continue with the ritual sacrifices. Police are currently establishing the people, especially the traditional healers, with whom the suspect was linked.

A candidate for the Ntungamo Women MP seat, Ms Winnie Twinomugisha Ndiyo, has spent over two weeks in Ntungamo prison over failed payment of a loan obligation from a SACCO.

Ms Twinomugisha who was nominated under the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) party says she took the loan from Rubaare people’s SACCO two years ago as she processed papers to move out of the country for work.

“I had taken a loan of about Shs5M (which has since accumulated over interests) as I processed papers to go to Dubai for work. I had been convinced by the Ruhaama East MP (Benjamin Kamukama- NRM) who exports labour that I can earn some money through working there. It turned out that he was a conman and I only reached there to find that I would have no work. I had given him all the money I had. I returned only to face debts,” Ms Twinomugisha said.

She was sent to prison as a remanded civil debtor on November 26 by Magistrate Grade I Edgar Kakuru.

Ms Twinomugisha, a former journalist, participated in the 2020 NRM primary elections for women MP, losing to Ms Bata Kamateneti who was later elected in 2021. Ms Kamateneti also lost the race in 2025 to newcomer Ms Viola Namanya.

“After I was nominated, I was approached by several NRM people to cross back to the party which I rejected. They were offering to pay for my loans but my question was why now. I had agreed on a repayment plan with the SACCO and had started clearing without default. However, as I was on the campaign trail, they called me that bailiffs had arrested my father, when I reached court I was the one taken in, fortunately, my father was released. They were so dishonest and they breached our agreement, I can’t know why,” she said.

The Ntungamo PFF district chairperson, Mr Nazario Ahimbisibwe, says the party branch in Ntungamo is engaging party lawyers to see what they can do about the situation without necessarily thinking about repayment of the loan.

“We want our candidate out, we understand the loan is her personal business but she is our candidate. It is a great challenge that many people are being oppressed for loans, not only opposition people but also NRM leaders. We are engaging the party legal system to see how she can be back on the campaign trail but also save her from the situation,” Mr Ahimbisibwe said.

According to an officer at Ntungamo prison, there are at least 5 civil female debtors that are politicians or wives of politicians. Most of the debtors are either Sacco borrowers or money lenders borrowers.

The Ntungamo resident district commissioner, Ms Miriam Kagaiga, says money lenders and SACCOs and courts promotion of custodial debt collection is hindering women access to credit over fear which may make many withdrawal from doing business.

“Many women are surviving on soft loans to do business, harassing them with custody over failure to pay is too much. Most women have no land to use for collateral and opt for different options, when they delay or fail to clear in time they end up in jail, I think we need more alternatives,” Ms Kagaiga noted.

Police in Bugiri have arrested two people for allegedly being in possession of counterfeit money.

The suspects were arrested in an intelligence-led operation and have been identified as Ali Mutale (49), a resident of Nawanyingi Village in Iganga District, and Allan Kyemba (32), a resident of Walugogo in Iganga Municipality.

Busoga East police spokesperson, Mr Michael Kasadha, revealed that on December 12, 2025, Betty Wazenda, 46, a resident of Mugona village, Ndifakulya Parish in Kapyanga Sub County in Bugiri District, made a report about two men whom she could not identify.

Ms Wazenda told police that she had been given counterfeit Ugandan currency notes worth approximately Shs3 million, under the pretext that the suspects could provide her with more.

“The duo were arrested following an intelligence-led operation while travelling in a Toyota Premio, registration number UAN 003Y. Upon arrest, the vehicle was searched, and items of evidential value were recovered,” Mr. Kasadha said.

Police have established that the suspects are part of a wide counterfeit dollar racket operating in the Busoga sub-region and beyond.

“They have been involved in similar criminal activities in Iganga, Bugweri, and Bugiri, where they fleece and rob unsuspecting businessmen of their money,” he added.

Mr. Kasadha said that further investigations are ongoing to apprehend more suspects and cautioned the public against falling victim to counterfeit currency scams, even if the notes appear genuine.

Three people have been confirmed dead and four others injured in a road accident along the Ntungamo-Kabale highway in Rukiga District.

The accident involved a Trinity Kampala-bound bus, which occurred around 2:30am on Monday in Kakatunda Village, Muhanga Town Council, Rukiga District.

“The bus suddenly veered off the road and slid into a trench. I suspect the driver may have fallen asleep on the wheel,” said survivor Erice Byamungu.

ASP Elly Maate, police spokesperson for the Kigezi region, identified the deceased as John Herbert Lubwama, 26, a resident of Kanyanya Village, Kawempe Division, Kampala District; Alfres Habineza, 30, the bus conductor; and another victim identified only as Gaddafi. Both Habineza and Gaddafi are Rwandan nationals.

“The driver lost control, causing the bus to enter a water trench and slide into a deeper section. As the bus slid, the door broke, prompting passengers to try to escape. In the chaos, three people were crushed to death while four others sustained injuries,” Maate said.

The injured include the bus driver, Ananias Habiyaremye, 44, a resident of Rwamagana District in Rwanda, and three adult females whose details are yet to be established.

The injured were rushed to Kabale Regional Referral Hospital for treatment, while the bodies of the deceased were taken to the same hospital’s mortuary for postmortem.

Preliminary investigations indicate that over-speeding on a slope is likely the cause of the accident.

Across the coffee-growing districts of West Nile – Nebbi, Arua and Zombo – the once scattered groups of smallholder farmers struggling to market low-value coffee have steadily grown into a community of organized producers, with women taking up leadership roles and households beginning to earn more from their labour.

According to Mudi Oyikuru, a project officer at the c (AFCE), under the Power of Voices project supported by Oxfam, farmers have come together to contribute local materials such as poles, timber, stones, and labour.

This collective effort allows them to access services that would otherwise be unaffordable, including agricultural extension, post-harvest handling facilities, and better market opportunities. As a result, six micro-stations have been constructed across the region, improving coffee processing quality, strengthening farmer groups, and attracting buyers willing to pay premium prices for their produce.

He says: ‘At the micro-stations, we have registered an improvement in the quality of coffee as the farmers are producing specialty coffee that attracts buyers that are able to offer good prices for farmers with each kilogramme costing Shs2,400. This has in turned boosted production and improved their livelihoods.’ At the micro-stations, farmers follow a careful process to ensure quality.

As seen at Gonyobendo, Deogracious Mongrek, a community-based consultant explains, ‘Farmers bring fully ripe red cherries from their farms, which we first inspect for quality. Anything that does not meet our standard is returned for unsorting. Once sorted, the cherries are weighed and processed through the pulper into fresh parchment, which is then left to ferment for two nights in our pits and drums.’ Similarly, during the post-processing, women play a crucial role as after fermentation, the coffee is washed and carefully hand-sorted by women to remove damaged beans and foreign materials. Their attention to detail ensures uniform drying in the sheds, preventing cracks and preserving quality. This meticulous process has enabled farmers to consistently produce specialty coffee that fetches higher prices in the market.

Capacity building

Beyond improving coffee processing, the project has invested heavily in building the skills and knowledge of farmers across West Nile. The trainings have covered a range of areas, such as agronomic practices, and financial management, ensuring that farmers not only produce quality coffee but also manage their resources effectively. Oyikuru explains, ‘We trained farmers on nursery management, pruning, and proper harvesting techniques. We also introduced savings groups and provided each group with saving kits. This has enabled them to manage their finances better, invest in their farms, and plan for the future.’

As part of a core initiative that fosters an inclusive and equitable community, Sophie Nampewo Njuba, the Financing for Development Coordinator at Oxfam and coordinator of the Fair4All/Power of Voices project, highlighted that through partnership with Third World Network, these promote Fair4All value chains where the rights of women and youth in the coffee value chain are recognized and protected. ‘Our goal has been to empower smallholder farmers, especially women, to fully participate in and own their coffee value chains. Through these trainings, they gain both the technical and business skills they need to turn ideas into sustainable livelihoods,’ she says.

Similarly, the capacity-building initiatives have been particularly transformative for women. Through the Gender Action Learning System and Girls’ Methodology, women have learned to participate fully in decision-making at both household and group levels. They now take active roles in leadership committees, manage savings groups, and contribute to planning for collective marketing and investment. Oyikuru adds. ‘The trainings gave women confidence and practical skills, as they can not only manage coffee processing, but also run small businesses, make decisions about household income, and influence community priorities.’

In a patriarchal society, where enterprises that involve money like coffee sector, are dominated by the men, the skills and knowledge attained have also been used to help the minority groups to also own their land through registration. ‘Through maximizing land ownership as a form of main cash crop, this has not only improved people’s livelihoods, but also increased agribusiness as land ownership encourages producing for the ready market rather than for consumption,’ Ms Nampewo says. One of the notable achievements from the trainings has been in horticulture. Farmers were provided with onion seeds and, equipped with skills acquired from nursery bed management to harvesting.

The introduction of horticulture, such as onions, has provided an additional income stream, diversifying household earnings and reducing dependency on a single crop. Since the inception of the project, a total of 1,388 farmers have been recruited across the six micro-stations, comprising 723 men and 665 women, reflecting strong participation and notable inclusion of women in a traditionally male-dominated sector.

Despite these successes, the project faced initial challenges, including small landholdings, a male-dominated coffee sector, and limited access to agricultural extension services. Overcoming these barriers required persistent training, community engagement, and strong collaboration among partners.

Looking ahead

The success of the project has been built on the complementary expertise of several partners. AFCE focused on mobilizing farmers, facilitating trainings, and constructing micro-stations, Oxfam coordinating the project and emphasized inclusive, women- and youth-centered value chains, Third World Network ensuring farmers’ rights were protected along the coffee value chain, the Uganda Agribusiness Alliance supported alternative business practices favoring women and minorities, while SFU Uganda helped strengthen land governance and legal ownership and CIATINI provided guidance for compliance with EU market regulations. Together, these partnerships have created a structure where farmers are empowered technically, financially, and socially.

As the project approaches its final year, the focus is shifting towards sustainability and turning ideas into enduring business models. Ms Nampewo says ‘What we want to emphasize now is how to transform everything that has been tested and utilized into a viable business model.’ She adds, ‘While we have supported farmers with inputs so far, their current skills and experience mean they are well-equipped to continue producing for the market and earn a living independently.’

This approach thus ensures that the achievements in coffee production, women’s empowerment, and alternative livelihoods will continue to benefit communities in West Nile long after the formal support from the project ends.