Category: Daily Monitor

Mr Yoweri Museveni, who is the NRM party presidential candidate, is today expected to hold his final rally in the Tooro sub-region before heading to Kibaale District (Bunyoro sub-region) in the afternoon for his second rally, marking the beginning of his campaign activities in the oil-rich region. Mr Museveni has been traversing the Rwenzori and Tooro sub-regions since December 4. In Bunyoro, he will hold campaign rallies across all districts, following a programme that will run until December 15. Kakumiro District will be his final stop. In Kibaale District, Museveni garnered 35,804 votes in the 2021 General Election, while his main challenger and the National Unity Platform (NUP) party leader, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine, polled 5,429 votes. In Kagadi District, Mr Museveni received 88,830 votes.

On Sunday, during a preparatory meeting at Hoima Resort Hotel ahead of the Museveni’s visit, leaders outlined key government achievements in the 2021-2026 term, particularly in the oil and gas sector. They said the developments have transformed the sub-region. Notable oil and gas projects include the construction of Kabalega International Airport in Kabaale Sub-county, Hoima District; the ongoing development of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (Eacop); the planned establishment of Kabalega Industrial Park; and the construction of Hoima City Stadium, which will host the 2027 African Cup of Nations. Additionally, more than 700kms of roads have been tarmacked across the sub-region, and Hoima City has benefited from major urban infrastructure upgrades under the USMID programme, supported by the World Bank.

Other accomplishments include the establishment of a regional blood bank in Hoima City, the creation of an Intensive Care Unit at Hoima Regional Referral Hospital, the issuance of land titles, and the ongoing construction of the long-awaited Bunyoro Public University. Currently, oil exploration and development activities are underway in both Buliisa and Kikuube districts. In Buliisa, several oil wells have been drilled under the Tilenga Project, managed by TotalEnergies, and construction of critical infrastructure such as the Central Processing Facility (CPF) is ongoing. The Tilenga Project is a joint venture between TotalEnergies (56.67 percent), China National Offshore Oil Corporation-CNOOC (28.33 percent), and the Uganda National Oil Company-UNOC (15 percent). In Kikuube District, several development works are being implemented in the Kingfisher Development Area.

The Bugahya County MP in Hoima District, Mr Pius Wakabi Rujumba, said the discovery of oil and gas has significantly boosted investment and employment opportunities in Bunyoro. ‘The discovery of oil and gas in Bunyoro has attracted many investors to the region, creating jobs for both qualified youth and casual labourers,’ Mr Wakabi said. ‘Our people have benefited greatly from local content policies, with many securing jobs and local companies winning contracts in sectors such as hospitality. I want to commend President Museveni for championing the extraction of this resource,’ he added.

Land titles

Ms Angyeria Tamuturano, 74, a resident of Kasozi Village in Kakumiro District, said receiving a land title in 2023 from the Uganda Land Commission resolved years of land conflict she had faced since relocating from Kabale District in 2013. ‘Shortly after settling here, I heard on the radio that the landowner wanted to evict us, but the government intervened and gave us free land titles. Now I can farm without fear. Many people in our village received land titles, and we need to vote for President Museveni again. Without his government, we would be landless,’ she said. Despite these gains, leaders have asked Mr Museveni to address the increasing cases of land grabbing.

They want an increase in the Land Fund to enable people obtain land titles at affordable rates. Buliisa District Woman Norah Bigirwa, raised concerns about continued attacks on fishermen by Congolese militia and alleged harassment by the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) members. She said Lake Albert remains the primary source of livelihood for the people of Buliisa. In the Greater Kibaale area, residents are urging President Museveni to fulfil his pledge to improve infrastructure in Kibaale, Kagadi, and Kakumiro districts. Mr Peter Businge, a resident of Kasoonge in Kibaale District, appealed to the government to expedite the construction of the Kyegegwa-Kibaale Liberation Road. He said the road is in a deplorable state. ‘It takes three hours to travel 15 kilometres. I am often forced to use longer routes to access better markets in nearby districts,’ he said.

In Kagadi District, market vendor Brenda Dativ requested the construction of a modern market. ‘During the rainy season, vendors suffer and make losses because the market is not developed. A proper market would give us a better working environment,’ she said. Residents also highlighted concerns over the poor Muhoro-Ndaiga road and recurring threats of land evictions. Mr Kato Harrison, a boda boda rider, hopes the President will address the high interest rates on motorcycle loans. ‘The President should introduce measures to provide affordable boda boda loans with low interest rates,’ he said. He further expressed hope that the President will consider creating new administrative units, including the proposed Kisiita District in Kakumiro.

Unemployment

Residents also said unemployment requires urgent government attention. According to the 2024 National Housing and Population Census, Uganda’s unemployment rate among persons aged 15 and above stands at 12.3 percent. In the Bunyoro, the rate is slightly lower at 9.9 percent. The census further shows that 11.2 percent of youth aged between 15 and 24 in Bunyoro fall under the potential labour force category. For youth aged between 18 and 30, the percentage of those not in employment, education, or training (NEET) stands at 48.2 percent, while for those aged between 18 and 24, the figure is 42.6 percent. The working-age population (15+ years) in Bunyoro stands at 1,515,600 people, representing 54.7 percent of the total household population. In districts such as Buliisa, where major oil activities are ongoing, unemployment still remains a concern.

Buliisa’s total population is 167,894 people, of whom 81,437 are male and 86,457 are female. This has left many residents questioning why unemployment remains high despite significant oil-related investments. Mr Joshua Musiime, a resident of Buliisa Town Council, said many companies in the oil sector continue to employ people from outside the sub-region, leaving local youth with limited opportunities. ‘We appreciate the government for the good work in the oil and gas sector. Some people have benefited, but many of our own children remain unemployed. Few locals have gained meaningful jobs, and most are left with casual work. Even several suppliers, including those providing food, come from outside Buliisa,’ he said. In Hoima West County, Ms Kimuli Florence from Kakundi Village, said access to clean water and electricity remains a major challenge.

‘We still fetch water from Bulemwa Village. The government needs to extend safe water to all villages and restore electricity. Some of our electricity poles were vandalised, and we rely on solar. Parajwoki Primary School is over 90 years old and needs urgent renovation,’ she said. The Hoima District Councillor for Kiganja Sub-county, Mr Jackson Magambo Mulindambura, said: ‘We urgently need a road connecting Kaiso in Hoima to Butiaba in Buliisa. Communities such as the Bagugu, Bakobya, and Batonya in Kiganja still do not have a single school,’ he said.

Are you young and have you had blood in the urine, which might make the urine look pink, red, or cola-coloured, blood in the semen, need to urinate more often, trouble getting started when trying to urinate, or waking up to urinate more often at night? If yes, then you may need to visit the nearest cancer screening facility to check for prostate cancer.

Also, are you of advanced age and have accidental leaking of urine, back pain, bone pain, difficulty getting an erection, feeling very tired, losing weight without trying, or weakness in the arms or legs? You also have a reason to see the nearest cancer screening facility to check for prostate cancer. According to the American Cancer Society and Mayo Clinic, prostate cancer is a growth of cells that starts in the prostate.

The prostate is a small gland that helps make semen and is found just below the bladder, which is part of the male reproductive system. Prostate cancer forms when the DNA in prostate cells develops mutations that may disable their ability to control cell growth and division.

In many cases, these mutated cells die or are attacked by the immune system. However, some mutated cells may escape the immune system and grow out of control, forming a prostate tumour. Globally, it is one of the biggest types of cancers affecting men, and the trend is similar in Uganda, where up to more than 22,000 men are battling the disease. According to the Uganda National Cancer Control Plan 2025/2026 – 2029/2030, cancer is one of the biggest health problems the country is grappling with.

Dr Jackson Orem, the executive director of Uganda Cancer Institute in the executive summary of the control plan, says that in 2022, it was estimated that there were 35,968 new cancer cases, 24,629 cancer deaths, and 62,548 adults living with cancer in Uganda. According to the International Agency for Research on Cancer, by 2040, there will be 77,510 new cancer cases per year, an increase of 138 percent.

UCI says recent data show an increase in the incidence of prostate, breast, and other cancers due to changes in lifestyle-related cancer risks. According to the data, in 2022, prostate cancer numbers among men stood at 2,699, representing 17.5 percent of all the cancer types men have contracted.

The exact causes of prostate cancer in an individual patient may not be clear. However, understanding the risk factors may help men take preventive measures to reduce the likelihood of developing prostate cancer. Prostate cancer risk factors include some that can’t be changed, such as having a family history of the disease and a genetic predisposition for developing the cancer. But other risk factors may be adjusted to help lower the likelihood of developing prostate cancer. Dr Ahmed Hamza, associate professor and consultant urologist at UMC Victoria Hospital in Kampala, said that while prostate problems can occur at any age, when detected early, prostate cancer is curable.

Dr Hamza says while the disease can be treated when detected early, many patients fear testing for prostate cancer and therefore delay until it is too late. ‘Fearing doing the test is not a good idea because as soon as you sort out the issue, it can be curable. Usually, we test for prostate cancer at age 45 or 50. But when someone in the family has a positive history of prostate cancer, it is important to check at age 40,’ he explains. Dr Hamza adds: ‘So it is important to check the PSA (prostate-specific antigen test) and then we can advise what should be done and the patient should not fear testing for the prostate.’

Currently, the cost of testing prostate cancer in several health facilities is about Shs300,000, but the Uganda Cancer Institute says it provides free prostate cancer screening. At UMC Victoria hospital, the facility runs discounted testing and treatment at Shs100,000 every November, which is the prostate cancer awareness month. Dr Hamza says men should take precautions with their lifestyles, especially those with advanced ages because prostate cancer is the most common cancer among men all over the world.

‘So it is very important to check as early as 40 or 45 years of age so as to avoid all the complications and to be treated early,’ he says.

Cancer and mental health

Ms Brenda Nalugo, a clinical psychologist at UMC Victoria Hospital, says while mental health has been a big issue, particularly among men, the risk of being diagnosed with prostate cancer worsens it. She says when testing positive, some will deny it, others accept, and others mentally break down, which is a big problem. ‘We find that when people get the diagnosis of prostate cancer, they go through what we call the five stages of chronic illness. They go through denial, anger, acceptance, depression, and all these stages. When they go through all these stages, they are affected,’ she says. Ms Nalugo says people go through this because when they hear about prostate cancer, even though it is treatable, they lose hope, which, to psychologists, is understandable.

‘That fear is what drives them to deny, it’s what drives them to bargain, it’s what drives them to anger and all these stages,’ she says.

Ms Nalugo says when such patients visit the health facility, both the medical doctors and psychologists not only prepare them for treatment, but also look at the mental aspect and ensure that they are fully prepared for recovery, both physically and mentally.

‘It’s also them being prepared psychologically for the psychological consequences of what they’re going to undergo, that’s why we’re saying, because it has a psychological perspective to it, the emotional support comes in handy,’ she says.

The clinical psychologist says research has shown that sometimes the depression and the anxiety that is experienced during moments of diagnosis and moments of treatment worsen symptoms of prostate cancer.

‘So when we provide emotional support, we are hoping to combat this. We’re hoping to protect people from getting to a point where they’ll be depressed. So if you come to a hospital and you have family with you, you have other men standing with you, other men who have gone through treatment and they have gotten better, other men who know, say the medical doctors, they have the knowledge, they have the experience and they are standing with you, it gives people the confidence to move forward and it really does help,’ Ms Nalugo says.

She advises that those who have been diagnosed with prostate cancer should not isolate themselves, but stay with their friends, relatives, and those who have experienced it so that they can learn from them. ‘So I would say, do ask someone to support you, do not try to deal with it alone, do not try to isolate yourself because you don’t want to burden other people, you don’t want to seem weak because you’re dealing with this, because it doesn’t want to make you weak. It does not make you weak; it does not make you less of a man,” Ms Nalugo says. She adds: ‘Asking for help actually shows strength and is a sign of strength. So let’s ask for help and let’s try to embody that. Let’s bring in other people to walk the journey with us. Let’s not try to isolate ourselves. Let’s talk about it.”

Makerere University Vice Chancellor, Prof. Barnabas Nawangwe, has attributed his Africa Leadership Magazine’s 2025 African Educationist of the Year award to the university’s transformation under his leadership.

He believes that the significant changes, particularly the transition into a research-intensive and research-led university, administrative and governance reforms, and innovations, prompted voters in Africa and beyond to consider him for the award.

Addressing journalists at the university, Prof. Nawangwe highlighted the institution’s shift from a riot-prone environment to a hub of innovation and research.

“As you all remember, Makerere University was mostly known for riots and if you typed the word Makerere in Google, the first picture was of students with branches and the matching. But now when you go to Google, you see different innovations and research that are going on. The students are now talking positively about their own university, unlike in the past,” he said.

He credited transformations in teaching, which have improved the university’s rankings, and emphasized the importance of funding research and innovation to create job opportunities and solve societal problems.

“There are also transformations in teaching. We had been ranked very low in the teaching over many years but finally, we are among the top universities,” he said.

Prof. Nawangwe expressed gratitude for the government’s support, noting that Makerere receives about $8 million annually for research, enabling researchers and students to produce cutting-edge innovations. He appealed for increased funding, citing President Museveni’s pledge to support the university.

“We need funds to provide the facilities and the environment for these young people who have got great ideas to conduct research and innovation here,” he said.

He commended the strong partnership between Makerere University and Kiira Motors, focusing on sustainable transport and innovation, and thanked Ugandans and Africans for their support, which helped him win the award for the third time.

The award followed a three-stage process involving public nominations, editorial review, and a global online poll, recognizing leaders whose vision and innovative actions are shaping Africa’s development trajectory.

The Judiciary has announced that for the first time in Uganda’s history, Presidential Election Petitions will now be filed electronically, allowing petitioners and lawyers to upload documents from anywhere in the country.

The introduction of the Electronic Court Case Management Information System (ECCMIS) in filing and handling presidential election petitions digitally was announced on Monday during a high-level training for Supreme Court Justices on Electoral Disputes Management in Jinja City.

The training, organised by the Judicial Training Institute (JTI), brought together Justices of the Supreme Court, the Electoral Commission, the Attorney General’s Chambers, Uganda Law Society, private practitioners, Information Technology (IT) specialists, and experts from Kenya, Zambia and Malawi.

‘Presidential petitions may come and we must be ready,’ Justice Mike Chibita, the Chairperson of the JTI Governing Council said.

Justice Chibita disclosed that the judiciary must be prepared for any outcome of next year’s presidential election.

‘There are new Justices on the Supreme Court who have never heard a presidential petition before. Even those of us who handled the previous one still have something to learn, especially now that filing will be electronic,’ Justice Chibita noted.

According to him, the electronic system will significantly cut costs, improve efficiency, and eliminate the need for bulky box files.

‘Instead of bringing seven copies in pickups full of documents, you scan once and upload. You can file even at night from home. The system is open 24/7,’ he added before assuring court users of data security, noting that the Judiciary has a full IT department working ‘day and night’ to protect confidential information.

‘We have a Principle Information Technology Officer and a Principle Information Management Officer, and their teams ensure there are no hackers and documents only reach authorized persons,” he said.

According to the judiciary, the system’s permissions are role-based, ensuring lawyers cannot assign themselves judges or hearing dates.

He argued that although rolling out the electronic system is expensive, the Judiciary is expanding it gradually.

The Judiciary’s Principle Information Management Officer, Mr Joseph Sinabulya, assured participants that the system will remain functional in the event of an internet shutdown.

‘We have a dedicated line to the National Data Centre. Even without the internet, courts can still access the system,’ Mr Sinabulya said, adding that users outside court premises would need to come physically if national internet access is restricted.

Electoral Case Management System was first rolled out on March 1, 2022 and has since been used to support a wide range of court processes.

‘It has supported many court matters since then, but this will be the first time it is applied to a presidential election petition, which only comes once every five years,’ Mr Sinabulya said.

Officially opening the training, Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo emphasised the Supreme Court’s constitutional obligation under Article 104 to hear and determine Presidential Election Petitions as a court of first and final stage.

He reminded the Justices that this mandate, which no other institution in Uganda carries, demands the highest level of readiness, integrity and discipline.

‘The Supreme Court carries a solemn constitutional responsibility. Presidential petitions compress time, attract immense public scrutiny and raise deep questions of legitimacy. We must ensure that our preparedness matches the weight of our mandate,’ Justice Dollo said.

Justice Dollo added that the country is moving into a period that will test institutional capacity at the highest level.

‘Uganda is heading into an important constitutional moment. These petitions come with their own challenges, very tight timelines, high public attention, and key questions about the legitimacy of the election,’ he said.

He reflected on lessons drawn from previous presidential petitions, noting how they have shaped the Court’s evolving approach.

‘In 2001, the key concerns included the failure to publish polling stations and persistent problems with voters’ registers. By 2016, the challenges had expanded to irregularities involving technology, delays in delivering voting materials, media bias, pre-ticking of ballots, and the misuse of state resources,” he said.

He explained that the Court’s approach has changed over the years from focusing mainly on technicalities to looking at the entire electoral environment.

‘An election petition should not only check whether the law was followed,’ he said, ‘but also whether the environment allowed people to freely and fairly express their will.’

As Uganda prepares for the January 15, 2026, presidential election, the Judiciary’s move to electronic filing marks a historic step in improving transparency, efficiency, and readiness for election disputes.

‘Shame upon the police, shame upon the military, what we are doing is legal. According to the Electoral Commission (EC) timetable, we are supposed to campaign here today. You are breaking the law. Shame upon you! Mr (Simon Mugenyi) Byabakama (EC Chairman), see what is happening. IGP Byakagaba (Abas), look at your men. Switch on your cameras and show the world the impunity and how this rogue regime operates.’

Of late, those word have become synonymous with opposition, National Unity Platform’s (NUP) presidential candidate. Robert Sentamu Kyagulanyi, who is better known as Bobi Wine, is a fighting man.

Almost all his campaign rallies are characterised by diversion to long dusty roads from planned venues, roadblocks, altercations, tear gas, live ammunition, beatings, injuries (including those occasioned on security agents supposedly by NUP supporters) and arrests of his supporters.

Those visiting the violence are often masked armed men in police and military uniforms in the company of stick-wielding lumpens. Their vehicles have concealed registration plates. In some districts, the bearers of the sticks have refused him to campaign in ‘their’ districts because he was not welcome.Lately, his sound systems have also been allegedly ‘arrested’ by the police and RDCs. There are apparently instructions not to hire out similar equipment to him in the districts lest it is destroyed. This makes it almost impossible for him to address his often-huge gatherings and naturally leads to immense frustration.

Last week I spoke to someone from ‘within the system.’ He was miffed that ‘Bobi Wine’s people’ never get called out (by people like me) for inciting violence.

That, right from the time videos of what the authorities call ‘illegal drilling’ at the NUP headquarters, every word and movement of Bobi Wine and his supporters has been taken note of, in light of incitement.

He showed me clips of supporters at the NUP headquarters chanting, ‘.we shall force them back to Rwanda!’ Others were of the Bobi Wine reminding his supporters that this is not just an election but a struggle, a war and that they are soldiers. He is also seen calling upon his supporters to act and behave as bayekera (guerrillas) on their way home as they leave a rally amidst gunshots and tear gas. Then another, where he says to the people at a rally not to fear the police and the army because the people outnumber them by far. He quickly added that these were not the products of Artificial Intelligence (AI).

Mr Insider then went on a tirade about their dress code that mimics military attire, complete with boots and pips. That they even call each other ‘commander.’

‘You expect the government to sit back as this bankrupt fellow is endangering other people’s children by misleading them to fight the government? You want us to fold our hands and see all the gains made and the peace and progress attained, go up in smoke because of one man and his quest for power? You are waiting for tourists and investors to dry up, then you understand our predicament? Surely, no!’

It is apparent that Bobi Wine has been accused, charged, found guilty and profiled as a violent candidate by the people he is contesting against. His sentence, it seems, is not to be allowed to campaign by imposing violence on him. The same way a leopard that wants to eat its children starts by accusing them of smelling like sheep.

NRM and its handlers have cause to worry from their own history. Back in 1980, the current president and NRM leader, HE Yoweri Museveni, promised to go to the bush if the election was rigged.

Museveni, then about 36, was a fringe candidate but managed to attract a huge following to wage a war against the government, and he succeeded.

In this election, Bobi Wine is by no means a small number. At the age of about 43, he has a huge support base. It is concentrated in the populous Buganda area, where the NRA waged its war between 1981 and 1986.

It is also not certain that his popularity has not spread in other parts of the country over time. He has been barred from campaigning most of the time.

The youth who form over 70 percent of the population suffer similar problems of unemployment, and lack of access to social services like health, education and housing.

There is no real motivation to listen to the NRM candidate. It is difficult for Museveni and NRM to come up with a promise to solve in five years, what they have failed in four decades. No wonder many of the NRM rallies are preceded by distractions of music and what some call bad dancing by gyrating singers. The First Lady once complained about this at a rally.

Secondly, Museveni has physically mellowed. The guerrilla leader who would hold campaign rallies in almost every constituency is now reduced to almost one rally per district. Even then, supporters have been ferried to meet him in one place. The energy (and maybe for security reasons) to move long distances and make several stopovers has now notably reduced.

When compared, Bobi Wine is a spring chicken. He is flexible. He has been seen jogging distances while mingling with animated crowds, trying to catch a glimpse of him. He travels in the open on top of his car and reaches far more places and meets more people at stopovers than the President.

The NRM officials in the districts, plus the security apparatus, are uncomfortable with the kid from the ghetto getting all this mileage. It is done on a shoe string budget unlike the NRM with tonnes of money and the state machinery at its disposal.

It makes them look like failures that have not properly mobilised for the President in their areas, if Bobi Wine, leading a party that is barely five years old, without grassroot structures, amass all those huge crowds. They therefore stand between Muhammed and the mountain.

This ‘solution’ has the unintended consequence of sinking this country into violence. Imagine if a popular candidate is not allowed to campaign freely. If his call for supporters to follow Section 31(4) of the Presidential Elections Act, 2005 and keep 20 metres away from the voting table after voting to protect their vote is interpreted with asinine acuity as masquerading and mischief by a whole judge.

If those who break up rallies, tear posters, beat up and imprison supporters for no apparent reason, are not punished, people are led into temptation to lose confidence in civility and the whole electoral process that the NRM purports to safeguard and promote.

Of course, we should be alive to the fact that one of NRM’s strong points is the reliance on violence. It brought them to power and has kept them there.

Abraham Maslow said that ‘if the only tool you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail.’ Bobi Wine now looks like a nail. That is not a good thing.

How has the transition been so far?

It’s six [eight] months since we took over the operation of Umeme on April 1, 2025, and cumulatively, we have taken over seven private operators, including Umeme.

We are chasing our Key Performance Indicators (KPIs), making sure that power is supplied, and procurements are moving on. So, we have also concluded our three-year strategic plan, which we are implementing.

Are you sure that during this transition, you are taking the right steps to ensure that industries and the manufacturers operating within them are satisfied?

Among the fundamental decisions that the government has ever made is to transfer the responsibility of power distribution to the government because electricity is among the backbones for the country, and it plays a fundamental role in the development of other sectors, including influencing the macroeconomic variables.

In that case, the decision that was made was to make sure that electricity is managed within the reasonable cost of capital because that is a fundamental issue, and the transaction that we have gone through has an impact on the change in policy.

But the country has developed. The population has gained skills, including the time that you work with and good governance.

The decision of taking over private operators means changing the policy to have government leadership to enhance the access agenda for both the population and the manufacturing industry to manage the cost of capital because as a government institution, we are in a position to attract low-cost capital based on the shareholder and ability to get a sovereign guarantee. So in that case, this transition has achieved that.

On April 1, we started with a raw tariff at a 14 percent reduction; that was a fundamental move. What this deduction has done to the manufacturers is enormous because we have seen their bills reducing, and we have also started seeing consumption in terms of units going up.

This means they have increased production capacity, they have increased employment opportunities, more outputs and products are being produced on the market, and they are expected to be priced within the right pricing.

There are about seven categories of tariffs. The first tariff is for the domestic customer-the customer who consumes at the end; it is about Shs700. The other category of the tariff is for the small commercial petrol stations and the other three-phase ordinary customers. It is in the range of Shs600.

The third category is the medium category/industry, which comprises maize millers, hotels (three- to five-star hotels), and others such as buildings and arcades.

The current tariff model that has been formulated since we came in has separated manufacturers and services. So the tariff, for example, for the manufacturers’ medium industry is Shs355 per unit, and the tariff for medium industry services is Shs412.

Why are industries and households struggling with power issues during the transition, similar to pre-UEB times?

After taking over the network, we improved its growth to meet rising energy demand, which increased from 986 megawatts (MW) to 1,115 MW-an increase of about 13 percent.

Despite adding new customers and reconfiguring systems, the network has become overloaded.

Umeme halted investments three years ago due to funding issues and advice from the government, leading to a lack of substantial improvements.

Consequently, the rate of new customer connections slowed down, and we have connected some customers who applied long ago.

Our analysis has shown that the network is at maximum capacity, prompting us to connect new customers to prevent electricity theft while enhancing our systems.

We have already upgraded several substations, including those in Kakiri and Mbarara, and begun constructing new substations in Kasanga, Majinji, and Kiira to address fluctuations in service. Overall, the network faces strain at three critical stages as demand continues to grow.

How much more investment does UEDCL need, or should the government provide to stop the fluctuations and darkness?

Currently, the major feeders are being worked on, and we are managing the transformer zones. Our analysis indicates that we need to address 3,500 overloaded transformer zones across the country. Out of these, there are approximately 518 to 600 that are critically damaged. As of October 30, 2025, we had worked on 79 of these critical zones.

We have issued contracts for 150 projects to inject transformers. Our target is to inject 500 transformers by the end of December to stabilise these critical zones.

However, as we connect more customers, additional load is inserted into the network. Our analysis shows that for every 200 customers added to the network, we need a 100 KVA transformer.

In our five-year strategic plan, we need $950 million. However, in the first year of operation, we received approval to spend $74 million, and the funds have been secured. We have ordered stock worth more than $134 million, which will sustain us for the next 18 months.

Will that be enough to address all your logistical problems and infrastructure challenges?

In the first 18 months, our distribution network will grow as we connect more customers, requiring increased investment and replacements for older installations.

An analysis reveals that 26 percent of our substations need refurbishment and that 74 percent of inherited transformers lack proper protection due to insufficient maintenance by the previous operator.

We are sourcing transformers from six Ugandan manufacturers, initially ordering 2,500 units. Although production capacity has been low, it is now increasing, and we are deploying the transformers on-site to meet high demand. Our operations are focused on being a commercial, profit-making venture instead of a traditional government operation.

Given the ongoing power challenges, can the government assure citizens and businesses that it will manage electricity supply more efficiently than the previous operator?

Among our key performance indicators, we have collected 99.5 percent of our revenue sales, while the previous operator collected 98 percent. This improved collection rate has enabled us to pay our supplier, Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL), 100 percent of what we owe.

Currently, they do not have any outstanding invoices from us. This represents a significant turnaround in the energy sector, as the previous seven companies we took over had considerable arrears.

All industrial parks in Uganda are designed to have a dedicated transmission line. For example, Namanve Industrial Park has a transmission line that supplies electricity within the park, and on average, 80 percent of factories there have dedicated lines. Our goal is to ensure that if one line requires repair and maintenance, there is an alternative dedicated line to switch to.

But vandalism poses a problem for. Since we took over, we have recorded six cases of vandalism in Kololo, Nakasero, and the surrounding areas, including Nakulabye and Mengo. Vandals cut one or two meters of cable, leading to customer complaints about outages. We have engaged security and arrested 62 vandals, who have been charged under the new Electricity Act.

Power distribution involves significant infrastructure, including civil works that require careful planning, scoping, procurement, and execution. Even if you pay now, equipment manufacturing and delivery can take six months, regardless of whether you are a government or private operator.

However, we expect that in the first two years, the network will stabilise, overcoming the delays we experienced in the past three years due to our investment.

We have secured funding through both tariffs and lenders, including Absa Bank, which has provided us with a facility under UEDCL, bolstered by our creditworthiness and good governance.

The Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) has issued a raft of guidelines aimed at shielding children from exploitation and harm during the 2026 election season.

The Commission cautioned that the growing involvement of minors in rallies and campaign activities amounts to child abuse and violates national laws. It stressed that safeguarding children must take precedence as political activity intensifies across the country. Mr Lamex Omara Apitta, a commissioner who represented the Commission chairperson, Ms Mariam Wangadya, told journalists in Kampala yesterday that the Commission has documented rising cases of children being drawn into political activities that expose them to physical, emotional, and psychological risks.

‘Videos have been circulating and cases have been reported to us of children putting up or pulling down posters, seen on candidates’ trails chanting slogans, and appearing in political content, yet these are people under 18 and not eligible to vote,’ Mr Apitta noted.

He added: ‘Children have no place in campaign spaces. Elections cannot come at the expense of their safety and dignity.’ The guidelines, developed jointly with the Uganda Child Rights NGO Network (UCRNN), outline dos and don’ts for parents, political parties, schools, and the general public, emphasising strict adherence to laws that prohibit the use of children in any form of political activity.

On November 10, during President Museveni’s campaign rallies in Mbale and Bukwo districts in eastern Uganda, viral videos circulated on social media showing students reportedly brought from various schools, all clad in yellow party T-shirts. In the footage, some of the students were heard lamenting that they had spent the entire day at the rally without food.

Uganda has one of the youngest populations in the world, with nearly half of the population of 45.9 million under 17 years of age, according to the 2024 Uganda Bureau of Statistics census report. The report said 22.7 million people are below 18 years. The Uganda Child Rights NGO Network (UCRNN) Executive Director, Mr Damon Wamara, said past elections have shown that children often face heightened risks during campaign seasons, including exposure to violence, manipulation, and abandonment at campaign venues.

‘We have seen them used as campaign agents. They do not know what they are doing but are paid to move around spreading messages, which makes them targets, although it is good that they begin to practice their democratic rights of being aware of the participation role,’ Mr Wamara said.

He added that election-related handouts, including alcohol and money, often contribute to gender-based violence, which in turn fuels child abuse.

‘We ask political parties to consider the child as a priority in all activities. Put the best interest of the child before everything else. We have seen children who are taken from the villages to the campaigning grounds, and then afterwards they’re abandoned there, stuck, and the family has to look for how to transport them back to their villages, hence their livelihood is put at risk,’ the UCRNN boss said.

The Unicef Country Representative, Dr Robin Nandy, emphasised that efforts to safeguard children during elections must focus on the most vulnerable groups, including refugee children, girls, children with disabilities, and those living in poor or insecure communities.

‘We cannot address these issues through generalisation. In every community, we need to identify and target the most vulnerable. It is a collective responsibility of the government, parents, and communities to safeguard children’s rights during the election,’ Dr Nandy said. UHRC announced that the guidelines will be disseminated widely through community structures and campaign monitoring teams as the country enters the peak of political activity ahead of the 2026 General Election.

A proposed health data-sharing deal between the United States of America (USA) and Uganda has triggered alarm over privacy, sovereignty, and legal clashes.

Critics warn that the agreement could hand the US government unchecked access to sensitive health records, side-lining Uganda’s own regulators and laws. The pact stems from a proposed memorandum of understanding (MoU) on health collaboration, pushed by the US government. It targets African countries that are currently struggling to sustain their health systems due to a decline in donor funding over the years, worsened by the recent dismantling of the US Agency for International Development (USAID) by the Trump administration.

Uganda has been heavily reliant on foreign donations to fund its health system, despite government records showing that over Shs9 trillion — equivalent to the health sector budget for two years — is lost to corruption per year. This pact’s core is a 25-year Data Sharing Agreement granting the US government direct entry into Uganda’s digital health systems. The pact’s preamble nods to mutual benefits. ‘This agreement aims to ensure transparency, accountability, and the effective use of resources to achieve shared objectives in health, while delineating the understandings and intentions of the parties regarding the storage, access, protection, and use of data,’ reads the proposed MoU. Uganda, according to the proposed MoU, will be able to build a ‘durable and resilient health system,’ due to funding and human resource support provided by the US government as per the agreement.

In turn, it will manage to curb global health threats and reduce the burden of common diseases like HIV, malaria, and tuberculosis in the countries of interest, like Uganda. Both parties celebrate gains. However, legal and data safety experts appear unconvinced and sense many risks. Ms Anifa Kawooya Bangirana, the State Minister for Health, confirms that discussions are ongoing between the two countries, but deflects when asked how far this has gone and the implications. ‘My senior Minister of Health, Dr Jane Ruth Aceng, is the one who has been following up and working closely, and she is the one who has to sign,’ she told Daily Monitor. Dr Aceng was unwilling to comment on the matter when our reporter reached out to her. Kawooya’s deferral to Dr Aceng signals caution.

Data sovereignty questions

Mr Gilbert Ssettuuma, a legal officer at the government’s Personal Data Protection Office (PDPO), describes the US government’s proposal as a power grab. ‘Looking at the MoU – what we have been calling the Proposed Data Sharing Agreement — one of the clauses says that it will be construed in accordance with US federal law,’ he explained in a Thursday night X space discussion on the matter, organised by Lawpoint Uganda. ‘The essence of this basically is that it is going to undermine the role of any regulator in any of those African countries where it will be signed,’ he adds. In this agreement, he states, the US government does not recognise Uganda’s PDPO.

‘So basically, they are taking away the regulator’s role, and Ugandans whose data is being transferred or used in any way will not have anywhere to run to.’ Mr Ssettuuma says the deal demands ‘real-time access to our health information systems,’ yet it ignores Uganda’s new Digital Health Guidelines, released in September, by the Ministry of Health. The Digital Health Guidelines set strict interoperability standards -how systems exchange data while staying secure. ‘And looking at the MoU, many of those have not been given due regard,’ Mr Ssettuuma says. He fears a clash. ‘Now, without such standards being met, we run the risk of, first of all, the US systems and our own colliding. And who suffers at the end of it? All that is our personal information, which is being traded for foreign aid.’ Ms Joanita Nagaba, a lawyer and Artificial Intelligence (AI) policy researcher, perceives more serious threats.

Her non-profit organisation, Uzawi Initiative Limited, focuses on AI, society, and democracy. She describes the deal as a full overhaul of Uganda’s health system. ‘It will introduce an electronic data management system, a pharmacy management system, and a laboratory management system. It will also ensure that we have a national data warehouse,’ she says. The US gets keys to it all, according to experts. ‘These systems are data-intensive. They will be collecting a lot of special personal data under the Data Protection Act, specifically health data,’ Ms Nagaba warns. That includes HIV status, tuberculosis records, and data on pregnant and breastfeeding women on antiretroviral drugs (ARVs).

‘It is very unfortunate that we are having this discussion a few days after commemorating World Aids Day. Here we are, trying to negotiate an agreement that risks undermining the data of patients, or rather, people who are living with HIV,’ she observes. Privacy, she stresses, enables other rights. ‘Data protection and privacy are enabling rights for other fundamental human rights. Without them, association and expression could suffer.’ Ms Nagaba also fears AI misuse. ‘It is possible that this personal data could be used to train AI systems, and we do not know what decisions these systems could make about Uganda’s citizens,’ she notes.

Content of proposed agreement

Signing the MoU will grant the US ‘secure, uninterrupted access to Covered Data Systems’ for 25 years.

‘This includes provision of login credentials of other secure access mechanisms, maintenance of system functionality to ensure data availability, notification of any planned system outages or updates that may affect access,’ the proposed MoU reads. Under data use and confidentiality, the MoU states that the US government shall use the data accessed under this agreement solely for purposes consistent with metrics or activities referenced, such as performance metric monitoring and audits.

‘Data provided will be archived, stored, or disposed of in accordance with US federal records requirements. The US government shall take all reasonable measures to protect the confidentiality of information contained within the Covered Data Systems in accordance with US data protection standards,’ the proposed MoU further reads.

‘Where covered data are potentially identifiable, the US government agrees to maintain the confidentiality of the covered data to the fullest extent required by US laws,’ it reads further. Ownership stays with Uganda, according to the MoU. ‘The US government acknowledges that [INSERT COUNTRY NAME] retains sole ownership of the data,’ the deal states. But experts say granting the US government that level of access would mean Uganda has lost control. ‘In other words, individuals and the country at large lose control of their personal data. So, what it is basically doing, and the way it is being negotiated by our authorities, is putting the cart before the horse,’ Mr Ssettuuma argues, calling the timing reckless.

The MoU paints a rosy picture. It cites 20 years of US aid saving ‘hundreds of thousands’ of lives and strengthening the health system in the country of interest. It promises to fund Uganda’s health sector, which has been heavily relying on foreign donations, contributing over 50 percent of its total budget. The country’s health sector is buckling under a catastrophic drop in donor support, with external (donor) funding for the national health budget declining from 49 percent in 2022 to 23 percent this year, according to a joint report by the Uganda National NGO Forum and the Centre for Health, Human Rights and Development (CEHURD). The sharp decline in donations, amid insufficient increases in domestic resource allocation to plug the gaps, and increasing health needs, the report shows, has eroded service quality and left many vulnerable Ugandans struggling to access essential care.

The goal of the MoU, according to the preamble, is to strengthen disease detection, prevention, and response to existing and emerging infectious diseases. But critics see the aid as bait.

‘I understand that we find ourselves between a rock and a hard place. Efficient systems need funding, yet rights hang in the balance. We need the funding, but we risk undermining other fundamental human rights, including the right to protect personal data,’ Ms Nagaba admits.

Mr Ssettuuma echoes the trade-off, saying databases must meet security thresholds for data movement. ‘I would expect this MoU to take into account such things, and maybe make mention of them in the same document. But this is not the case,’ he cautions.

The deal prefers aggregated data. ‘To the maximum extent practical, should not provide individual-level data or personally identifiable information,’ it reads. However, Ms Nagaba sees collective stakes. ‘Over time, we have looked at data protection as an individual right, but it has collective benefits for the country. The pact attempts to undermine data sovereignty in Uganda. That is why it is very important that we continue having these discussions and also hold our ground as far as protecting personal data,’ Ms Nagaba urges. For Ugandans, the risks hit home. HIV patients, malaria cases, and mothers on treatment are all exposed if safeguards fail.

In the proposed MoU, the US promises confidentiality ‘to the fullest extent required by US laws.’ Yet 25 years of access feels eternal, and system upkeep falls to Uganda. This includes accuracy, timeliness, and security. ‘Who is the data protector? Who is the data processor? Who is the data controller? Who is the data subject? What rights do they have and how can they ensure these rights are protected?’ Ms Nagaba asks. Mr Ssettuuma sees a collision ahead. ‘We are putting ourselves on a collision course, first, with the existing laws, but then undermining the rights of people whose information is going to be shared,’ he says.

Ms Nagaba wants Ugandans to not only focus on the negative.

‘If you cannot get an efficient system and provide the health services that we should be providing to a certain standard, we risk undermining other rights, such as the right to health,’ she notes.

The Nakawa Chief Magistrate’s Court has sentenced a 20-year-old senior six student, Edison Ssemugenyi, to six months in prison after he pleaded guilty to two counts of malicious information under the Computer Misuse Act.

Ssemugenyi, who was arrested while preparing for his final examinations this year, appeared before Chief Magistrate Esther Nyadoi for sentencing on Tuesday.

He had earlier pleaded guilty to count one and count three, both relating to the publication of malicious information on his TikTok account @iam_edson. He denied the second count of hate speech, for which trial will begin on January 6, 2026.

While delivering her ruling, Magistrate Nyadoi acknowledged Ssemugenyi’s young age and his decision not to contest the charges he admitted to.

“He has not wasted court’s time by pleading guilty; he is also a young man who was in senior six and doing his final exams when he was arrested in this matter, and I believe he can change,” she said.

The magistrate stressed that despite his youthful age, the offences were serious and called for punishment.

“For that to happen, he needs to be punished, though not with a deterrent punishment as prayed for by the State because of what I have explained above,” she added.

According to the prosecution, Ssemugenyi used his TikTok platform between August and November 2025 to spread false information alleging that President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was ill and bedridden, and that Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the Chief of Defence Forces, was a homosexual. Both statements were labelled as knowingly false and harmful.

Magistrate Nyadoi noted that although the law provides for an option of a fine for the offences, she found it inappropriate in this case.

“I also note that the sentence as provided for in the law provides an option for a fine. However, given the circumstances of the offense, I find that option does not abide, given the person is a fountain of the defence forces by virtue of their positions. They deserve to be respected rather than spreading malicious information,” she ruled.

She then sentenced Ssemugenyi to six months’ imprisonment to run concurrently for the two counts he pleaded guilty to.

The remaining charge of hate speech stems from allegations that Ssemugenyi posted content branding the President a thief, which the State says was likely to degrade, ridicule, or promote hostility against the Head of State.

The government’s newly-approved Shs8.1 trillion supplementary expenditure has drawn sharp criticism from political leaders, economists, and civil society actors, who accuse ministries and agencies of wasteful spending, poor planning, and disguising non-emergency items as urgent national needs.

The controversy first arose over allocations under Supplementary Schedule One, where State House received Shs300 billion for youth mobilisation tours, remodelling of the Youth Livelihood Fund, and classified expenditures. Another contentious item was Shs1.19 billion earmaked for buying a station wagon and two security double-cabins for the prime minister. Also raising eyebrows is a Shs23.89 billion bonus payout to Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) staff for exceeding the revenue collection target for the Financial Year (FY) 2024/2025.

The Shadow Finance Minister and Kira Municipality MP, Mr Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, criticised the allocations, particularly the move to use public funds to bulk-purchase T-shirts from a private textile firm for distribution during the ongoing presidential campaigns.

‘We are being asked to believe that the government is going to bulk-buy T-shirts using public money, hand them over to a private association, and then somehow recover the funds,’ Mr Ssemujju said. He added: ‘Cotton farmers in Acholi, Teso, Bukedi, and West Nile have waited for real support for decades, yet the government wants to subsidise the logistics of a private textile company and become its biggest customer in an election period.’

Mr Ssemujju further argued that the Shs300 billion allocated to State House reflects political motives and unfairly overshadows budgets for poverty-alleviation projects such as the Parish Development Model (PDM).

‘The money we are spending on the residence of our dear leader is equal to what we are spending on fighting poverty,’ he said, describing the youth mobilisation and YLP remodelling activities as political campaigning disguised as national programming. The Leader of Opposition in Parliament, Mr Joel Ssenyonyi, questioned the government’s justification for spending Shs37b on a static synchronous compensator (STATCOM) to stabilise power supply for Roofings Limited, a privately owned steel manufacturer in Namanve Industrial Park, in the outskirts of Kampala City.

‘This is not a national project but a direct subsidy to a private, wealthy individual,’ Mr Ssenyonyi said. The Civil Society Budget Advocacy Group (CSBAG) executive director, Mr Julius Mukunda, said the supplementary package exposes deep fiscal indiscipline.

‘Our analysis shows that these items don’t qualify as supplementary expenditure,’ Mr Mukunda said. The CSBAG boss added: ‘These are predictable activities that could have been budgeted for next year. Instead, they are worsening our debt sustainability.’ Economist Richard Ssempala from Makerere University echoed the concern, saying Uganda’s shrinking fiscal space requires prioritisation of productive expenditures.

‘Are some of these items so essential? Can’t some be postponed or forgone altogether?’ he asked. ‘Uganda needs to spend on high-payoff ventures, not consumptive politics.’ Speaker Anita Among rejected allegations that the State House request is meant to fund the ruling National Resistance Movement party’s mobilisation tours, insisting the expenditures are legitimate. On the Namanve STATCOM, the Ministry of Energy Permanent Secretary, Ms Irene Batebe, defended the intervention by saying: ‘Industrialists consume 66 percent of electricity and employ thousands. Supporting them strengthens the economy.’

The Ministry of Finance spokesperson, Mr Jim Mugunga, also defended the Shs6.9b allocated to refund World Bank-flagged expenditures under the GROW Project, explaining that the government must settle the matter before holding the Private Sector Foundation Uganda (PSFU) accountable as the ”implementing partner”. Despite the government’s explanations, pressure continues to mount as analysts demand greater transparency, clearer justification for supplementary requests, and more stringent scrutiny of politically sensitive spending during the campaign period.