Category: Daily Monitor

When Uganda banned alcohol sachets, the intention was clear and commendable: to reduce irresponsible drinking, protect public health, and limit youth access to cheap, highly potent liquor. Breweries complied, shifted production lines, and adhered to new packaging standards, demonstrating goodwill toward a policy rooted in the right motivation. Yet the reality on the ground evolved faster than regulation.

Today, the country finds itself confronting a new, more complex era of illicit alcohol-one that has moved far beyond sachets and into far more dangerous forms. Rather than disappearing, the problem has transformed, and our response must transform with it.

This year, Uganda’s illicit alcohol landscape is increasingly defined by jerrycan-based crude spirits, siphoned and repackaged industrial ethanol, denatured alcohol, and a growing volume of smuggled high-strength liquids circulating in unregulated spaces. These are not simply cheap substitutes for legal products; they are toxic, unpredictable chemical mixtures with severe public health implications.

While the sachet ban removed one dangerous product from the formal market, the behaviours it enabled, low-cost drinking, discreet consumption, and quick intoxication, remained deeply entrenched. Illegal actors quickly filled the vacuum, producing crude and often contaminated concoctions with no ingredient lists, expiry dates, or safety checks, and distributing them widely through informal outlets in trading centres, market stalls, bars, and backroom kiosks.

Addressing this crisis requires recognising that illicit alcohol is not only a health issue, but also a social, economic, and governance problem that demands a multisector response. Youth groups play a vital role because young people listen to their peers more readily than they do to formal authorities, and they are central to shaping the norms that govern drinking behaviour. Faith leaders hold deep moral authority within communities and can influence family-level decision-making and attitudes toward alcohol use. Community leaders serve as custodians of local norms and are often the first to witness harmful consumption patterns or suspicious production activities.

Legal producers contribute by maintaining safe, regulated alternatives and supporting responsible consumption efforts, helping ensure consumers are not forced toward cheaper, more dangerous products. Enforcement agencies, while critical, cannot shoulder the burden alone; their efforts must sit within a broader system that prioritises disrupting dangerous production without criminalising already vulnerable consumers. This national crisis, therefore, requires a calibrated response that balances enforcement with community mobilisation, awareness, and support for safe alternatives.

Smarter, intelligence-driven enforcement is necessary to dismantle illegal production networks, strengthen border surveillance, and conduct routine inspections in known hotspots. This does not mean an increase in punitive measures against consumers; rather, it means making illegal production risky and unprofitable for those who deliberately undermine public health.

Equally important is community mobilisation. Transformative change happens when local leaders, LC structures, village health teams, and neighbourhood associations are empowered to identify dangerous alcohol, raise alarms early, and reshape norms around consumption within their own communities.

Alongside this, youth-focused awareness campaigns are essential. Schools, universities, sports clubs, and youth organisations must lead a national conversation about the true dangers of illicit alcohol, using culturally relevant messaging that resonates with young people and stimulates informed decision-making. Strengthening the availability of safe, regulated alternatives must also remain part of the solution.

Supporting legal producers, including small-scale distillers who comply with health and quality standards, provides consumers with affordable options that reduce their reliance on illicit products. A healthy, competitive legal market is one of the strongest defences against the spread of dangerous, unregulated alcohol.

Uganda is losing the battle against illicit alcohol, not because policymakers lacked intention, but because the illicit market innovated faster than the national response. We now need an equally adaptive, collaborative, and community-rooted strategy. The sachet ban was a decisive first step, but it was never intended to be the final one.

This moment calls not for blame, but for leadership. We acted once by banning sachets; now we must follow through with smarter enforcement, stronger community mobilisation, normative change, and youth empowerment. The future health and productivity of our nation’s young people depend on it.

Adjumani District is witnessing a worrying rise in HIV infections, particularly among teenagers, a trend leaders warn could undermine years of progress in controlling the virus. Latest 2025 data from the district health department shows that HIV prevalence has climbed from 1.5 percent in 2022 to 2.4 percent today. This is slightly above the West Nile regional average of 2.3 percent, though still below the national rate of 5.1 percent.

The District Health Officer, Dr Dominic Drametu, said the upward shift is alarming, especially because new infections are increasingly occurring among adolescents. He said the district currently has 3,300 people living with HIV, and between July 2024 and June alone, 110 new infections were recorded. ‘This trend is terrible because teenagers are now among the most affected groups,’ Dr Drametu said last week.

Why the spike?

Dr Drametu linked the rise in infections to domestic violence, family breakdown, and economic pressure, which he said expose teenagers to risky sexual behaviour.

He emphasised the need for youth-friendly health services, strengthened community awareness, and interventions that address both violence and poverty.

‘The situation is worrying, but with coordinated action, we can change the direction. Our teenagers must be protected,’ he added. The district secretary for health, Mr John Sabuni, said many families are facing severe economic hardships, pushing young people into unsafe environments. He also warned that the declining public conversation around HIV is contributing to rising infections. ‘We are not doing well. In the past, people feared HIV, but these days we no longer talk about it, and that is why it is affecting our young people. People think the silence means the virus is not active in society,’ he said.

Persons living with HIV speak out

People living with HIV urged leaders to improve representation and support for their community. Ms Harriet Maiku, who has lived with HIV since 2002, encouraged people to follow treatment guidelines, stating that one can live a long and healthy life with proper care. ‘When I tested and found out I was positive, I accepted my result and started living positively,’ she said. Another resident, Mr Maiku Francis, diagnosed in 2003, said he has managed to educate his children despite his status. He appealed to district leaders to ensure people living with HIV are represented in council by individuals who understand their challenges. Ms Juliet Tarapkwe, who has lived with the virus for more than 20 years, said strict adherence to treatment has enabled her to care for several children orphaned by HIV, supporting some up to university level. ‘This disease cannot kill you if you follow the protocols given by the doctor,’ she said.

West Nile regional context

The 2022 Uganda Population-Based HIV Impact Assessment places West Nile’s HIV prevalence at 2.3 percent. Arua City leads with 4.4 percent, followed by Zombo (3.5 percent), Nebbi (3.4 percent), and Pakwach (3.3 percent). Adjumani and Arua District stand at 2.4 percent, Moyo at 2.3 percent, Obongi at 1.8 percent, while Maracha and Yumbe have the lowest rates at 1 percent. The TB and HIV officer at the Infectious Diseases Institute (IDI), Mr David Emucu, said the government and partners are scaling up interventions across the region. West Nile has 43,700 people living with HIV, of whom 37,200 (85 percent) are on antiretroviral therapy (ART).

In Adjumani, 2,700 of the 3,300 people living with HIV are on treatment, an 84 percent coverage, below the national target of 95 percent. ‘We need to pay special attention to children and adolescents. Many of those newly diagnosed fall in these age groups, so we must understand their specific needs,’ Mr Emucu said. Local leaders argue that addressing the rising infections will require a joint effort involving local government, cultural institutions, religious leaders, the media, schools, and civil society groups. Uganda, like many countries, has committed to the global goal of ending HIV as a public health threat by 2030, a target experts say will be impossible to reach unless infections among teenagers are urgently addressed.

National Unity Platform (NUP) party presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, has said they have sought redress from the African Union (AU) and the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) over continued violence and arrests of their supporters.

‘We have continued to receive brutality from the police, army, and other security agencies. They have beaten all our team members and arrested hundreds of them, so we want the AU and EACJ to intervene before we fall into anarchy,’ Mr Kayagulanyi said.

He added: ‘Our people have been provoked because they want us to reiterate and then give them a reason to kill our people as they did in 2020. We want these bodies to come and save our nation before we regret. We have continued to be peaceful, and we don’t want to succumb to the provocation from the security.’

The musician-cum-politician made the remarks during a media briefing at the party’s school of leadership in Kamwokya, Kampala, before heading to his first rally in Mbuya, Nakawa East, and later at Ndere Centre in Nakawa West, both in the capital. This is not the first time the Opposition party has petitioned regional, continental, and international bodies over what they call injustices. Following the November 18 and 19, 2020 fracas, which claimed the lives of 56 Ugandans after sporadic protests erupted when Bobi Wine was arrested in Luuka District, eastern Uganda, NUP said they had petitioned the International Criminal Court (ICC) over the deaths and brutality. Five years later, the matter has neither been processed nor heard. Bobi Wine contested the election results released by the Electoral Commission (EC), claiming he had been rigged out of victory.

The popstar filed a petition in the Supreme Court but withdrew it almost immediately. He explained that he had been blocked from amending the suit and instead chose to take the matter to the court of public opinion. Yesterday, Bobi Wine said more than 460 supporters across the country had so far been arrested, while more than 10 people had died in the violence meted out against them. The Electoral Commission (EC) has called for faster investigations into the violence that occurred between security forces and Bobi Wine supporters while he campaigned in Gulu City on Saturday evening. Mr Julius Mucunguzi, the EC spokesperson, told this publication that their efforts to mitigate the growing confrontations over the last two months seem to have fell on met deaf ears from all actors. The violent clashes, which had first flickered in Mbarara, soon spread to Kampala City when Bobi Wine began his campaigns last month.

The city streets became a theatre of pain, with many people brutalised, including an elderly woman who sustained head injuries. When Bobi Wine campaigned in Iganga last week, police opened gunfire on supporters at a rally at the railway grounds. Although police declared that one person was shot dead, reports from the ground indicated that three people died in the fracas, including a seven-year-old child who was trampled in the stampede when security personnel opened fire. Following the series of shootings and confrontations with police, Bobi Wine resumed wearing a bulletproof vest and protective helmet, saying his life was in danger and that his team had received credible information of an impending attack.

In the 2021 polls, Bobi Wine campaigned across the country clad in body armour, claiming his life had been threatened several times. Police defended their actions against Kyagulanyi, saying they were ensuring he did not flout Covid-19 directives. Yesterday, after leaving their offices, Bobi Wine convoy snaked through the Bukoto-Ntinda stretch before police blocked the road behind him, demanding he stop his supporters from following. Security forces unleashed gunfire and teargas to scatter the swelling crowds as the convoy snaked through the Ntinda-Nakawa stretch, only to face another roadblock at the traffic lights. Police descended on the supporters with batons, leaving many nursing wounds as the campaign trail turned into a battlefield.

Mr Joel Ssenyonyi, the NUP spokesperson, said they want the government to allowed then run their campaigns according to the law, just like other candidates. ‘When Mr Museveni is using these roads, they block everyone such that he passes. For us, we are being blocked, and our people are being beaten. This is putting the electoral process of this country into question. We want a levelled ground for the elections,’ he said. Security personnel were unavailable to comment on the latest crackdown on Opposition supporters in Kampala Capital City.

A review by this publication of the available Hansard paints a stark picture of the majority of the people’s representatives in the 11th Parliament speaking less in plenary or staying mute.

The Hansard, which is the official record of Parliament on which plenary proceedings are recorded, was assessed between May 2021 and May 2025, and cast against backdrop of poor House attendance. This assessment did not take into account the legislators’ contributions in committee meetings nor the presiding officers, the Speaker, and her deputy. The Adjumani West MP (NRM) and Second Deputy Prime Minister, Gen Moses Ali leads the pack of the most inactive MPs, with the majority belonging to the NRM, according to the Hansards.

The list also includes the National Unity Platform (NUP) party’s Kawempe South’s Bashir Kazibwe, Mpigi Woman MP Teddy Nambooze, Busiro North’s Paul Nsubuga, and Kakuuto County’s Geoffrey Lutaaya. In general, about 90 MPs spoke three times or not at all. The other silent lot are Kapchorwa Municipality’s Sam Cheptoris, Agago West County’s Richard Ricky Anywar, Orungo County’s Jeje Odongo, Older Persons-Northern-Catherine Akumu Mavenjina, Maracha Woman MP Jennifer Driwaru, Buruli County’s Ronald Akugizibwe Aled, Lyantonde Woman’s Pauline Kemirembe Kyaka.

Others are Kisoro Municipality’s Paul Kwizera, Rubirizi Woman MP, Grace Bataringaya Kesande, Kyenjojo Woman MP, Faith Kunihira Philo, Namayingo South’s Michael Odwori, Kween Woman MP, Rose Emma Cherukut, Too County’s Solomon Chelangat Alinga, Kamwenge Woman MP, Sylvia Bahireira Tumwekwase, and Lira Woman MP, Linda Agnes Auma, among others. This newspaper reached out to some of the inactive MPs for their response to the matter, with many arguing that with a population of 556 MPs, it is natural that they all cannot be active in equal measure. But some angrily snapped back while others claimed the Speaker and Deputy are ‘discriminatory’ in picking who speaks. A few defended that they attend or follow plenary online but are not captured nor is there a platform for such a category to speak.

Parliament responds

The Parliament’s Director for Corporate and Public Affairs, Mr Chris Obore, argued it would be a very misguided excuse for members to say they are not speaking because there is favouritism. ‘The Speaker and her deputy are the leaders of the House. So, the MPs must catch the eye of the Speaker and it has a lot to do with them; knowledge of parliamentary business, being articulate if given a chance, etc. So the Speaker weighs that if I give Ssemujju a chance, he’ll drive the point home in less than three minutes as opposed to anyone who is going to fumble,’ Mr Obore said.

MPs weigh in

On her part, Ms Mavenjina defended her turf: ‘Of all the MPs for the elderly, I’m the most active. Ours is a small constituency, so I have received praises that I’m very active during Committee meetings. But as you know, we are more than 500 MPs, so not everyone can be picked to speak.’ Ms Auma quick-wittedly explained that being described as active or inactive must be properly ‘contextualised.’ ‘First, we are many and I am sure you have noted that when nearly all of us showed up there was hardly any space to sit. Second, do the Speakers know all of us, because you have to be familiar to be picked? Thirdly, there is a tendency of senior colleagues, who are indeed outspoken, always manipulating the Speakers to be given a chance to speak; but even then, they are usually reactionary on issues.

‘They have never tabled reports or motions, but whenever they raise a point of order, they are immediately captured to have spoken many times, but what did they say exactly? So, the records don’t tell the full picture,’ Ms Auma, who chairs the Committee on Agriculture, Animal Industries, and Fisheries, argued. She added: ‘It is also important to evaluate our performance both in Parliament and on the ground. Some of us might be inactive in the plenary, but we are active in Committee sittings where most technical discussions happen and where we interface with key people in our oversight role. Yes, Parliament passes the budget but outside the visuals of plenary how many of us follow up the money on the ground?’ The assessment of the available Hansards of 2021, 2022 (all months except October, November, and December), 2023 (all months except May), 2024, and the first seven months of 2025, show that a total of 83 legislators spoke no fewer than 15 times.

Balancing numbers and time

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA) , and publisher of Parliament Watch, which keeps tabs on the goings-on in the House, said the MPs’ ‘silence should not be taken lightly.’ ‘Speaking in plenary is one of the clearest ways an MP can carry the voices of their constituents into national discourse. So, when someone completes a term without saying a word, we have to ask: were they overwhelmed, disengaged, or just not prepared?’

The Parliament Strategic Plan for the FY 2025/2030 details upgrading of the biometric attendance system to track attendance. Conversely, the plan indicates that the average attendance for plenary was 80 MPs for the FYs 2020/2021 and 2021/2022, 280 MPs for 2022/2023, and 334 for 2023/2024. The attendance for committees was 16, 16, 15, and 13 MPs, respectively, during the same periods. The parliamentary committees comprise on average about 30 members.

Lack of sanctions on MPs

‘Despite these achievements, the Representation function still grapples with the challenges of low attendance of committee meetings – this undermines the quality of reports and leads to time wastage in following up members to sign the reports. The stringent time allocated to Members to make submissions on the Floor is limited and affects the quality of representation, and has been a consistent concern among MPs,’ the report reads in part. Mr Obore concurred that House attendance is a huge concern considering that MPs are technically employees of the public that elects them. ‘We cannot sugarcoat the problem and the Speaker has constantly reminded MPs to take their assignment seriously.

Of course sometimes when we have serious business many will show up, but there is no reason for the public to send you to Parliament and you spend six months without stepping there. Unfortunately, there is not much the Speaker can do rather than naming and shaming, at best a suspension.’ MP Ssemujju offered a harsh assessment of the House as ‘the worst since Independence’ and argued that the problems of attendance must be contextualised. ‘First of all, the country needs to understand what motivates people to contest for Parliament. I think 90 percent of the people who come here do so because there is a big salary. That’s why, if the interest is in picking a salary and allowance in Parliament, and that salary is given whether you are in Parliament or not, whether you speak or not, whether you read or not, they are not motivated because there are no sanctions,’ he argued.

He added: ‘One time we had a debate when I was still a journalist covering the Seventh Parliament that MPs should be paid according to their contribution and it was flatly rejected. Then there was another proposal of paying MPs according to attendance but it was also rejected. So, you have MPs who don’t attend Parliament; you have those who attend but do not contribute. ‘So you have people who are not motivated to come to Parliament to make a contribution either to good governance, legislation, appropriation, or oversight, but they come here to pick a salary. But there is also a general problem of competence; if you compare this Parliament to the ones before, I think in my view, it’s the worst Parliament.’

Leaders of the pack

Mr Ssemujju and the Erute County South’s Jonathan Odur lead the pack of the most active and outspoken legislators, according to the Hansards. The duo stand out as versatile and for consistency with precise well-researched submissions on wide-ranging topics. The list is dominated by opposition legislators, including the Leader of Opposition (LOP) Joel Ssenyonyi and his immediate predecessor, Nyendo-Mukungwe Division’s Mathias Mpuuga, who hold a privilege of being granted room to raise matters in each plenary sitting or being accorded space to react to matters being deliberated upon on the floor.

The list also includes Tororo Woman’s Sarah Opendi, Busiro County East’s Medard Lubega-Ssegona, Butambala Woman MP, Aisha Kabanda, Butambala County’s Muwanga Kivumbi, Manjiya County’s John Baptist Nambeshe, Bugweri County’s Abdu Katuntu, Bugiri Municipality’s Asuman Basalirwa, Kalungu West County’s Joseph Ssewungu, Budadiri County West’s Nandala Mafabi, and Kassanda County North’s Patrick Nsamba Oshabe. Others are Wakiso Woman MP, Ethel Naluyima, Kachumbala County’s Patrick Isiagi, Mbarara South Division’s Mwine Mpaka, Koboko Municipality’s Charles Ayume, Pian County’s Remigio Achia, Kimaanya-Kabonera Division’s Abed Bwanika, Mayuge Woman’s Nakadama Rukia Isanga, and Mawogola County South’s Gorreth Namugga, among others.

Our assessment of the Hansards indicates that of the total female representation of 189, the trio of Kabanda, Opendi, and Namugga stood out. The LoP, Mr Ssenyonyi, who is also the Nakawa West MP concurred that the large number of MPs means not everyone cannot be active. ‘It is possible many say to themselves; we are simply too many and won’t get a chance to speak, so let us concentrate on the ground. There are members who are here for their third term or more, and you bump into them and you wonder; is this an MP or not because they hardly speak on the floor,’ he said.

Explaining the frequencies

He added: ‘And the other reality is you have to catch the eye of the presiding officer and sometimes he or she will see you raising up the hand but jump to somebody else they know. I have heard complaints and some MPs have reached out to me saying the presiding officers are not fair, are selective, but it is their prerogative. But also we have members to decide to concentrate on Committees due to the limitations on the floor, including plenary sitting thrice; Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, from 2pm until evening.’ Mr Ssegona said experience comes with a lot of advantages and ‘even when there are many, one can choose to be outstanding.’

‘There are people who come really, even if it was a meeting of 10 people they would not say anything. When other people speak, they turn around and look at them. I think you have nothing to contribute, I respect those colleagues of ours. If you have nothing to say; keep quiet, listen, and learn. So, some people learning may take them five years, 10 years, others may not learn at all. They didn’t know the magnitude of the job,’ he argued. Others with privileges to stand tall are ministers and ex-officios such as the Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka and his Deputy Mr Jackson Kafuuzi, who represents Kyaka South County, who were ostensibly allocated time to present or react to issues in their respective dockets. In fact, the duo is required to attend and provide guidance on a plenary sitting in which a new legislation is being processed.

In so doing, their guidance is meant to enable Parliament to create safeguards against legal misfires hence marked as very active. Whereas the Prime Minister Ms Robinah Nabbanja, who is also the Woman MP for Kakumiro, with the ‘Prime Minister’s Question time’, would hold a higher chance of outshining her colleagues on the front bench, our assessment of the Hansards shows that she is dwarfed by State Minister for Finance in- charge of General Duties Henry Musasizi. The Hansards show that the Rubanda East MP, Mr Musasizi outshone all his Cabinet colleagues as he made the most submissions, all related to the Finance docket, standing in for his boss Matia Kasaija, and less to do with his constituents.

Additionally, Parliament spends major parts of the three of the four quarters of each financial year handling financial matters and or even processing the national budget for the following fiscal year. The majority of these proceedings were attended and responded to by Mr Musasizi. His colleagues including, Joyce Moriku Kaducu, and Peter Ogwang, both Junior Ministers for Education, Health Minister Jane Ruth Aceng and her juniors Anita Kawooya and Margaret Muhanga, Internal Affairs Minister Kahinda Otafiire and his deputy David Muhoozi, Works and Transport Minister, Gen Katumba Wamala and his juniors Musa Eweru and Fred Byamukama, all made regular submissions during plenary. In addition to his default role, the Government Chief Whip Obua had had to cover up for the majority of absentee ministers, including the prime minister, hence submitting variously in plenary.

Mr Yoweri Museveni, who is the NRM party presidential candidate, is today expected to hold his final rally in the Tooro sub-region before heading to Kibaale District (Bunyoro sub-region) in the afternoon for his second rally, marking the beginning of his campaign activities in the oil-rich region. Mr Museveni has been traversing the Rwenzori and Tooro sub-regions since December 4. In Bunyoro, he will hold campaign rallies across all districts, following a programme that will run until December 15. Kakumiro District will be his final stop. In Kibaale District, Museveni garnered 35,804 votes in the 2021 General Election, while his main challenger and the National Unity Platform (NUP) party leader, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine, polled 5,429 votes. In Kagadi District, Mr Museveni received 88,830 votes.

On Sunday, during a preparatory meeting at Hoima Resort Hotel ahead of the Museveni’s visit, leaders outlined key government achievements in the 2021-2026 term, particularly in the oil and gas sector. They said the developments have transformed the sub-region. Notable oil and gas projects include the construction of Kabalega International Airport in Kabaale Sub-county, Hoima District; the ongoing development of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (Eacop); the planned establishment of Kabalega Industrial Park; and the construction of Hoima City Stadium, which will host the 2027 African Cup of Nations. Additionally, more than 700kms of roads have been tarmacked across the sub-region, and Hoima City has benefited from major urban infrastructure upgrades under the USMID programme, supported by the World Bank.

Other accomplishments include the establishment of a regional blood bank in Hoima City, the creation of an Intensive Care Unit at Hoima Regional Referral Hospital, the issuance of land titles, and the ongoing construction of the long-awaited Bunyoro Public University. Currently, oil exploration and development activities are underway in both Buliisa and Kikuube districts. In Buliisa, several oil wells have been drilled under the Tilenga Project, managed by TotalEnergies, and construction of critical infrastructure such as the Central Processing Facility (CPF) is ongoing. The Tilenga Project is a joint venture between TotalEnergies (56.67 percent), China National Offshore Oil Corporation-CNOOC (28.33 percent), and the Uganda National Oil Company-UNOC (15 percent). In Kikuube District, several development works are being implemented in the Kingfisher Development Area.

The Bugahya County MP in Hoima District, Mr Pius Wakabi Rujumba, said the discovery of oil and gas has significantly boosted investment and employment opportunities in Bunyoro. ‘The discovery of oil and gas in Bunyoro has attracted many investors to the region, creating jobs for both qualified youth and casual labourers,’ Mr Wakabi said. ‘Our people have benefited greatly from local content policies, with many securing jobs and local companies winning contracts in sectors such as hospitality. I want to commend President Museveni for championing the extraction of this resource,’ he added.

Land titles

Ms Angyeria Tamuturano, 74, a resident of Kasozi Village in Kakumiro District, said receiving a land title in 2023 from the Uganda Land Commission resolved years of land conflict she had faced since relocating from Kabale District in 2013. ‘Shortly after settling here, I heard on the radio that the landowner wanted to evict us, but the government intervened and gave us free land titles. Now I can farm without fear. Many people in our village received land titles, and we need to vote for President Museveni again. Without his government, we would be landless,’ she said. Despite these gains, leaders have asked Mr Museveni to address the increasing cases of land grabbing.

They want an increase in the Land Fund to enable people obtain land titles at affordable rates. Buliisa District Woman Norah Bigirwa, raised concerns about continued attacks on fishermen by Congolese militia and alleged harassment by the Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) members. She said Lake Albert remains the primary source of livelihood for the people of Buliisa. In the Greater Kibaale area, residents are urging President Museveni to fulfil his pledge to improve infrastructure in Kibaale, Kagadi, and Kakumiro districts. Mr Peter Businge, a resident of Kasoonge in Kibaale District, appealed to the government to expedite the construction of the Kyegegwa-Kibaale Liberation Road. He said the road is in a deplorable state. ‘It takes three hours to travel 15 kilometres. I am often forced to use longer routes to access better markets in nearby districts,’ he said.

In Kagadi District, market vendor Brenda Dativ requested the construction of a modern market. ‘During the rainy season, vendors suffer and make losses because the market is not developed. A proper market would give us a better working environment,’ she said. Residents also highlighted concerns over the poor Muhoro-Ndaiga road and recurring threats of land evictions. Mr Kato Harrison, a boda boda rider, hopes the President will address the high interest rates on motorcycle loans. ‘The President should introduce measures to provide affordable boda boda loans with low interest rates,’ he said. He further expressed hope that the President will consider creating new administrative units, including the proposed Kisiita District in Kakumiro.

Unemployment

Residents also said unemployment requires urgent government attention. According to the 2024 National Housing and Population Census, Uganda’s unemployment rate among persons aged 15 and above stands at 12.3 percent. In the Bunyoro, the rate is slightly lower at 9.9 percent. The census further shows that 11.2 percent of youth aged between 15 and 24 in Bunyoro fall under the potential labour force category. For youth aged between 18 and 30, the percentage of those not in employment, education, or training (NEET) stands at 48.2 percent, while for those aged between 18 and 24, the figure is 42.6 percent. The working-age population (15+ years) in Bunyoro stands at 1,515,600 people, representing 54.7 percent of the total household population. In districts such as Buliisa, where major oil activities are ongoing, unemployment still remains a concern.

Buliisa’s total population is 167,894 people, of whom 81,437 are male and 86,457 are female. This has left many residents questioning why unemployment remains high despite significant oil-related investments. Mr Joshua Musiime, a resident of Buliisa Town Council, said many companies in the oil sector continue to employ people from outside the sub-region, leaving local youth with limited opportunities. ‘We appreciate the government for the good work in the oil and gas sector. Some people have benefited, but many of our own children remain unemployed. Few locals have gained meaningful jobs, and most are left with casual work. Even several suppliers, including those providing food, come from outside Buliisa,’ he said. In Hoima West County, Ms Kimuli Florence from Kakundi Village, said access to clean water and electricity remains a major challenge.

‘We still fetch water from Bulemwa Village. The government needs to extend safe water to all villages and restore electricity. Some of our electricity poles were vandalised, and we rely on solar. Parajwoki Primary School is over 90 years old and needs urgent renovation,’ she said. The Hoima District Councillor for Kiganja Sub-county, Mr Jackson Magambo Mulindambura, said: ‘We urgently need a road connecting Kaiso in Hoima to Butiaba in Buliisa. Communities such as the Bagugu, Bakobya, and Batonya in Kiganja still do not have a single school,’ he said.

Are you young and have you had blood in the urine, which might make the urine look pink, red, or cola-coloured, blood in the semen, need to urinate more often, trouble getting started when trying to urinate, or waking up to urinate more often at night? If yes, then you may need to visit the nearest cancer screening facility to check for prostate cancer.

Also, are you of advanced age and have accidental leaking of urine, back pain, bone pain, difficulty getting an erection, feeling very tired, losing weight without trying, or weakness in the arms or legs? You also have a reason to see the nearest cancer screening facility to check for prostate cancer. According to the American Cancer Society and Mayo Clinic, prostate cancer is a growth of cells that starts in the prostate.

The prostate is a small gland that helps make semen and is found just below the bladder, which is part of the male reproductive system. Prostate cancer forms when the DNA in prostate cells develops mutations that may disable their ability to control cell growth and division.

In many cases, these mutated cells die or are attacked by the immune system. However, some mutated cells may escape the immune system and grow out of control, forming a prostate tumour. Globally, it is one of the biggest types of cancers affecting men, and the trend is similar in Uganda, where up to more than 22,000 men are battling the disease. According to the Uganda National Cancer Control Plan 2025/2026 – 2029/2030, cancer is one of the biggest health problems the country is grappling with.

Dr Jackson Orem, the executive director of Uganda Cancer Institute in the executive summary of the control plan, says that in 2022, it was estimated that there were 35,968 new cancer cases, 24,629 cancer deaths, and 62,548 adults living with cancer in Uganda. According to the International Agency for Research on Cancer, by 2040, there will be 77,510 new cancer cases per year, an increase of 138 percent.

UCI says recent data show an increase in the incidence of prostate, breast, and other cancers due to changes in lifestyle-related cancer risks. According to the data, in 2022, prostate cancer numbers among men stood at 2,699, representing 17.5 percent of all the cancer types men have contracted.

The exact causes of prostate cancer in an individual patient may not be clear. However, understanding the risk factors may help men take preventive measures to reduce the likelihood of developing prostate cancer. Prostate cancer risk factors include some that can’t be changed, such as having a family history of the disease and a genetic predisposition for developing the cancer. But other risk factors may be adjusted to help lower the likelihood of developing prostate cancer. Dr Ahmed Hamza, associate professor and consultant urologist at UMC Victoria Hospital in Kampala, said that while prostate problems can occur at any age, when detected early, prostate cancer is curable.

Dr Hamza says while the disease can be treated when detected early, many patients fear testing for prostate cancer and therefore delay until it is too late. ‘Fearing doing the test is not a good idea because as soon as you sort out the issue, it can be curable. Usually, we test for prostate cancer at age 45 or 50. But when someone in the family has a positive history of prostate cancer, it is important to check at age 40,’ he explains. Dr Hamza adds: ‘So it is important to check the PSA (prostate-specific antigen test) and then we can advise what should be done and the patient should not fear testing for the prostate.’

Currently, the cost of testing prostate cancer in several health facilities is about Shs300,000, but the Uganda Cancer Institute says it provides free prostate cancer screening. At UMC Victoria hospital, the facility runs discounted testing and treatment at Shs100,000 every November, which is the prostate cancer awareness month. Dr Hamza says men should take precautions with their lifestyles, especially those with advanced ages because prostate cancer is the most common cancer among men all over the world.

‘So it is very important to check as early as 40 or 45 years of age so as to avoid all the complications and to be treated early,’ he says.

Cancer and mental health

Ms Brenda Nalugo, a clinical psychologist at UMC Victoria Hospital, says while mental health has been a big issue, particularly among men, the risk of being diagnosed with prostate cancer worsens it. She says when testing positive, some will deny it, others accept, and others mentally break down, which is a big problem. ‘We find that when people get the diagnosis of prostate cancer, they go through what we call the five stages of chronic illness. They go through denial, anger, acceptance, depression, and all these stages. When they go through all these stages, they are affected,’ she says. Ms Nalugo says people go through this because when they hear about prostate cancer, even though it is treatable, they lose hope, which, to psychologists, is understandable.

‘That fear is what drives them to deny, it’s what drives them to bargain, it’s what drives them to anger and all these stages,’ she says.

Ms Nalugo says when such patients visit the health facility, both the medical doctors and psychologists not only prepare them for treatment, but also look at the mental aspect and ensure that they are fully prepared for recovery, both physically and mentally.

‘It’s also them being prepared psychologically for the psychological consequences of what they’re going to undergo, that’s why we’re saying, because it has a psychological perspective to it, the emotional support comes in handy,’ she says.

The clinical psychologist says research has shown that sometimes the depression and the anxiety that is experienced during moments of diagnosis and moments of treatment worsen symptoms of prostate cancer.

‘So when we provide emotional support, we are hoping to combat this. We’re hoping to protect people from getting to a point where they’ll be depressed. So if you come to a hospital and you have family with you, you have other men standing with you, other men who have gone through treatment and they have gotten better, other men who know, say the medical doctors, they have the knowledge, they have the experience and they are standing with you, it gives people the confidence to move forward and it really does help,’ Ms Nalugo says.

She advises that those who have been diagnosed with prostate cancer should not isolate themselves, but stay with their friends, relatives, and those who have experienced it so that they can learn from them. ‘So I would say, do ask someone to support you, do not try to deal with it alone, do not try to isolate yourself because you don’t want to burden other people, you don’t want to seem weak because you’re dealing with this, because it doesn’t want to make you weak. It does not make you weak; it does not make you less of a man,” Ms Nalugo says. She adds: ‘Asking for help actually shows strength and is a sign of strength. So let’s ask for help and let’s try to embody that. Let’s bring in other people to walk the journey with us. Let’s not try to isolate ourselves. Let’s talk about it.”

Makerere University Vice Chancellor, Prof. Barnabas Nawangwe, has attributed his Africa Leadership Magazine’s 2025 African Educationist of the Year award to the university’s transformation under his leadership.

He believes that the significant changes, particularly the transition into a research-intensive and research-led university, administrative and governance reforms, and innovations, prompted voters in Africa and beyond to consider him for the award.

Addressing journalists at the university, Prof. Nawangwe highlighted the institution’s shift from a riot-prone environment to a hub of innovation and research.

“As you all remember, Makerere University was mostly known for riots and if you typed the word Makerere in Google, the first picture was of students with branches and the matching. But now when you go to Google, you see different innovations and research that are going on. The students are now talking positively about their own university, unlike in the past,” he said.

He credited transformations in teaching, which have improved the university’s rankings, and emphasized the importance of funding research and innovation to create job opportunities and solve societal problems.

“There are also transformations in teaching. We had been ranked very low in the teaching over many years but finally, we are among the top universities,” he said.

Prof. Nawangwe expressed gratitude for the government’s support, noting that Makerere receives about $8 million annually for research, enabling researchers and students to produce cutting-edge innovations. He appealed for increased funding, citing President Museveni’s pledge to support the university.

“We need funds to provide the facilities and the environment for these young people who have got great ideas to conduct research and innovation here,” he said.

He commended the strong partnership between Makerere University and Kiira Motors, focusing on sustainable transport and innovation, and thanked Ugandans and Africans for their support, which helped him win the award for the third time.

The award followed a three-stage process involving public nominations, editorial review, and a global online poll, recognizing leaders whose vision and innovative actions are shaping Africa’s development trajectory.

The Judiciary has announced that for the first time in Uganda’s history, Presidential Election Petitions will now be filed electronically, allowing petitioners and lawyers to upload documents from anywhere in the country.

The introduction of the Electronic Court Case Management Information System (ECCMIS) in filing and handling presidential election petitions digitally was announced on Monday during a high-level training for Supreme Court Justices on Electoral Disputes Management in Jinja City.

The training, organised by the Judicial Training Institute (JTI), brought together Justices of the Supreme Court, the Electoral Commission, the Attorney General’s Chambers, Uganda Law Society, private practitioners, Information Technology (IT) specialists, and experts from Kenya, Zambia and Malawi.

‘Presidential petitions may come and we must be ready,’ Justice Mike Chibita, the Chairperson of the JTI Governing Council said.

Justice Chibita disclosed that the judiciary must be prepared for any outcome of next year’s presidential election.

‘There are new Justices on the Supreme Court who have never heard a presidential petition before. Even those of us who handled the previous one still have something to learn, especially now that filing will be electronic,’ Justice Chibita noted.

According to him, the electronic system will significantly cut costs, improve efficiency, and eliminate the need for bulky box files.

‘Instead of bringing seven copies in pickups full of documents, you scan once and upload. You can file even at night from home. The system is open 24/7,’ he added before assuring court users of data security, noting that the Judiciary has a full IT department working ‘day and night’ to protect confidential information.

‘We have a Principle Information Technology Officer and a Principle Information Management Officer, and their teams ensure there are no hackers and documents only reach authorized persons,” he said.

According to the judiciary, the system’s permissions are role-based, ensuring lawyers cannot assign themselves judges or hearing dates.

He argued that although rolling out the electronic system is expensive, the Judiciary is expanding it gradually.

The Judiciary’s Principle Information Management Officer, Mr Joseph Sinabulya, assured participants that the system will remain functional in the event of an internet shutdown.

‘We have a dedicated line to the National Data Centre. Even without the internet, courts can still access the system,’ Mr Sinabulya said, adding that users outside court premises would need to come physically if national internet access is restricted.

Electoral Case Management System was first rolled out on March 1, 2022 and has since been used to support a wide range of court processes.

‘It has supported many court matters since then, but this will be the first time it is applied to a presidential election petition, which only comes once every five years,’ Mr Sinabulya said.

Officially opening the training, Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo emphasised the Supreme Court’s constitutional obligation under Article 104 to hear and determine Presidential Election Petitions as a court of first and final stage.

He reminded the Justices that this mandate, which no other institution in Uganda carries, demands the highest level of readiness, integrity and discipline.

‘The Supreme Court carries a solemn constitutional responsibility. Presidential petitions compress time, attract immense public scrutiny and raise deep questions of legitimacy. We must ensure that our preparedness matches the weight of our mandate,’ Justice Dollo said.

Justice Dollo added that the country is moving into a period that will test institutional capacity at the highest level.

‘Uganda is heading into an important constitutional moment. These petitions come with their own challenges, very tight timelines, high public attention, and key questions about the legitimacy of the election,’ he said.

He reflected on lessons drawn from previous presidential petitions, noting how they have shaped the Court’s evolving approach.

‘In 2001, the key concerns included the failure to publish polling stations and persistent problems with voters’ registers. By 2016, the challenges had expanded to irregularities involving technology, delays in delivering voting materials, media bias, pre-ticking of ballots, and the misuse of state resources,” he said.

He explained that the Court’s approach has changed over the years from focusing mainly on technicalities to looking at the entire electoral environment.

‘An election petition should not only check whether the law was followed,’ he said, ‘but also whether the environment allowed people to freely and fairly express their will.’

As Uganda prepares for the January 15, 2026, presidential election, the Judiciary’s move to electronic filing marks a historic step in improving transparency, efficiency, and readiness for election disputes.

‘Shame upon the police, shame upon the military, what we are doing is legal. According to the Electoral Commission (EC) timetable, we are supposed to campaign here today. You are breaking the law. Shame upon you! Mr (Simon Mugenyi) Byabakama (EC Chairman), see what is happening. IGP Byakagaba (Abas), look at your men. Switch on your cameras and show the world the impunity and how this rogue regime operates.’

Of late, those word have become synonymous with opposition, National Unity Platform’s (NUP) presidential candidate. Robert Sentamu Kyagulanyi, who is better known as Bobi Wine, is a fighting man.

Almost all his campaign rallies are characterised by diversion to long dusty roads from planned venues, roadblocks, altercations, tear gas, live ammunition, beatings, injuries (including those occasioned on security agents supposedly by NUP supporters) and arrests of his supporters.

Those visiting the violence are often masked armed men in police and military uniforms in the company of stick-wielding lumpens. Their vehicles have concealed registration plates. In some districts, the bearers of the sticks have refused him to campaign in ‘their’ districts because he was not welcome.Lately, his sound systems have also been allegedly ‘arrested’ by the police and RDCs. There are apparently instructions not to hire out similar equipment to him in the districts lest it is destroyed. This makes it almost impossible for him to address his often-huge gatherings and naturally leads to immense frustration.

Last week I spoke to someone from ‘within the system.’ He was miffed that ‘Bobi Wine’s people’ never get called out (by people like me) for inciting violence.

That, right from the time videos of what the authorities call ‘illegal drilling’ at the NUP headquarters, every word and movement of Bobi Wine and his supporters has been taken note of, in light of incitement.

He showed me clips of supporters at the NUP headquarters chanting, ‘.we shall force them back to Rwanda!’ Others were of the Bobi Wine reminding his supporters that this is not just an election but a struggle, a war and that they are soldiers. He is also seen calling upon his supporters to act and behave as bayekera (guerrillas) on their way home as they leave a rally amidst gunshots and tear gas. Then another, where he says to the people at a rally not to fear the police and the army because the people outnumber them by far. He quickly added that these were not the products of Artificial Intelligence (AI).

Mr Insider then went on a tirade about their dress code that mimics military attire, complete with boots and pips. That they even call each other ‘commander.’

‘You expect the government to sit back as this bankrupt fellow is endangering other people’s children by misleading them to fight the government? You want us to fold our hands and see all the gains made and the peace and progress attained, go up in smoke because of one man and his quest for power? You are waiting for tourists and investors to dry up, then you understand our predicament? Surely, no!’

It is apparent that Bobi Wine has been accused, charged, found guilty and profiled as a violent candidate by the people he is contesting against. His sentence, it seems, is not to be allowed to campaign by imposing violence on him. The same way a leopard that wants to eat its children starts by accusing them of smelling like sheep.

NRM and its handlers have cause to worry from their own history. Back in 1980, the current president and NRM leader, HE Yoweri Museveni, promised to go to the bush if the election was rigged.

Museveni, then about 36, was a fringe candidate but managed to attract a huge following to wage a war against the government, and he succeeded.

In this election, Bobi Wine is by no means a small number. At the age of about 43, he has a huge support base. It is concentrated in the populous Buganda area, where the NRA waged its war between 1981 and 1986.

It is also not certain that his popularity has not spread in other parts of the country over time. He has been barred from campaigning most of the time.

The youth who form over 70 percent of the population suffer similar problems of unemployment, and lack of access to social services like health, education and housing.

There is no real motivation to listen to the NRM candidate. It is difficult for Museveni and NRM to come up with a promise to solve in five years, what they have failed in four decades. No wonder many of the NRM rallies are preceded by distractions of music and what some call bad dancing by gyrating singers. The First Lady once complained about this at a rally.

Secondly, Museveni has physically mellowed. The guerrilla leader who would hold campaign rallies in almost every constituency is now reduced to almost one rally per district. Even then, supporters have been ferried to meet him in one place. The energy (and maybe for security reasons) to move long distances and make several stopovers has now notably reduced.

When compared, Bobi Wine is a spring chicken. He is flexible. He has been seen jogging distances while mingling with animated crowds, trying to catch a glimpse of him. He travels in the open on top of his car and reaches far more places and meets more people at stopovers than the President.

The NRM officials in the districts, plus the security apparatus, are uncomfortable with the kid from the ghetto getting all this mileage. It is done on a shoe string budget unlike the NRM with tonnes of money and the state machinery at its disposal.

It makes them look like failures that have not properly mobilised for the President in their areas, if Bobi Wine, leading a party that is barely five years old, without grassroot structures, amass all those huge crowds. They therefore stand between Muhammed and the mountain.

This ‘solution’ has the unintended consequence of sinking this country into violence. Imagine if a popular candidate is not allowed to campaign freely. If his call for supporters to follow Section 31(4) of the Presidential Elections Act, 2005 and keep 20 metres away from the voting table after voting to protect their vote is interpreted with asinine acuity as masquerading and mischief by a whole judge.

If those who break up rallies, tear posters, beat up and imprison supporters for no apparent reason, are not punished, people are led into temptation to lose confidence in civility and the whole electoral process that the NRM purports to safeguard and promote.

Of course, we should be alive to the fact that one of NRM’s strong points is the reliance on violence. It brought them to power and has kept them there.

Abraham Maslow said that ‘if the only tool you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail.’ Bobi Wine now looks like a nail. That is not a good thing.

How has the transition been so far?

It’s six [eight] months since we took over the operation of Umeme on April 1, 2025, and cumulatively, we have taken over seven private operators, including Umeme.

We are chasing our Key Performance Indicators (KPIs), making sure that power is supplied, and procurements are moving on. So, we have also concluded our three-year strategic plan, which we are implementing.

Are you sure that during this transition, you are taking the right steps to ensure that industries and the manufacturers operating within them are satisfied?

Among the fundamental decisions that the government has ever made is to transfer the responsibility of power distribution to the government because electricity is among the backbones for the country, and it plays a fundamental role in the development of other sectors, including influencing the macroeconomic variables.

In that case, the decision that was made was to make sure that electricity is managed within the reasonable cost of capital because that is a fundamental issue, and the transaction that we have gone through has an impact on the change in policy.

But the country has developed. The population has gained skills, including the time that you work with and good governance.

The decision of taking over private operators means changing the policy to have government leadership to enhance the access agenda for both the population and the manufacturing industry to manage the cost of capital because as a government institution, we are in a position to attract low-cost capital based on the shareholder and ability to get a sovereign guarantee. So in that case, this transition has achieved that.

On April 1, we started with a raw tariff at a 14 percent reduction; that was a fundamental move. What this deduction has done to the manufacturers is enormous because we have seen their bills reducing, and we have also started seeing consumption in terms of units going up.

This means they have increased production capacity, they have increased employment opportunities, more outputs and products are being produced on the market, and they are expected to be priced within the right pricing.

There are about seven categories of tariffs. The first tariff is for the domestic customer-the customer who consumes at the end; it is about Shs700. The other category of the tariff is for the small commercial petrol stations and the other three-phase ordinary customers. It is in the range of Shs600.

The third category is the medium category/industry, which comprises maize millers, hotels (three- to five-star hotels), and others such as buildings and arcades.

The current tariff model that has been formulated since we came in has separated manufacturers and services. So the tariff, for example, for the manufacturers’ medium industry is Shs355 per unit, and the tariff for medium industry services is Shs412.

Why are industries and households struggling with power issues during the transition, similar to pre-UEB times?

After taking over the network, we improved its growth to meet rising energy demand, which increased from 986 megawatts (MW) to 1,115 MW-an increase of about 13 percent.

Despite adding new customers and reconfiguring systems, the network has become overloaded.

Umeme halted investments three years ago due to funding issues and advice from the government, leading to a lack of substantial improvements.

Consequently, the rate of new customer connections slowed down, and we have connected some customers who applied long ago.

Our analysis has shown that the network is at maximum capacity, prompting us to connect new customers to prevent electricity theft while enhancing our systems.

We have already upgraded several substations, including those in Kakiri and Mbarara, and begun constructing new substations in Kasanga, Majinji, and Kiira to address fluctuations in service. Overall, the network faces strain at three critical stages as demand continues to grow.

How much more investment does UEDCL need, or should the government provide to stop the fluctuations and darkness?

Currently, the major feeders are being worked on, and we are managing the transformer zones. Our analysis indicates that we need to address 3,500 overloaded transformer zones across the country. Out of these, there are approximately 518 to 600 that are critically damaged. As of October 30, 2025, we had worked on 79 of these critical zones.

We have issued contracts for 150 projects to inject transformers. Our target is to inject 500 transformers by the end of December to stabilise these critical zones.

However, as we connect more customers, additional load is inserted into the network. Our analysis shows that for every 200 customers added to the network, we need a 100 KVA transformer.

In our five-year strategic plan, we need $950 million. However, in the first year of operation, we received approval to spend $74 million, and the funds have been secured. We have ordered stock worth more than $134 million, which will sustain us for the next 18 months.

Will that be enough to address all your logistical problems and infrastructure challenges?

In the first 18 months, our distribution network will grow as we connect more customers, requiring increased investment and replacements for older installations.

An analysis reveals that 26 percent of our substations need refurbishment and that 74 percent of inherited transformers lack proper protection due to insufficient maintenance by the previous operator.

We are sourcing transformers from six Ugandan manufacturers, initially ordering 2,500 units. Although production capacity has been low, it is now increasing, and we are deploying the transformers on-site to meet high demand. Our operations are focused on being a commercial, profit-making venture instead of a traditional government operation.

Given the ongoing power challenges, can the government assure citizens and businesses that it will manage electricity supply more efficiently than the previous operator?

Among our key performance indicators, we have collected 99.5 percent of our revenue sales, while the previous operator collected 98 percent. This improved collection rate has enabled us to pay our supplier, Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL), 100 percent of what we owe.

Currently, they do not have any outstanding invoices from us. This represents a significant turnaround in the energy sector, as the previous seven companies we took over had considerable arrears.

All industrial parks in Uganda are designed to have a dedicated transmission line. For example, Namanve Industrial Park has a transmission line that supplies electricity within the park, and on average, 80 percent of factories there have dedicated lines. Our goal is to ensure that if one line requires repair and maintenance, there is an alternative dedicated line to switch to.

But vandalism poses a problem for. Since we took over, we have recorded six cases of vandalism in Kololo, Nakasero, and the surrounding areas, including Nakulabye and Mengo. Vandals cut one or two meters of cable, leading to customer complaints about outages. We have engaged security and arrested 62 vandals, who have been charged under the new Electricity Act.

Power distribution involves significant infrastructure, including civil works that require careful planning, scoping, procurement, and execution. Even if you pay now, equipment manufacturing and delivery can take six months, regardless of whether you are a government or private operator.

However, we expect that in the first two years, the network will stabilise, overcoming the delays we experienced in the past three years due to our investment.

We have secured funding through both tariffs and lenders, including Absa Bank, which has provided us with a facility under UEDCL, bolstered by our creditworthiness and good governance.