Category: Daily Monitor

Take a moment and check the label on your shirt. If it says ‘Made in Thailand’ or ‘Made in China,’ don’t be deceived; that tag tells only part of the story. The cotton could have been grown in Nyakatozi-Kasese, dyed in India, buttons made in Botswana, design sketched in China, and only then stitched together in Thailand.

Welcome to the hidden world of Global Value Chains (GVCs), where production is fragmented across countries, each contributing what it does best. Today, 70-80 percent of global trade flows through these chains.

Take the iPhone: designed in California, processors built in Taiwan, screens in Korea, accelerometers in Germany, batteries in China, assembled in India or China, and sold worldwide. That tiny device in your pocket is the product of at least six countries working in sync.

Where does Uganda fit?

GVCs are both opportunities and caution. They allow us to supply raw materials, semi-finished goods, or specialised services, creating jobs, attracting investment, and opening doors to global markets. But if we only supply raw cotton, coffee, or unprocessed minerals, we remain at the bottom.

Those who design, brand, and market the final product capture most of the profits. Uganda risks being locked in as a low-value participant. The story is not fixed. Historically, Uganda relied on raw commodity exports.

Today, there is a shift: crude oil must be refined locally before export. Climbing even one rank up the value chain changes everything. The question is not just what we export, but who we want to be. Can Uganda become innovators, brand builders, and value creators?

Regional integration offers a stepping stone. The East African Community could become a mini-supply chain hub: Kenya’s floriculture, Uganda’s agriculture and oil, Rwanda’s ICT, and Tanzania’s minerals. Specialisation and intra-regional trade could raise competitiveness, build infrastructure, and give us leverage in global markets. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) then moves from dream to practical strategy.

GVCs are not just economic; they are legal. Every link involves contracts, compliance, taxes, and potential disputes across borders. Uganda must navigate these complexities:

Contracts and Arbitration: Delays, quality issues, or payment defaults are inevitable. International arbitration through International Criminal Court, United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL), or the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) is often preferred, but should foreign arbitrators operate freely in Kampala, or be locally licensed first?

Labour and Human Rights: Consumers increasingly care about ethics. Germany’s Supply Chain Due Diligence Act, for example, forces companies to ensure human rights and environmental standards throughout supply chains. Uganda must be ready. Tax, Procurement, and Fiscal Policy: Attracting investors while safeguarding revenue, setting fair procurement standards, and aligning fiscal policies, wages, and expenditure with global expectations are critical.

Force Majeure and Risk: Clarity on risk transfer is essential; without it, disputes escalate.

GVCs offer efficiency: lower costs, specialized skills, and flexibility. But efficiency comes with dependency. Uganda risks outsourcing its industrial future if it doesn’t act strategically. Short-term savings at the expense of long-term sovereignty leave us vulnerable to shocks, while chasing sovereignty without planning risks isolation and high prices.

To move from passenger to driver in global trade, Uganda must:

Diversify suppliers and buyers for resilience.

Build arbitration and negotiation capacity to manage cross-border disputes.

Strengthen compliance laws in labor, tax, procurement, and fiscal policies.

Leverage GVCs for technology transfer, climbing from raw materials to branded products.

Invest in R and D and education, making innovation a survival tool.

Use regional integration to gain collective bargaining power in East Africa.

Lawyers and policymakers are central to this journey. They interpret Incoterms, negotiate cross-border contracts, navigate taxation treaties, enforce competition rules, and design fiscal policies that balance incentives with accountability. They shape education and trade frameworks that make East Africa competitive. In short, they are not just arbiters; they are architects of Uganda’s economic future.

GVCs are here to stay. The question is whether Uganda will remain a supplier of raw inputs or climb the ladder to become a hub for finished products, branding, and innovation. The label on your shirt is more than fabric; it reflects Uganda’s place in the global economy. Right now, we are engaged in the cultivation of cotton, among other crops. With strategy, boldness, and legal innovation, we can one day own the shirt.

Uganda is already part of the global village. The time has come to decide: are we content with tilling the soil, or do we want to control the shop?

Stella Mbabazi, Kalikumutima and Co. Advocates

The Bank of Uganda (BoU) continues to ride on a foundation of macroeconomic stability left by its late governor, Prof Emmanuel Tumusiime Mutebile, his successor said Wednesday.

‘He left behind a legacy of macroeconomic stability, and this is the legacy we are carrying on,’ BoU Governor Michael Atingi-Ego told journalists on the sidelines of the 2025 Emmanuel Tumusiime Mutebile Annual Public Lecture at Makerere University on December 3.

This year’s lecture was held under the theme: ‘Shaping Africa’s Future: Intergenerational Leadership, Economic Resilience and the Power of Innovation.’

Atingi-Ego said the central bank’s current leadership is ‘working hard to ensure that the seed that Prof Mutebile sowed of macroeconomic stability continues to benefit all Ugandans.’

Economists define macroeconomic stability as the ability of a country to increase its gross domestic product (GDP), minimize inflation, foster a strong financial system, and support long-term growth and poverty reduction through sound monetary and financial policies.

Bank of Uganda records for 2025 indicate that Uganda’s macroeconomic stability remains strong, characterised by resilient growth and a robust financial system.

Atingi-Ego praised Mutebile for maintaining focus even in turbulent times. During the 2021 election season, Mutebile reportedly suspended the printing of money to avoid fuelling inflation, a challenge Uganda had experienced following the 2011 elections.

Former Prime Minister and Chairperson of the Mutebile Foundation, John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, emphasised the importance of investing in human capital to develop professionals capable of managing the country’s economic sectors.

He also called for trust in young leaders to ensure Africa’s continued prosperity.

Mr Laban Joshua Musinguzi, regional director of the Gro Foundation, urged emerging leaders to follow Mutebile’s example of selfless service.

‘We have to offer ourselves into creating generational change. Prof Mutebile offered himself to the Central Bank for 20 years, offered himself to the Ministry of Finance. His 35 years of service in the public sector benefited all of us,’ he said.

The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos) and the Ministry of Finance are yet again rebasing the size of the country’s economy or Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This to particularly encapsulate capital investments in the nascent oil and gas industry as the government eagerly awaits kick-starting commercial oil production in the Financial Year (FY) 2027/2028.

The rebasing of the GDP, the total of all goods and services produced within the country at the current prices, sources told Monitor, is aimed at moving forward the current base, the reference period for constant price calculations, of the economy ‘to account for realities in the market’ following, among others, the micro and macroeconomic shocks caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, investments in oil, and undercurrents in international aid.

Ubos/Finance ministry last rebased the economy in 2019 using the FY2016/2017 as the base, which revealed that the size of the economy had expanded to Shs122.6 trillion, translating into economic growth of 6.5 percent during FY2018/2019, up from Shs10.9 trillion in FY2009/2010. Ubos and the Ministry of Finance’s top technocrats declined to comment on the matter.

Knowledgeable sources, however, said there is more method to madness of rebasing the real GDP, used interchangeably with nominal GDP, including the need to re-evaluate the country’s GDP per capita; the measure of a country’s average income and economic health, and examining market dynamics and Purchasing Power Parity (PPP); the measure to compare the absolute purchasing power.

Double-edged sword

The new rebasing, sources added, will also allow the revision of the debt-to-GDP ratio; the measures of the country’s accumulation of debt in comparison to the size of its economy, and particularly in light of the recent borrowing spree with high anticipation of petro-revenues.

According to the Ministry of Finance’s June 2025 Annual Debt Statistical Bulletin and Public Debt Portfolio Analysis, Uganda’s total public debt stock stood at $32.3b (Shs114.1 trillion), representing 51.3 percent of GDP, an increase of 26.2 percent from $25.6b (Shs90.4 trillion) in June 2024. Of the $32.3b, external debt amounted to $15.5b (Shs54.77 trillion), while domestic debt stood at $16.8b (Shs59.36 trillion) or 26.7 percent of GDP.

Despite this increase in the debt-to-GDP ratio to nearly 53 percent against the recommended optimal 40 percent for poor countries, according to the last International Monetary Fund/World Bank debt sustainability analysis, ‘Uganda continues to face a moderate risk of external and overall public debt distress in the FY 2025’.

‘However, Uganda has limited space to absorb shocks, and preserving debt sustainability requires continued effort towards fiscal consolidation centered on enhancing domestic revenue mobilisation as well as rationalising expenditures,’ the World Bank said in the September Economic Update.

The rebasing generally offers a clearer view of the country’s economic structure, despite the fundamental disconnect between the size of the economy and the picture of ground marked by poverty and social inequality, broken public infrastructure such as roads and dysfunctional social services propelled by poor planning, and corruption, which is the jet fuel of the government that has been in power since 1986.

To stymie the social and income inequality, the government in 2021 mulled the Parish Development Model programme that entails sending Shs1 trillion to the 12,000 parishes across the country each financial year.

Noteworthy in the rebasing of the size of the economy are foreign direct investments (FDIs) in Uganda’s oil project with projected investments of $15b (Shs53 trillion) for development of the Tilenga and Kingfisher oil projects operated by TotalEnergies EP and CNOOC, and the transport crude pipeline from Hoima to Tanga Port at the Indian Ocean in Tanzania.

Mr Ernest Rubondo, the executive director of the oil sector regulator, Petroleum Authority of Uganda (PAU), told journalists on November 21, while commemorating 10 years since PAU’s formation, that commercial oil production is expected to commence next year.

He revealed that about $11.11b (Shs39.2 trillion) had been invested in the oil project by the end of June 2025 and that over $4b (Shs14.1 trillion) is continuing to be invested between 2025 to 2027, as the country commences crude oil production and concludes development.

The Commissioner at the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) Shifrah Lukwago has advised security forces to act with respect to human dignity and professionalism in the ongoing campaigns, heading into the January 2026 general elections.

Ms Lukwago also noted that the authority vested by men and women in uniform comes with heavy responsibility to protect human rights rather than violating them.

‘Every action of security personnel must be helpful, necessary, proportionate and respectful of human dignity. No matter how provocative citizens can be, kindly continue to stand by your values. Citizens are so provocative and we are all watching but they are targeting your reaction so that it can be tainted as bad locally and internationally. Don’t fall into the citizen’s trap,’ Ms Lukwago said.

Lukwago made these remarks at Nile Resort Hotel in Jinja on December 4 2025 while opening the Eastern regional stakeholder’s dialogue meeting between security forces and political actors.

‘The use of force must always remain the very last resort. Dialogue and explanation must be the first response. This very meeting is proof that structured conversations prevent confrontation. Peaceful elections are a collective responsibility not inspired by a single institution and human rights must be protected and promoted in all regions,’ Ms Lukwago added.

In the same meeting, a police community liaison officer who spoke on condition of anonymity said some actions of key stakeholders such as the electoral commission, especially counting of votes very late in the night, breaks transparency amongst the public.

‘How do you count votes at 2am yet there are specified times when vote counting must take place in a clear and transparent manner in known places? A candidate who will feel cheated and their supporters will have no choice but to resort to violence and they should be listened to because the responsible authority wasn’t transparent,’ the officer said.

While the role of security agencies in creating a peaceful and secure environment is appreciated, different studies have shown that oftentimes, the same agencies become too high-handed and a key perpetrator is the security forces and electoral commission. The police, by constitution, is responsible for keeping law and order, but is also mandated, where it is necessary, to call in other security agencies to provide reinforcement. However, complaints of heavy presence of the army, though, remain rampant, and therefore a cause of concern.

‘We make the call to security forces to remember their sacred duty, to protect all citizens equally, regardless of political affiliation. When the police or the army and the intelligence act with impartiality, they earn the trust of the people. When they act as agents of fear, they destroy it. Professionalism and neutrality by national organs are the cornerstones of national-stability,’ says David Mugarra, the Programs Manager at the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD).

Organised under the theme safeguarding democracy for peaceful elections, the dialogues, all of which have been held in every region, are aimed at dialoguing on the key trends and how to mitigate electoral violence in the Eastern Region to avoid a recurrence of other acts of violence as Uganda gets into the climax of election.

It should also be noted that of the 11 elections Uganda has so far had, seven have had incidents of electoral violence.

Rampant digital violence against People with Disabilities (PWDs) is exposing victims to widespread harm, activists have warned, calling for urgent reforms to make online spaces safer and more inclusive.

Speaking at the 5th Integrated Disabled Women Activities (IDIWA) Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and Disability Symposium in Iganga on Friday, Ms Shamim Wokobera, Chairperson of Girls and Young Women with Disabilities in Iganga, emphasised the need to protect PWDs’ rights online.

“Digital spaces should not become a place where their development is treated as a game. We must empower them to speak out and ensure their cases are heard,” Ms Wokobera, a little person, said.

Ms Sylvia Nangobi, who has a hearing impairment, shared her experience of digital violence, saying some people intentionally call her knowing she cannot hear them.

“This is a form of digital violence,” she said, adding that such actions “violate my rights as a person with a disability.”

Ms Anna Aparo, the Chairperson of IDIWA, highlighted the need for accessibility and inclusive digital design, including accessible websites and apps with features such as text-to-speech, adjustable font sizes, and high-contrast modes.

“Assistive technologies such as screen readers, braille displays, and wheelchairs must be provided, and content should include audio descriptions, closed captions, and sign language interpretation,” she added.

Mr. Wasswa Henry, Coordinator of the Heroes for Gender Transformative Action Programme, emphasized the importance of involving PWDs in digital programs from the design stage.

“The nature of their physical appearance or disability sometimes prevents them from adopting technology, leaving them behind as the world goes digital,” Mr Wasswa said.

Ms Brenda Namata, who coordinates Gender Development Programmes at Pollicy Uganda, warned that cases of digital exploitation against PWDs are escalating.

“Some people impersonate PWDs online to make money or use them for personal gain, and this creates mistrust that harms genuine PWDs who truly need help,” she said.

Ms. Esther Adikini, a Grade One Magistrate at Luwero Court, noted that although laws exist to protect digital users, enforcement remains weak.

“Photos of PWDs can be misused on platforms like TikTok without their consent, and culprits are rarely prosecuted. Many victims do not know where to report,” she said.

The symposium highlighted key legislation such as the Computer Misuse Act (2011) and its 2022 amendments, and presented data showing significant levels of digital abuse, though many cases remain unreported.

To address this issue, IDIWA has trained PWDs on digital literacy, online safety, and cybersecurity, and established mentorship programs to guide PWDs on safe online practices.

Mr Abdallah Mujoma, the Legal Officer at IDIWA, emphasised the need for inclusive policies that address digital violence with clear consequences for perpetrators.

“We have appealed to the government and Members of Parliament to revise these laws to better protect women and girls with disabilities,” he added.

The third term school holiday is well underway for many learners from various schools around the country.

They will now spend their time at home with their parents and guardians until the next school term opens next year in February. While it is good to have the holiday makers back home, it also comes with increased pressure for parents to keep them safe and out of harm’s way.

A story published in the Daily Monitor of December 3 titled ‘Concern over moral decline among Bukedi Region youth’ echoes many parents’ worries countrywide, especially during the school holiday. The story highlights how there seems to be a broken bond between generations, which is fuelling the moral decay.

Some of the main enablers of moral decay that are highlighted in the story include, among others, economic challenges. With many parents struggling to earn a living, children grow up with inconsistent guidance.

In other cases, because of unemployment, poor access to education, and limited opportunities, young people are left desperate and vulnerable to negative practices such as gambling, substance abuse, or petty theft, and sometimes even prostitution.

Some of the elders in the story pointed out the lack of good and grounded role models, and moral lessons once emphasised by elders, now having to compete with loud, seductive voices of social media influencers and pop culture icons. And Mr Eriya Poli, the head teacher at Budaka Family Project, said despite producing brilliant students, schools today are not necessarily producing good citizens.

The list of probable causes of moral decay among young people is quite long. Needless to say, this problem is not specific to Bukedi Region alone. It is a global problem that must not be trivialised.

As we deal with this issue, we must be honest enough to admit that moral decay cannot be blamed on the young people alone. Parents, guardians, schools, religious institutions, and all the faucets of society have a role to play in raising wholesome citizens or causing them to grow up into dysfunctional adults.

So, rather than pointing fingers at how indecently dressed the young people are, how they no longer respect elders, how they are too lazy to keep a job and stick to doing an honest days’ work or how they no longer fear God or esteem the values that we cherish and hold in high regard, let us ask ourselves where the gaps are, where we have fallen short and then start to rebuild and reparent our young people.

Plan this holiday’s activities with the cognizance of what a young person with a lot of free time can be tempted to do. Moral decay is a challenge, but it can be effectively dealt with if we all put in the work.

For two decades covering the last four elective political terms from 2006 to 2026, the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party has failed to reclaim the Kasese District Woman parliamentary seat. Since the return to multi-party politics in 2005, the seat has remained firmly in the grip of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), despite the NRM fronting candidates in every election cycle.

The last NRM politician to hold the seat was Ms Loice Biira Bwambale, a former Minister of Gender and Culture, who exited Parliament in 2006. Ms Bwambale had previously served as a woman representative for Kasese in the National Resistance Council in 1989, and later as a delegate in the 1993-1994 Constituent Assembly.

From 2006 to 2020, the seat was held by then FDC’s Winnie Kiiza for 15 uninterrupted years. She was later succeeded by the incumbent, Ms Florence Kabugho, also of FDC. As the district heads into the January 15 parliamentary elections, six candidates were nominated to contest for the seat, including the incumbent, Ms Kabugho.

The others are: Ms Sarah Itungu Baleke (NRM), Ms Fatuma Kamama Katembo (National Unity Platform, NUP), Ms Ruth Asyasa Katya (People’s Front for Freedom, PFF) and Independent candidates Maryline Kighotha and Night Victoria. The contest is shaping up as a repeat of the 2021 race, with three familiar faces-Baleke, Kighotha, and Kamama-returning to the ballot. In 2021, both Baleke (NRM) and Kighotha (an NRM-leaning Independent) were defeated by Ms Kabugho, with the pair splitting a substantial portion of the NRM vote.

Political analysts argue that this recurring trend, where the NRM flag-bearer competes against an NRM-leaning Independent, has weakened the party’s chances in Kasese over the past 20 years. In the 2021 polls, Ms Baleke came second with 73,924 votes, while Ms Kabugho secured victory with 101,072 votes. Ms Kighotha garnered 48,542 votes, while Kamama got 12,378. A similar scenario played out in 2016 when the NRM candidate, Ms Jane Asiimwe Muhindo, lost to Ms Kiiza after being challenged by another NRM-leaning independent, Ms Jolly Muhindo. Ms Kighotha is running again on an Independent ticket, in protest of what she described as flawed NRM primaries.

‘I am not the first person to contest as an Independent. The Vice President, [Rtd Maj Jesca Alupo, won her election in Katakwi on an Independent ticket,’ she said, adding that her petition to the NRM tribunal over alleged bribery and irregularities was never addressed. Former Kasese Woman MP Loice Bwambale recently told Daily Monitor that intra-party divisions have repeatedly advantaged the Opposition. ‘I am here accompanying the NRM flag-bearer because she is the official candidate, but you still see other party members failing to pronounce themselves on the flag-bearer. Some leaders support Independents, and this has always favoured the Opposition,’ she said. The NRM District chairperson for Kasese, Mr James Mbahimba, also accused NRM-leaning Independents of confusing voters.

‘These candidates continue wearing NRM attire, and this costs the party by misleading supporters,’ he said.

Candidates’ promises

Ms Kabugho, the incumbent, pledges to work with local leaders to combat domestic violence and teenage pregnancies and to also focus on skilling youth, and supporting women empowerment initiatives if re-elected. ‘I first concentrated on empowering young mothers through training centres for salon management, tailoring, and knitting. I am now going to switch to supporting young boys and women. You vote for me on January 15,’ she said. Ms Kamama promises to lobby for improved health infrastructure in the 44 lower local governments in Kasese.

Ms Kighotha and Ms Baleke argue that issues such as land management, rural education, presidential pledges, domestic conflict, and climate change have not been articulated strongly enough in Parliament. PFF’s Katya says Kasese has not received fair national attention, especially regarding education and market access for agricultural produce such as coffee and vanilla-key crops in the district. Ms Night Victoria says her top priority is improving access to higher education for girls.

Wednesday, June 24, 1981, remains a dark moment in the history of the people of West Nile, who faced the wrath of revenge attacks. The attack occurred during lunchtime while many people were still in their gardens. At the time, insecurity after the fall of President Idi Amin had already created widespread fear and uncertainty. By 1981, word circulated that guerilla fighters had camped at Ombaci College in Arua District and were planning to attack government soldiers. In a pre-emptive move, the army ransacked the college and killed about 200 people.

Both locals and some soldiers who were killed were buried in a mass grave within the Ombaci mission grounds, just outside St Joseph’s College Ombaci. Many victims were killed in Dorm D, which later came to be known as the ‘Dormitory of Death.’ The killings also carried political undertones. Since then, survivors and families of those killed during the massacre have been seeking compensation and justice, but to no avail. Some survivors have since died without receiving any support. Now, however, there is a sigh of relief. For the first time, President Museveni has directed the Prime Minister, Ms Robinah Nabbanja, and the Attorney General to coordinate activities for both the Kony war and the Ombaci massacre victims to ensure they are paid ex-gratia.

In a letter dated October 27, addressed to the Prime Minister, the President says many victims who lost businesses, vehicles, and property have never received government compensation. ‘Although it is not logical for the government to take responsibility for actions that happen during wars or any insurgency, they can be considered for ex-gratia payment. The said payment will supplement other government efforts geared towards household incomes,’ the letter reads in part.

It continues: ‘In view of the above, I, therefore, direct that you coordinate the relevant government ministries such as the Attorney General’s Office, Ministry of Defence, and Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, to verify the claimants and make an ex-gratia payment.’

Following the directive, the lawyer for the Kony War Victims Association, Mr Samuel Ondoma of Alaka and Company Advocates, welcomed the move. ‘We are grateful that after almost 20 years, people are beginning to sense that this money is finally coming, and it is badly needed, as the President says. This money will supplement government efforts to improve household income because these were businessmen and women whose goods and money were looted,’ Mr Ondoma says. He adds that what the victims need now is a minimal income base to restore their lives.

The victims are those who suffered during the LRA insurgency in Uganda, mostly traders and transporters who lost property and money along the Karuma-Pakwach highway when rebels attacked them between the 1990s and 2005. They number over 1,000 and have been demanding more than Shs99b. Actual compensation is yet to be implemented. In a related development, the President also directed the Prime Minister to coordinate relevant offices to ensure victims of the 1981 Ombaci, Muni, and Ringili massacres are also paid ex-gratia. The Ayivu East Member of Parliament, Mr Geoffrey Feta, who is copied in the President’s letter, says the responsibility now lies with the Prime Minister to summon a meeting for the affected persons. He advises victims to get organised ahead of her intervention.

During the 2006 campaigns, former Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) party presidential flag bearer Miria Kalule Obote sought to clarify government allegations that UPC was responsible for the Ombaci massacre. Flanked by UPC’s Mr Chris Opoka Okumu, she accused Museveni’s Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) troops of opening fire on civilians who had taken refuge in a building at Ombaci College. She argued that Museveni must be held accountable, as he held a top position in the Military Commission at the time.

In an earlier interview, a Uganda Red Cross volunteer, Mr Richard Ferua, explained that the conflict escalated on October 7, 1980, when the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) high command ordered its troops in West Nile to make a ‘premeditated withdrawal’ from the region. ‘We managed to bury 260 people in mass graves. This was basically a war of revenge between the former Uganda National Army of Amin and the UNLA of Milton Obote. The war was driven mainly by revenge after the disputed 1980 elections,’ Mr Ferua says.

Background

The crisis began on October 7, 1980, when UNLF troops withdrew from West Nile due to fears of an invasion by the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) and remnants of the former Uganda Army based in Sudan. This withdrawal created a security vacuum that sparked conflict in which dozens of students were massacred, and hundreds of residents took refuge at Ombaci College under the protection of Italian headmaster Fr Mich Lino Marco (RIP).

After the fall of Idi Amin in 1979, himself a native of the region, Ombaci became the scene of a bloody massacre. Meanwhile, during the Kony War, several traders and passengers were killed in brutal ambushes on Karuma Road, especially in the Murchison Falls National Park. LRA rebels burned many buses and private cars, and numerous passengers were abducted, some never to be seen again.

The 2025 Women’s Uganda Cup reaches its climax on Saturday as holders Nile Rapids battle She-Wolves at Namboole but the road to the final has exposed deep cracks in the women’s game.

What should have been a celebration of growth instead unfolded under the weight of withdrawals and financial strain.

Powerhouses Thunderbirds and Black Pearls pulled out before kickoff, citing lack of funds and squads depleted by academic commitments.

However, from this shortfalls, there has risen one of the Cup’s fairy tales. She-Wolves, a youthful side from Mbale, have turned adversity into momentum and now stand 80 minutes from a first-ever national title.

She-Wolves’ path

Their journey began in turbulence with a narrow 13-15 loss to Ewes in the group stage, followed by an extraordinary 100-0 demolition of Kigezi Queens before falling 5-24 to Avengers.

But the turning point came in the semifinal, where they stunned favourites Panthers 10-5, coming from a try down to win through tries by Brenda Miama and Jane Aguti despite missing several players in Dubai for the Emirates Sevens.

Their run has been driven by the electric Gladys Wilembe, the tournament’s top try scorer with eight tries and 40 points and the relentless Habiba Namalembe, who has touched down five times. But behind the numbers lies a starker truth.

Head coach Hamis Katumba revealed the harsh realities his team faces, now operating with a skeletal committee under chairman David Wasyeba.

‘At times it felt like the girls were carrying more than they could manage but they get through,’ Katumba said. On material shortages, he added, ‘Some of our girls don’t even have boots, others are torn or use canvass like in our semifinal. I fear they may walk onto a national final barefoot unless help arrives.’

However, he remains proud of their spirit.

‘Despite all this, they fight, they learn and they never give up. This semifinal showed what we can do when we come together as a team.’

Tina’s Rapids

She-Wolves will face Tina Akello and the defending champions Nile Rapids who also endured a rugged path.

They opened with a 12-16 loss to Panthers, bounced back 29-0 against Mbale Eagles and survived a dramatic 24-22 semifinal comeback against Avengers, with Minat Namono racing 60-metres for a try as Akello’s conversion secured the win.

Internal wrangles with the Hippos split tested the team emotionally, strained them financially and challenged their unity.

‘It has been quite tough. at some point I had to be the father and tell the girls we can still do it,’ their head coach Ronald Odakai reflected.

.’The players have learned that amidst the good things, there are storms that come and they must work through them together as sisters. Winning last weekend has motivated them a lot. it has been an amazing experience of learning,’ he added.

At 2pm, the whistle will decide which team emerges from adversity as champions but before that, Uganda U-17 and U-20s will battle in exhibition matches.

2025 Uganda Cup – final fixtures

Curtain raisers

Uganda U17 A vs. Uganda U17 B, 10am

Uganda U20 A vs. Uganda U20 B, 12pm

Women’s final: Nile Rapids vs. She-Wolves, 2pm

Men’s final: Heathens vs. Pirates, 4pm

The new Mukono 220/132kV substation, a flagship component of the Kampala Metropolitan Transmission System improvement project, is nearing completion and is expected to be launched in February 2026, officials said during a media tour this week.

The project is designed to boost electricity reliability and transmission capacity across Greater Kampala and its surrounding districts.

Project manager Mark Namungo said works on the multimillion-dollar facility are now about 70 percent complete, with full commissioning scheduled for early next year.

‘This substation is an extension and major upgrade of the existing Mukono substation grid – expected to be exhausted in the next 10 years,’ he said on.

Namungo added that the project is intended to increase power transmission capacity and strengthen operational flexibility within the Kampala Metropolitan Area.

‘Once operational, it will provide adequate, reliable and flexible power supply not only to Mukono but to the entire Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area, which includes Wakiso and Mpigi for at least the next 30 years,” he revealed.

The upgraded facility will host three new 200 MVA transformers, adding 600 MVA of transformer capacity to the grid.

Power will be drawn from two major transmission routes – the 132kV Owen Falls-Lugogo line and the Bujagali-Kawanda 220kV line, located about 5km from the substation.

Namungo said the design will ensure greater redundancy. ‘This design means that even if one transmission line is vandalised or fails, Mukono and surrounding areas can immediately be supplied from the alternative route,’ he said, recalling a recent week-long outage caused by vandalism.

He added that the new substation will introduce an additional 220kV ring into a network that already includes rings at 11kV, 33kV and 132kV.

The Mukono extension is part of a $120 million project launched by the government in April 2018 with concessional financing from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).

The programme also covers upgrades at Kawaala, Mutundwe and Bujagali substations, and the construction of a new facility at Maya.

JICA Uganda’s senior programme officer for economic infrastructure, Ivan Muhame, said Japan’s loans remain highly favourable.

‘All loans extended to Uganda under this framework carry an interest rate of approximately 0.01 percent, with a 40-year repayment period and a 10-year grace period,’ he said.

The Mukono substation sits within the Mukono Industrial Park corridor, home to major manufacturers such as Kampala Cement and Tian Tang Group, as well as the National Water and Sewerage Corporation’s Katosi plant.

Reliable electricity is expected to draw more industrial investment and support growing household demand.

Construction began in February 2024, and authorities say the facility will be energised on schedule.

On Monday, JICA’s Inoue Yoichi said the agency has long stood as ‘a committed partner to Uganda,’ noting cooperation across agriculture, infrastructure, water, health, education and peace-building.