Category: Daily Monitor

A growing borrowing crisis is exposing a darker truth. For many desperate borrowers, the search for quick cash often ends in financial ruin.

Legal loopholes, predatory lenders, and ignorance of loan agreements are trapping thousands into contracts that strip them of property and dignity.

Lawyer David Mpanga of Dentons Advocates describes how many borrowers unknowingly sign away their assets.

Instead of signing loan agreements, they are pressured into contracts that falsely indicate they have sold their property.

‘When someone wants money, they throw caution to the wind,’ he says, noting that many have signed documents that say they have sold the property when in reality they are only borrowing.

Mpanga says the real danger lies in desperation, which blinds borrowers to obvious risks.

‘Even if you have not gone to school, why are you signing that you have sold when you are borrowing? Worse still, some sign documents they don’t understand,’ he says.

This is made worse by a poor legal direction, which assumes that lawyers know everything.

‘Sometimes we do not, but we pretend we do, and end up misleading clients,’ he says.

A culture of signing blindly

Consumer advocates say ignorance is a key driver of the current ruin that many Ugandans have found themselves in.

Theopista Sekitto Byuma, the executive director of Nshuti, says, ‘a survey across the country showed that 68 percent of Ugandans never read the loan letters they signed’.

‘Out of every 100 borrowers, only 32 had actually understood their obligations,’ she notes.

This culture of signing blindly, Byuma says, throws away financial protection and exposes unsuspecting borrowers.

The regulatory view

Bank of Uganda acknowledges that a dangerous imbalance of knowledge between lenders and borrowers fuels the crisis.

Twinemanzi Tumubweine, the Bank of Uganda director for supervision, says this information gap leaves consumers exposed to exploitation.

‘One of the fundamental issues we have discovered is the significant knowledge gap between financial service providers and consumers. Borrowers often do not fully understand their rights and obligations,’ he says.

Tumubweine stresses that financial services are built on trust, and when ‘it comes to loans or insurance, providers are essentially selling trust’.

‘Consumers hope that service providers will stand with them on their journey to financial independence. That trust is broken when contracts are misleading or when borrowers sign without understanding,’ he says.

Therefore, Tumubweine says there is need to create channels that establish stakeholder partnerships to protect consumers, putting in context insights from consumer complaints and financial literacy initiatives.

Access versus protection

Uganda has made huge progress in financial access, with more than 35 million mobile money users by 2024, but experts warn that access without protection leaves consumers vulnerable.

‘Access alone is not enough,’ Byuma says: ‘Millions of Ugandans are using financial services, but many don’t know where to turn when something goes wrong.’

Mpanga agrees, adding that without protection and literacy, desperation will continue to drive harmful borrowing.

“Bankers may send charming faces to sell loans, but when it’s time to collect, they send the toughest, meanest people. That is how the game is played,’ he says.

A legal and structural problem

Together, the voices of Mpanga, Byuma, and Tumubweine paint a sobering picture.

Uganda’s borrowing crisis is not just financial. It is legal, cultural, and structural.

Desperate borrowers, predatory lenders, poorly trained lawyers, and a weak regulatory environment form a toxic mix that traps consumers in cycles of debt.

The way forward, therefore, lies in law reform, consumer education, and regulatory vigilance.

Borrowers must be empowered to question contracts, lawyers must guide responsibly, and regulators must close loopholes that allow exploitation.

Until then, the borrowing trap will continue to ensnare millions, turning dreams of financial independence into nightmares of lost property and broken trust.

Right now, Uganda is experiencing a digital revolution. As internet penetration steadily rises, so does the use of e-commerce, online government services, mobile banking and payment platforms. However all this progress is not without risk, and cyber crime is gradually increasing – especially in rural areas where awareness is low.

To address this issue, grassroot campaigns are stepping in with the goal of empowering rural communities and building stronger awareness among the population. Some have developed innovative solutions to bridge the digital divide and reach out to rural areas so even remote villagers are able to navigate the internet safely.

Cybersecurity Challenges in Rural Uganda

Rural Uganda faces significant barriers to effective cybersecurity education and awareness. It isn’t just that awareness about cyber threats, cybersecurity best practices, or tools like VPN providers is scarce – the problem is reaching people in rural regions that have underdeveloped digital infrastructure, limited electricity, and high data costs.

Many rural dwellers do not own their own devices, and rely on communal device sharing as well as intermediaries for charging. Not only does this increase the risk of unauthorized access, but it also means that information is often passed along second-hand instead of being accessed directly – which causes misinformation to flourish and leads to poor cybersecurity practices.

As things stand there is a rapid adoption of digital tools in rural areas, spurred by initiatives like the UN Capital Development Fund’s program for inclusive digital economies. However that in itself is a double-edged sword as it has outpaced education efforts – leaving rural communities vulnerable and targets for cybercriminals.

Grassroot Campaigns to Promote Cybersecurity

To reach rural communities more effectively, Uganda has turned to grassroot cybersecurity campaigns that meet people where they are, and use more accessible methods. Its National Cybersecurity Strategy 2022-26 got the ball rolling by emphasizing the need to embed cybersecurity in school curricula and build a solid foundation for long-term digital resilience.

The National Information Technology Authority-Uganda (NITA-U) has also stepped up with several campaigns that have a rural focus. One of them was its ‘Be Safe Online’ initiative that engaged schools and community leaders to deliver cybersecurity education to communities with low digital literacy.

Additionally, NITA-U has built community-based tech centers in rural areas under the Digital Uganda Vision to bridge the digital divide, and provide tailored programs on cybersecurity awareness. However its biggest push to enhance rural cybersecurity to date is the freshly launched Beera Ku Guard campaign.

As a collaboration between NITA-U and the Personal Data Protection Offer (PDPO), Beera Ku Guard is a six-month, nationwide public awareness campaign to promote cybersecurity. It intends to target rural communities by using local language messaging as well as rural-friendly communication channels such as radio, television, SMS, community forums and in-person workshops.

Complementing NITA-U’s work, the PDPO will focus on avoiding technical jargon, and translating rights and responsibilities into simple, relatable language. It intends to integrate storytelling, infographics, and interactive quizzes into the Beera KU Guard campaign to make complex concepts relatable and engaging for rural audiences.

Overall this campaign aims to reach at least 70% of Uganda’s population and is the largest grassroots cybersecurity education campaign so far. By instilling basic cybersecurity best practices among rural communities, it plans to educate them on how to safeguard mobile money PINs, avoid malicious links, identify suspicious emails, and secure personal data.

Other organizations have also been reaching out to rural communities. Some have partnered up in building mobile labs with solar-powered computers to reach areas that have low internet penetration and limited electricity supply. Others, such as Unwanted Witness and Civil Rights Defenders, train human rights defenders in rural areas on cybersecurity basics.

What’s Next?

Empowering rural Uganda isn’t something a one-off grassroots campaign can solve, but the Beera Ku Guard initiative is a good start and showcases the government’s commitment to delivering cybersecurity education to its most vulnerable, rural communities. By prioritizing accessibility, cultural relevance, and collaboration with local communities, it is not only lighting the way but laying a solid foundation that future campaigns can build on.

As new and disruptive technologies such as AI are set to enhance cyberthreats by enabling better deepfake videos, more convincing phishing emails, and automated cyber attacks – the need to empower rural Uganda and ensure they can protect themselves is greater than ever before. The grassroots campaigns that are being run are not only essential, but prove that with the right approach it is possible to empower rural communities with the knowledge and skills they need.

Police registered their first win of the season after edging Express 2-1 in a lively StarTimes Uganda Premier League clash at Kira Road Playground in Kampala on Thursday evening.

The 2005 league champions went ahead in the 28th minute with a swift counter-attack.

Sizwe Mario Gwebu raced down the right and delivered a pinpoint cross for Umar Kasumba, who tapped home from close range to give the Cops an early advantage.

Express, however, responded on the stroke of halftime when Richard Basangwa was adjudged to have been fouled by Ben Tahomera in the box.

Muhammed Kagawa stepped up and calmly sent goalkeeper Mathias Muwanga the wrong way to make it 1-1 at the break.

The decisive moment came in the 77th minute when Lawrence Tezikya swung in a teasing ball that reached Bedia Djuma Ikamba at the edge of the box.

The Congolese forward was allowed space to turn before drilling a low effort into the bottom corner. His performance later earned him the Man of the Match accolade.

Both coaches rang the changes in search of control, but Police’s discipline at the back ensured they held on for a valuable victory that lifted them to second place on four points, level with leaders Bul.

Express, who opened the season with a win over UPDF, sit sixth on three points.

Matchday Two continues on Friday with Buhimba Saints hosting Calvary at the Royals Park in Hoima, while Mbarara City welcome UPDF to Rwamanja Stadium, Kamwenge.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) and its electoral body, the Election Management Committee (EMC), are embroiled in a series of controversies surrounding the party’s vetting process for the 2026 general elections. A number of party members who were denied endorsement to become NUP flagbearers have expressed dissatisfaction, accusing the party of unfairness in endorsing candidates they claim are unpopular and have not demonstrated sufficient loyalty or sacrifice for the party.

Some of the aggrieved allege that they were coerced into paying substantial sums of money to party officials in exchange for endorsements, only to be denied in the end. These allegations have sparked concerns that the vetting process may be marred by corruption and favouritism. Many pundits believe that this controversy could significantly affect NUP’s performance in the upcoming elections and potentially weaken its position as the leading Opposition party.

A closer examination of the complaints lodged by the aggrieved reveals that none of them have been able to provide justifiable reasons for their exclusion from the list of endorsed candidates. Moreover, it appears that the criteria used by NUP in its vetting process give significant discretion to the party’s top leadership in selecting candidates. The emphasis seems to be on loyalty to the party leadership and perceived credibility, rather than on the candidate’s popularity or grassroots support.

This approach to vetting has raised concerns that the process may not always result in the selection of the most suitable candidates. In some cases, the party may overlook more qualified or popular candidates in favour of those who are more loyal to the leadership but incompetent. However, given NUP’s stronghold in Buganda, for example, it is unlikely that the party’s electoral fortunes will be severely impacted by the selection of less popular candidates.

At least for what happened during the vetting of local government leaders by NUP, many ‘foot soldiers’ deemed to be close to the echelons of power within the party were unsuccessful. Those who chose to stay, are the true emblems of political change, while those who defected remind me of 1 John 2:19 – ‘They went out from us, but they were not of us; for if they had been of us, they would have continued with us.’

Uganda’s political landscape is dominated by mass political parties that focus on building broad electoral support rather than ideological conviction.

The National Resistance Movement (NRM), which came to power through a revolutionary struggle, is a notable exception because it disguises as a Constitutional political party, yet not. NRM maintained it’s status as a revolutionary party. Revolutionary political parties are known to be anti-system or anti-constitutional.

When the NRM overthrew the former constitutional structure to establish a new constitutional order, it actually did not change its guerilla modus operandi; it invariably became a ‘regime party’, suppressing Opposition political parties, and establishing a permanent relationship with the state machinery.

In this context, parties like NUP face significant challenges in building a strong electoral base and competing with the ruling party because their efforts to build foundations and structures of the party around the country are always frustrated.

Therefore, had NUP staged party primaries like the NRM, it would have failed irreparably.

It is essential for the party to strengthen the democratic legitimacy of its internal processes. A legitimate democratic process requires three key elements: consent, conciliation, and redress. NUP members must adhere to its rules and respect the decisions of its leadership. In so doing, NUP shall be able to consolidate the party’s strong grassroots support and will help it navigate the challenges mentioned above and maintain its position as a key player in Ugandan politics.

The World Bank has urged government to introduce a new 35 percent income tax band for individuals earning between Shs5.82m and Shs120m annually as part of reforms to boost domestic revenue mobilisation.

In its 25th Uganda Economic Update, the Bank observed that Uganda’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains stubbornly low at just above 13 percent, well below both the regional average and the government’s own target of 18 percent.

Mr Qimiao Fan, the World Bank Division Director for Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda, and Somalia, said this low ratio limits government’s capacity to invest in health, education, infrastructure, and social protection, while also undermining the country’s resilience to shocks.

‘This means broadening the tax base, closing loopholes, and ensuring that high-net-worth individuals and large firms contribute their fair share. The Update provides concrete policy options, including reforms to the personal income tax system and strengthening compliance among high-net-worth individuals,’ he said.

Proposed adjustments

The Uganda Economic Update recommends maintaining existing rates for most taxpayers but creating a new 35 percent band for middle-to-upper earners, alongside raising the income tax exemption threshold to Shs4.02m from the current Shs2.82 million.

Currently, government exempts personal incomes under Shs2.82m per annum. But those earning between Shs2.82m and Shs4.02m pay 10 percent, while incomes between Shs4.02m and Shs4.92m are taxed at 20 percent.

Individuals earning between Shs4.92m and Shs120m are taxed at 30 percent, and those above Shs120m pay a 40 percent rate. If adopted, the new reforms would raise the rate for earners between Shs5.82m and Shs120m from 30 percent to 35 percent.

According to World Bank, these measures would generate an additional Shs149b in revenue, equivalent to 0.1 percent of GDP, while protecting low-income earners and improving tax equity.

Government’s concerns

Deputy Secretary to the Treasury, Mr Patrick Ocailap, welcomed the Update but cautioned that the proposed changes could increase the tax burden rather than reduce it.

‘The taxation system must support national savings and encourage enterprise creation, some of which are financed through household savings. Taxing compliant individuals more heavily risks being counterproductive and could worsen household poverty,’ he said.

Mr Ocailap stressed that priority should be given to improving tax administration through digitization, business formalization, regulatory reforms, and expansion of the economy.

He argued that rather than raising taxes on compliant individuals, government should focus on broadening the tax base, including taxation of the online economy.

Tackling loopholes

The World Bank also highlighted significant tax leakages caused by under-reporting and evasion by high-net-worth individuals, recommending linking tax identification numbers to land titles, bank accounts, and company ownership, as well as cutting preferential treatment for groups such as MPs, judicial officers, and military personnel.

These exemptions, it noted, cost the country nearly Shs555.91b annually, or 0.3 percent of GDP.

Data from the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) shows that despite the number of high-net-worth individuals growing sharply, from 144 in 2019 to 1,359 in 2023, tax collections from this group have been inconsistent.

Collections fell from Shs168.62b in June 2021 to Shs121.21 billion in June 2022, before recovering slightly to Shs130.06b in 2023 and Shs152.72b in 2024.

High-net-worth individuals are defined as those with shareholding in companies with annual turnover of at least Shs40b, net investable assets worth Shs1b, land transactions above Shs1b, annual imports of Shs1b, or ownership of vehicles valued at more than Shs500m.

In its Uganda Economic Update, the World Bank insists that reforming income tax was necessary for Uganda to expand its tax base, improve fairness, and create fiscal space for development spending.

Government, however, remains cautious, warning that raising rates without strengthening administration and broadening the base could undermine savings and investment, while fueling inequality.

Calls grow for reforms to boost Uganda’s revenue base

Meanwhile, the World Bank has urged Uganda to undertake reforms aimed at increasing domestic revenue mobilization, which remains low despite years of policy initiatives.

While launching the 25th Uganda Economic Update in Kampala on Tuesday, the World Bank country director for Uganda, Kenya, and Somalia, Mr Qimiao Fan, said raising more revenue must go hand in hand with improving efficiency in public spending, noting that too much of the budget is consumed by recurrent expenditures, while vital development spending on infrastructure and human capital remains insufficient.

‘Inefficiencies in investment management, procurement, and maintenance reduce value, with only about two-thirds of the capital budget executed each year,’ he said.

The Uganda Economic Update recommends strengthening public investment management, standardizing costs, and rolling out electronic procurement systems across all agencies.

The World Bank estimates that such reforms could save at least 0.5 percent of GDP, while improving education and health spending would create a more productive workforce.

Weaknesses

The Uganda Economic Update also highlights weaknesses in Uganda’s tax system, including unnecessary exemptions of personal incomes of certain groups of people, some of whom are the country’s highest earners.

It further advises adoption of legal and policy reforms to close loopholes and improve transparency, such as mandatory disclosure of major asset ownership, linking tax identification numbers to land titles and bank accounts, and establishing a beneficial ownership registry.

Also, the World Bank recommends that building a centralized wealth database, integrating land, company, customs, and financial data, would also help identify leakages.

The Bank cautioned that tax holidays and exemptions, particularly the 10-year holiday for large firms, have failed to drive significant new investment. Eliminating such incentives could raise at least Shs101.5 billion annually.

Deputy Secretary to the Treasury, Mr. Patrick Ocailap, welcomed the recommendations but stressed that reforms must be carefully assessed to avoid disruptions.

He said emphasis should be placed on improving tax administration, digitization, and formalization of businesses, as well as strengthening local governments’ revenue collection and accountability for fiscal sustainability.

It is widely believed that the presidential age limit in Uganda’s 1995 Constitution was inserted to prevent then-exiled former two-time president Milton Obote from returning to power.

Obote, who by then was exiled in Zambia, was 70 years old, and political commentators argue that Mr Museveni’s political manoeuvring aimed at constitutionally locking out the man he feared most, who had previously held the office of the president twice.

‘If the age limit was to prevent Milton Obote from vying for power, the same should be applied to President Museveni,’ the late former Democratic Party president, Paul Ssemogerere, said in an exclusive interview with the Daily Monitor in September 2017.

President Obote, who at independence was the prime minister, rose to the presidency after abrogating the 1966 Constitution, only to be overthrown by Idi Amin in 1971.

He made a comeback through the disputed 1980 general elections and ruled for five years, only to be removed again by a coup d’état in 1985 led by Gen Tito Okello. Okello, in turn, was toppled about a year later by President Museveni.

The threat of Obote making a third attempt at the presidency was real. While in Zambia, he repeatedly hinted at ambitions to reclaim the country’s top office. He also ran the then-powerful Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) party he had founded, from exile, which reportedly gave Mr Museveni sleepless nights.

During the drafting of the 1995 Constitution, Ssemogerere believed that the late Noble Mayombo, one of Mr Museveni’s blue-eyed confidants in the Constituent Assembly (CA), pushed to have the age limit capped at 75, though many of his colleagues did not mind the move.

According to Ssemogerere, who was also a member of the CA, the two five-year presidential term limits included in the 1995 Constitution were ‘sufficient.’ Likewise, Mr Dan Wandera Ogalo, another CA delegate, shared similar reflections.

‘We (CA delegates) thought that one was really not able to execute the duties of such a heavy office, hence putting the age cap at 75. But underneath that, there were rumours that, you see, Obote might come back a second time,’ Counsel Ogalo recalls.

However, in the 2020/2021 election cycle, the last safeguard in the 1995 Constitution-the presidential age cap of 75-was controversially amended and removed amidst fierce clashes between Members of Parliament who were ‘opposed’ and those who were ‘in favour.’

The debate around the so-called ‘Togikwatako’ amendment began in 2017, with Mr Raphael Magyezi, now Local Government minister, being the public face of the campaign to amend and remove Article 102(b). Mr Magyezi was tasked with drafting the 2017 Amendment Bill, which was tabled in Parliament amid controversy.

Opposition MPs opposed the Bill, arguing it was calculated to benefit only one person: President Museveni. At 73 years old in 2017, Museveni would have been ineligible to contest the 2021 election under the existing age limit, making the amendment essential to his political ambitions.

The constitutional age cap at the time had set a maximum of 75 years. The only legal path for Mr Museveni to remain eligible was to remove this safeguard entirely.

Chaos in Parliament

In September 2017, Parliament descended into chaos for two consecutive days. Lawmakers were sharply divided, and the sessions turned violent. Some MPs engaged in fistfights, while others wielded microphone stands as weapons.

The Special Forces Command (SFC), a specialised arm of the UPDF that protects the President and sensitive government installations, intervened, storming the August House during one heated session. About 10 Opposition MPs, including Ms Betty Nambooze (Mukono Municipality) and Mr Francis Zaake (Mityana Municipality), were arrested and whisked away by plain-clothed security personnel to unknown locations. Some MPs were hospitalised following the scuffles.

Despite the tumult, Parliament passed the age limit amendment Bill on December 20, 2017, effectively providing Mr Museveni with an early Christmas gift.

The Opposition mounted legal challenges. By early 2018, five constitutional petitions were filed before the Constitutional Court. These included Uganda Law Society vs AG, Karuhanga Kafureeka vs AG, Male Mabirizi Kiwanuka vs AG, Prosper Busingye vs AG, and Abaime Jonathan vs AG. The petitioners were six Opposition MPs led by then Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, Ms Winnie Kiiza.

Other opposition MPs involved included Ibrahim Ssemujju (Kiira Municipality), Mubaraka Munyagwa, Allan Ssewanyana, Gerald Karuhanga, and Jonathan Odur. The MPs sought to have the amendment annulled, citing unconstitutional procedures, violence, and intimidation during its passage.

Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, representing the six Opposition MPs, argued during the hearings that the amendment removed the only remaining safety net of the age limit, contravening the preamble of the 1995 Constitution. ‘The framers of the 1995 Constitution had in mind Uganda’s dark past, and that is why they included in their preamble ‘never again,” Mr Lukwago said.

‘The intention of this constitutional amendment was very clear: it was going to benefit one person by paving the way for President Museveni to stand again in the next election since he would have been ineligible to stand again as he would be above 75 years of age,’ Lukwago added.

The petitioners also argued that the amendment process was marred by violence, intimidation, human rights abuses, and general mayhem, including assaults on MPs by security personnel.

Regrets

Prof Frederick Ssempebwa shared similar views, emphasising that the term limit was more important than the age cap. He noted that Africans historically lived poorer and more fragile lives, making a strict age limit sensible.

‘People at 75 were susceptible to many ailments and might not be able to control governments,’ he said. Prof Ssempebwa, a former minister in Museveni’s Cabinet and member of the Justice Benjamin Odoki Commission, argued that life expectancy has improved.

‘At the time we were discussing, to be 75 or 80 years old, people would already be frail. Constitutions are changed because of new developments. To me, if you have term limits, the age limit doesn’t matter,’ he said.

‘If someone leaves power at around 70, and has a term limit of 10 years, at 80 he is off. There is no need to endure the indignities as in Zimbabwe under Mugabe, where leaders slept through Cabinet meetings, which was what we intended to avoid,’ he added.

Ssemogerere had argued that since Museveni used the 75-year age cap against Obote, he should have applied the same standard to himself and not pushed for the scrapping of the clause. If Museveni is re-elected in the 2026 presidential race, he could have ruled Uganda for 45 uninterrupted years.

At 81, a further five-year term (2026-2031) would make him one of Africa’s oldest and longest-serving presidents, alongside Cameroon’s Paul Biya (91), Namibia’s Nangolo Mbumba (82), Ivory Coast’s Alassane Ouattara (82), Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Nguema Mbasogo (82), Zimbabwe’s Emmerson Mnangagwa (82), and Ghana’s Nana Akufo-Addo (80).

In a 2016 NTV-Uganda interview, Museveni said he would not seek office after 75, arguing that younger leaders were more active. ‘I know some leaders who have been leading even beyond 75. But I think if you want very active leaders, it should be the ones below 75 years,’ Museveni said in the interview at that time.

Timeline of Age Limit Debates

* 1966: Milton Obote abrogates the 1962 Constitution and becomes president.

* 1971: Obote overthrown by Idi Amin in a military coup.

* 1980: Obote returns to power after disputed elections, ruling for five years.

* 1985: Obote ousted again by Gen Tito Okello; Museveni seizes power a year later.

* 1995: Uganda’s new constitution sets presidential age limit at 75 and a two-term limit.

* 2017: Parliament passes controversial amendment removing the 75-year age limit, amid Opposition protests and scuffles in the House.

* 2018: Constitutional petitions filed against the age limit removal; courts uphold the amendment.

* 2021-2026: President Museveni, now over 80, remains eligible to run, changing the political landscape for decades.

Schools in Kibaale, Kagadi, and Kakumiro districts in Bunyoro Sub-region are grappling with acute staffing shortages.

District leaders and education stakeholders attribute the gaps in UNEB performance to the government’s failure to provide adequate funding for teacher recruitment.

According to education officials, the number of teachers is far below what is required to serve the growing student population, making it difficult to deliver quality education.

The Kibaale District Education Officer, Mr John Talagaboine, said some schools have survived by diverting part of the Capitation Grant to pay private teachers.

‘Some schools use the grant to pay private teachers, leaving other activities unfunded. The grant is meant for daily operations, not salaries. Few teachers cannot match the required teacher-to-learner ratio, which affects results,’ he said.

The district is supposed to have 125 secondary school teachers but has only 88 after two retired. At the primary level, the district has 445 teachers instead of the required 556, with 12 retiring this year.

The Kibaale District Chairperson, Mr Godfrey Muhonge Kasanga, said the district has 82 primary schools, with 362 teachers instead of the required 960.

‘Without enough staff, we cannot perform well academically. The workload is too heavy for the few teachers available,’ he said, adding that some learners miss lessons and eventually drop out. At Bubamba Primary School, head teacher Peter Kwemara said six teachers handle all seven classes, forcing the school to hire a private teacher.

‘The same staff also hold offices and other responsibilities, which makes balancing roles difficult. When a teacher is absent, pupils miss lessons, syllabus coverage is delayed, and results are affected,’ he said.

The 2024 UBOS report shows Kibaale has high numbers of out-of-school children. Among children aged 6 to 12, at least 11,902 out of 50,239 were not in school, while 11,009 out of 27,963 aged 13 to 17 were not attending school.

The Kakumiro District chairperson, Mr Joseph Sentahi Senkusu, said many schools have fewer than seven teachers despite high enrolment.

‘The government has restricted the recruitment of private teachers, saying it exploits parents. But without enough teachers, performance will continue to decline,’ he warned.

At Kiriika Primary School in Kakumiro, the head teacher, Mr Augustine Ssekisasi, said the school has more than 900 pupils and only eight teachers. ‘There is a need to stream classes for proper learning, but the structures cannot handle the large numbers. Work overload also affects how we assess learners,’ he said.

Kagadi wage bill

In Kagadi, the Uganda National Teachers’ Union (Unatu) chairperson, Mr Solomon Musinguzi, said the district’s wage bill is too low to support adequate staffing.

‘This has escalated early retirement applications-50 staff have already applied, which is worrying,’ he said. Kagadi District chairperson Ndibwami B Yosia admitted that the district has a deficit of 523 teachers across all government schools.

‘School heads are forced to hire private teachers, yet education is supposed to be free. Parents end up paying because schools must operate. The government should revise the teacher-to-pupil ratio and recruit to full capacity,’ he said.

The Kabukanga Primary School head teacher, Mr Enock Matee, said the school’s enrolment has dropped from 500 pupils in previous years to about 150.

‘We were forced to scrap primary seven after losing teachers who were transferred and never replaced. Of the five teachers, only two are on payroll, while three are privately paid by parents. The Capitation Grant is being used for salaries instead of school activities,’ Mr Matee said.

He added that the school also faces infrastructure challenges, with only two permanent blocks and three temporary structures in poor condition.

At a glance

* Kibaale District should have 125 secondary school teachers but has only 88.

* At the primary level, Kibaale has 445 teachers instead of the required 556.

* Kagadi District faces a deficit of 523 teachers across all government schools.

* Kabukanga Primary School has only two government teachers, with three others privately paid by parents.

The fate of 431,856 Senior Four candidates scheduled to sit for the 2025 Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) examinations next week remains uncertain as the nationwide teachers’ strike continues to paralyse learning across the country.

The strike, which started on August 6, has seen government teachers in most parts of the country lay down their tools in protest against the government’s failure to enhance their salaries.

Consequently, many schools, particularly in rural areas, did not reopen for the third term, forcing candidates to teach themselves in the crucial weeks leading to final examinations.

Sources from various upcountry districts revealed that some teachers who attempted to return to classrooms were attacked by unidentified assailants, forcing many to stay away completely. This predicament has left candidates in government schools without guidance, with revision and exam preparation largely left in their own hands.

The UCE examinations are set to begin on October 10, with the official briefing of candidates, a mandatory exercise that precedes the written papers. This will be followed by the briefing for Primary Leaving Examination(PLE) candidates on October 31. The Uganda Certificate of Advanced Education (UCAE) will commence with a briefing on November 7.

However, questions remain over whether the government will convince teachers to return to classrooms before it’s too late, as teachers play a critical role not only in preparing learners but also in supervising and administering the pre-examination tests.

The crisis is compounded by the looming deadline for submission of Continuous Assessment (CA) scores and coursework marks to the Uganda National Examinations Board (Uneb). In a statement released this week, Uneb reminded heads of examination centres that September 30 (yesterday) was the final date for submitting results for Senior Four, Senior Three, and Senior Six candidates.

Failure to submit the required records will mean that affected candidates cannot be graded, regardless of their performance in the final exams.

‘Uneb will not grade candidates with partial or no CA scores or coursework marks at all, at both UCE and UACE levels,’ warned Ms Jennifer Kalule-Musamba, the board’s principal public relations officer, urging schools to make good use of the remaining time.

With just days to the start of examinations, anxiety is mounting among candidates, parents, and education stakeholders, many of whom fear that the standoff between government and teachers could jeopardise the academic future of nearly half a million learners.

Dr Gorreti Nakabugo, the executive director of Uwezo Uganda, said breaking barriers to education access is important, noting that both the government and teachers should ensure learners resume classes. ‘We really hope that teachers are motivated to do their job, and at the same time we call upon the teachers to ensure that issues of the learners are prioritised because if children are not at school or not in class, it is very difficult for them to learn,’ Dr Nakabugo told journalists after a debrief of a three-day national conference on what works in girls education.

The event is being held in Kampala from October 1 to 3 under the theme, ‘Breaking barriers, building benefits, evidence and action for girls’ education”. ‘We must work together as a system, the government, the teachers themselves, and the private sector to ensure that teachers are back in school and the children are back in class to learn and get what they deserve,” Dr Nakabugo added. Associate Professor and Dean of the School of Education at Kyambogo University, George Wilson Kasule, said issues that triggered the strike should be addressed to normalise the situation.

‘Our appeal is to let us try to solve those issues that led the teachers to strike so that we have a normal functioning of the education system,’ Mr Kasule said.

Mr Amos Akahangiromutwe, the head teacher of Kazo Secondary School, in Kazo District, said his teachers were conducting lessons, but the effect of the ongoing strike tarnishes the image of education. ‘The strike is mainly affecting primary schools. The situation is really not good,’ he said. The State Minister of Higher Education, Mr Chrysostom Muyingo, said the Minister of Public Service, Mr Wilson Muruli, is expected to give another government position on the teachers’ strike.

Last week, Mr Muruli directed teachers to call off the strike and resume teaching, saying a 25 percent salary increment would be effected in the 2026/2027 budget, a proposal that the arts teachers rejected and demanded a 300 percent increment like their science counterparts received.

The leadership of the Uganda National Teachers Union (Unatu) has insisted that the union members will resume work only if their pay is increased to the level of their science counterparts.

Mr Filbert Baguma, the general secretary of Unatu, said the proposed 25 percent increment is too little to improve the members’ welfare.

‘We are not going back to class. After three years of waiting, you cannot tell us that 25 percent is enough when our counterparts received 300 percent. Why did the government raise science teachers’ salaries when they knew there was no money? We cannot call off the industrial action for 25 percent. Forget it,’ he said.

Salary disparities

Currently, an arts teacher with a degree qualification earns a gross pay of Shs1,078,162 monthly and takes home a net pay of Shs841,931, while his/her science counterpart gets Shs4 million and takes home a net pay of Shs2,858,000.

Similarly, an arts teacher with a diploma qualification gets gross pay of Shs784,214 and takes home a net pay of Shs639,108, while their science counterpart earns Shs2.2 million and takes home a net pay of Shs1,616,000.

Match-day two of the Uganda Premier League kicked off on Wednesday evening as Bul and UPPC picked their first wins of the season.

Bul who have finished in the top three over the last two seasons were 1-0 winners over Maroons at the Fufa Technical Centre in Njeru.

Ibrahim Mugulusi scored what turned out to be the winner on 36 minutes.

The result lifted Bul to four points having drawn goalless in their opening game against URA.

In Entebbe, UPPC also earned their first ever win in the topflight coming from a goal down to secure a 2-1 over Lugazi.

Freedom Mungudit gave Lugazi a 24th minute after capitalising on a loose pass by forward Muhammad Kyeyune.

But UPPC got a second half equaliser their dominance deserved when midfielder Isa Bugembe powered home a header from a corner on 63 minutes.

Some fast thinking then got UPPC the winner seven minutes from time when a quickly taken freekick ended with substitute Fazil Tumwine towering home another header to the relief of a technical bench that includes Abdallah Mubiru, Livingstone Mbabazi, Godfrey Walusimbi and Henry Kisekka all stars of previous player generations.

Electricity is the engine of modern economies. Uganda has made significant strides in expanding power generation, growing capacity from about 400 megawatts in 2000 to over 2,000 megawatts today (Electricity Regulatory Authority, 2025). This is no small achievement. With electricity comes the promise of jobs, better schools, modern farming, and new businesses. Yet, even with this progress, the average Ugandan consumes significantly less power compared to citizens in neighbouring countries like Kenya and Tanzania. We still have a long way to go.

But the bigger threat to Uganda’s energy future is not just limited access-it is theft. Illegal electricity connections have become a silent crisis, draining the country of an estimated Shs100 billion every year. These are not just numbers on a balance sheet. They represent stalled development, higher tariffs for honest consumers, and unnecessary risks to life. Illegal connections have been linked to many cases of electrocution in recent years. This problem cuts across society. Some households, frustrated by connection costs, tap into the grid illegally.

Rogue technicians, sometimes impersonating utility workers, facilitate theft. And weak enforcement of outdated laws-where the maximum penalty is a fine of Shs2 million-has done little to deter offenders (Uganda Radio Network, 2019). The result is a system where law-abiding citizens are punished with higher bills while the national economy bleeds revenue. Umeme’s Managing Director, Selestino Babungi, has called power theft a ‘national problem, an economic crime.’

He is right. Uganda cannot afford to lose this money if it hopes to industrialise, create jobs, and provide reliable power to every citizen.

The way forward is clear. First, the Electricity Act must be amended to reflect the seriousness of the crime. Kenya, for example, imposes fines of up to Shs1 million and prison terms of 10 years. Uganda should follow suit. Second, utilities should invest in smarter technology. Local scientists have already developed systems that can detect power theft in real time-tools that must be deployed at scale. Third, enforcement must be swift and visible. Specialised courts should handle electricity theft cases quickly, while police and utilities coordinate nationwide crackdowns.

Finally, we must tackle the root cause: lack of affordable access. With about 28 percent of Ugandans connected to the grid as of 2019 (Electricity Regulatory Authority, 2020), lowering upfront costs and expanding rural infrastructure will reduce the temptation to steal. Electricity is not just about light. It is about opportunity-opportunity for a child to study at night, for a farmer to process crops, for a factory to keep its machines running. Illegal connections steal that future from us all. Uganda has the tools, the laws, and the innovation to end this crisis. What is needed now is political will and community resolve. Power theft is not a victimless crime; it is economic sabotage. If we act decisively, we can protect this vital resource and ensure that electricity truly powers Uganda’s prosperity.