Category: Daily Monitor

On January 15, 2026, Ugandans will be electing the President and Members of Parliament (MPs). The elections have provided yet another opportunity for citizens to exact accountability from incumbents and voice their concerns on what needs to be done.

Concerns have been expressed over increasing corruption, erosion of the rule of law, economic mismanagement, and weakening of institutions. The public expects the next government to address these issues.

The public expectation is that the three arms of government – the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary – are strong and effective, working harmoniously, but at the same time acting as checks on each other to serve the country’s best interests.

The notions of the rule of law and justice were not imported from Britain. In traditional Buganda society, a profound saying highlights the importance of impartiality in decision-making: ‘Enkima tesala gwakibira’ (a monkey cannot be a judge in a matter where cutting down the forest is the issue).

This proverb underscores the concept of conflict of interest, where an individual’s personal interests or relationships may compromise their objectivity and judgment.

In the context of public office, this concept is critical. Leaders and public officers are entrusted with serving the public good, making decisions that benefit everyone in the community without allowing personal interests to cloud their judgment. The 1995 Constitution emphasises that ‘all public offices shall be held in trust for the people’. However, the sad reality in Uganda today is far from this desired ideal.

A conflict of interest arises when a public official’s private interests clash with their public duties, leading to potentially abusive and corrupt practices. The Uganda Leadership Code Act prohibits leaders and public officers from placing themselves in positions where their personal interests conflict with their duties.

Despite this, conflicted decision-making has become an entrenched feature of public life in Uganda. Manifestations of conflicted decision-making are visible in most ministries and public bodies where nepotism and favouritism characterise recruitments and promotions in the public service.

The consequences have been disastrous and far-reaching. In 2002, a select committee of Parliament investigated the 2001 election violence and made startling findings about the Electoral Commission (EC).

In its report, the committee noted that EC officials had got entangled in various cases of conflict of interest, which had compromised the performance of the Commission.

There have been other disturbing cases of conflicted decisions. The privatisation exercise, for example, saw many public corporations and companies sold to well-placed government functionaries, or their proxies.

Conflicted decision-making by lawmakers is a grave matter, especially when it compromises their judgment in carrying out their oversight functions over the Executive and agencies. It smacks of institutional and State capture where anti-democratic legislations or constitutional amendments are originated and pushed through Parliament by the beneficiaries themselves or on behalf of powerful partisan interests for a fee.

In his book, Constitutional and Political History of Uganda, from 1894 to Present, Prof George Kanyeihamba (RIP) asserts that the selfish practice of conflicted decision-making had its origins in the Constituent Assembly (CA).

Himself a CA delegate, Kanyeihamba reports that the CA that drafted the 1995 Constitution was plagued by conflicted decision making, which laid the foundations for patronage politics, ultimately hurting the public good.

He notes that despite warnings from professionals, CA delegates rejected a proposal to disqualify themselves from contesting in the first parliamentary elections after the Constitution’s adoption. The proposal was meant to dissuade delegates from building mechanisms within the Constitution to fit their own personal interests.

The country witnessed more self-serving conflicted legislation, hardly 10 years later, when it came to the removal of the term limit and later the age limits.

Former Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere had passionately warned African leaders about the danger of term limit removals.

He said this would destroy the tenets of constitutionalism and erase the gains Africa had made on the road to stability and unity through peaceful transfer of power.

Sadly, many African countries, including Uganda, ignored Nyerere, and the painful consequences keep unfolding every other year, with thousands of lives lost as Africa’s Gen Z take matters into their hands.

President Museveni on Sunday presided over the swearing-in of Jane Frances Abodo as the Principal Judge, Lino Anguzu as the new Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), and Justice Aisha Naluzze Batala as the new Inspector General of Government (IGG) from Mbale State Lodge.

According to a press statement from the President’s press unit, also sworn were the two deputy IGGs: Ms. Anne Twinomugisha Muhairwe and Ms. Patricia Achan.

President Museveni congratulated the appointees, praising their youth, integrity, and professional background.

‘I congratulate you on ascending to these high offices. I am glad you are young people. I know some of you individually, and I have been following your record. You seem not to be corrupt,’ he said.

With the swearing-in of the new Principal Judge, DPP, and IGG, they are now ready to commence their constitutional duties officially.

In his remarks, the head of state delivered a detailed reflection on Uganda’s long struggle to align state institutions with the ideals that guided the liberation struggle.

‘We have been having a discrepancy between the bush people and the structure of the state,’ he said.

‘We destroyed the old army and created a new one. We created a patriotic army that was not corrupt. But we still had a problem with existing structures. The civil service was colonial, corrupt, and non-patriotic. The judiciary, the police, and even Parliament suffered the same issues until we started getting new people who were more likely to be in line with our idealistic ideas.’

President Museveni said the arrival of a new generation of leaders offered hope for reform.

‘Therefore, the coming up of these young people, some of whom I know, is good. For example, Abodo has been in the DPP’s office, and she has done some good work. Let me see what she does now that she is Principal Judge,’ he said.

The President spoke at length about justice, accountability, and the historical expectations of Ugandan communities.

‘The colonial structure was a deformity. It was not harmonized with the population. Our people have their own views on justice, which are very clear and closer to the law of Moses: an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth. The tribes can forgive, but you must apologize and compensate,’ he said.

He added that some practices in the justice system provoke anger among citizens.

‘When you have people who promote impunity, when a thief disturbing the village gets bail, the villagers cannot understand. You are in conflict with the population straight away,’ he said.

‘Why don’t you keep this person in jail and try him quickly, instead of provoking the villagers and disregarding their rights?’

President Museveni, therefore, noted that Uganda now needs harmony between the justice system and the values of its people.

‘That stand-off must end. To have peace in the country, you need full accountability for crimes; otherwise, you will get all sorts of problems,’ he strongly warned.

Speaking at the same swearing-in ceremony, Deputy Chief Justice, Dr Flavian Zeija, also congratulated his successor, Justice Abodo, and other appointees.

‘She promoted plea bargaining with passion, both as a judge and as DPP. I have no doubt she will deliver,’ he said.

He advised her to strengthen court inspections, maintain quarterly reviews of magistrate courts, and support special courts for gender-based violence.

‘I also congratulate the IGG and her deputies,’ he said.

The ceremony was attended by the Attorney General, Kiryowa Kiwanuka, and the Head of Public Service and Secretary to the Cabinet, Ms. Lucy Nakyobe, and other government officials.

President Museveni appointed Justice Abodo as the new Principal Judge in August this year, following the elevation of then Principal Judge Flavian Zeija to the position of Deputy Chief Justice following the retirement of the office holder, Justice Richard Buteera, in February this year.

Mr Lino Anguzu was appointed DPP late last month to replace Justice Abodo, while High Court Judge Naluzze was appointed IGG last month after President Museveni dropped Beti Kamya, who was still eligible for another four-year term as the country’s ombudsperson.

Mzee congratulated his Tanzanian counterpart on her re-election, pledging continued cooperation between the two East African neighbours. Mzee said Samia’s victory reflects the Tanzanian people’s choice.

He reaffirmed Uganda’s commitment to deepening cooperation with Tanzania, since Samia is part of Busia. What is not clear is whether Samia is part of Samia-Bugwe North or South. However, with riots in Tanzania over her re-election, her fortunes seem to be going south.

Abasamia are quiet. They are peoples who live in both western Kenya and eastern Uganda, often referred to as Basamia-Bagwe in Uganda to differentiate the local clans from Kenyan Samia clans. They are aware that the Tanzanian leader is Samia, but they are afraid of claiming her as their own.

That’s because they may have to claim her problems as well. And they are not ready to do this because, they say, they already have 99 problems and a female president is not one of them.

Known to stand tall at whichever height, the east feels put upon. That’s because easterners cannot make up their minds whether they want Mzee or the Badman from Kamwokya for president. If they support the latter, the east is likely to be curdled by riots. But if they go with the former, they’ll get five more of the 40 years they have so far enjoyed via empty-suited proxies.

Badman, to tip the scales, has decided to ask Samia if they can work together. He believes Samia is close to Uganda’s heart and has not made a mess of things. It’s all part of his policy, ‘east or west, we remain central.’

Several noises in the Opposition have declared Badman’s policy noisome. They have already called this a travesty, amid wanton F-bombs.

The Opposition is pro-change because it’s really anti-government, said one celebrated Opposition fellow.

‘Uganda’s Opposition is united in its desire to make sure that the government doesn’t work. That’s why we went into it via DP. Uganda’s Opposition has had the same domestic policy objective for at least 40 years: to unite around the dissolution of government. The government has the same policy for the Opposition. In that vein, it has fought with the south against the north, with the west against the south west, south west against the west, and the NRM creepers against the NRM crawlers and FDC weepers,’ added the top Opposition man.

Badman is a pretender to the throne, says Mbidde. He is the most eloquent of Badman’s detractors and is not the Opposition fellow quoted above because the English above is not Mbidde-esque.

Instead, Mbidde had this to say: ‘Badman, I must express in the strongest possible pyrotechnics my profound opposition to the newly instituted and disgraceful attempt to bumfuzzle, cause a kerfuffle with the collywobbles of a person who is clearly and crystally in the wrong.

From Mzee’s high table, Badman will only receive a tittynope as a prelude to borborygmus, thereby culminating in a condition of organisational atrophy and administrative paralysis, which will render incoherent and uncoordinated the discharge of the functions of Un-Steady Progress.’

Still, Badman maintains that Samia is part of Uganda and, by this token, a part of East Africa. If Samia joins Badman, a red dawn shall rise in the east. “Red Dawn” also refers to the code name for a certain military operation. The US military operation conducted on December 13, 2003, which successfully captured former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.

It is all up Samia, Badman says. He is ready to wait for her until she makes up her mind immediately. He cannot wait any longer, he says. That’s because the lives of an Opposition and government person are similar to the difference in ageing between dogs and humans.

Fifteen human years equals the first year of a dog’s life. Year two for a dog equals nine years for a human. After that, each human year would be approximately five years for a dog.

If the Opposition is the dog, then three years in the Opposition is 29 years and 40 years is about 500 years. So, we understand Bobi’s impatience. Life cannot always be hard, especially if you have 99 problems.

*Note: This is a weekly parody column.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF) recognises land fragmentation as a key challenge undermining agricultural productivity in Uganda. The problem is largely driven by rapid population growth and traditional inheritance practices. There is no specific policy framework directly targeting land fragmentation, leaving farmers to grapple with low efficiency, reduced yields, and declining household incomes, as Marko Taibot reports.

The worsening impacts of climate change – erratic rainfall, prolonged droughts, and floods – are not only undermining food production but also accelerating land fragmentation among rural communities in the West Nile region. As families struggle to adapt to dwindling agricultural yields, a quiet but devastating crisis is unfolding: land, the region’s most prized asset, is being divided into smaller and less productive plots across generations, deepening poverty and sparking land disputes.

Denis Kandaruku, a resident of Endrebamvaku East Village in Esia Parish, Adropi Sub-county, Adjumani District, has seen firsthand how climate change is indirectly driving the subdivision of family land as a survival strategy. With each harvest season growing increasingly unpredictable, Kandaruku says families like his are under pressure to adapt.

He explains that his family once owned about 10 acres of ancestral land. However, persistent flooding of the River Esia has claimed nearly four acres, leaving just six acres for cultivation. This loss has forced his family to share the remaining land among eight family members.

‘The land has become too small for us, and our productivity has greatly declined. During dry seasons, crops fail. We hardly open more than one acre for a single crop. I plant half an acre of maize, another half-acre of groundnuts, and the rest for simsim,’ he says.

Kandaruku’s experience highlights how climate shocks, like river flooding, are not only displacing farming communities from their fertile land but also reshaping land ownership patterns, making smallholder agriculture even more fragile.

Anthony Lali, a resident of Oninyaraku Village in Baratuku Parish, Itirikwa Sub-county, shared that floods have repeatedly destroyed his gardens over the past five years on his family’s ancestral land.

He explained that although his father’s family owns 30 acres, a portion has been eroded by the River Oninyaraku, leaving them overcrowded on the remaining land.

‘That land cannot support the entire extended family, including the children. In 2023, I planted beans and cassava near the river, but floods wiped out everything. For the five years I have farmed here, I have never harvested anything from my gardens. The rains submerge my crops, and during the dry season, the drought kills whatever survives,’ he explains.

Lali adds that his family is struggling with severe hunger. He needs money to pay school fees for his children, but without any harvest, there is nothing to sell.

Heavy toll

Charles Lagu, Adjumani District’s agriculture officer, notes that the effects of land fragmentation and climate change are taking a heavy toll on smallholder farmers, leaving many households on the brink of food insecurity.

With shrinking plots of land and declining soil fertility, families are spending nearly 75 percent of their earnings on food instead of producing enough to sell, a clear sign that livelihoods are deteriorating.

‘Due to the food crisis, only 20 percent of households get the recommended three meals in a day. About 70 percent cannot afford two meals, while ten percent can only get one meal per day,’ he notes.

Only 50 percent of households have less than 1.5 acres of land for production. About 30 percent of the households have between two to five acres of land for production.

‘Due to land fragmentation, only five percent of the farmers are able to use tractors in their gardens. The entire district has less than 30 tractors,’ Lagu adds.

The situation has been worsened by the growing refugee population that relies on the same limited food supplies.

Much of the land allocated to refugees is rocky and infertile, making farming nearly impossible. As a result, the little food produced is quickly consumed by both the host and refugee communities, leaving no surplus.

Severe erosion and seasonal flooding have further reduced productivity, forcing some families to sell off portions of their land or household assets just to buy food. ‘What we produce cannot sustain a household for six months. So, we sell off land and other goods to feed our families,’ one farmer lamented.

Malnutrition cases are rising as limited food intake translates into nutrient deficiencies, particularly among children. Lagu observes that the reduction in food assistance to refugees, now provided mostly as cash instead of rations, has only intensified pressure on the host community’s meager food stocks.

‘Families are forced to sell portions of their grain reserves to buy essentials like salt and cooking oil, or to pay school fees, further depleting household food security,’ he emphasizes.

Tradition and culture

According to Paulino Vuso, a Madi elder, land in traditional Madi society was never viewed as a commodity for sale or division, but as a collective resource to be used productively and preserved for future generations.

‘In our culture, land belongs to the clan. For instance, if you take away a large portion of Oyuwi land, can it still be called Oyuwi land? Selling land is a foreign concept. It was never a part of us,’ he explains.

Traditionally, displaced families, whether by war or natural calamities, would seek refuge from clan chiefs, who allocated them land to live on and cultivate, not to own or trade. In rare circumstances, land was exchanged symbolically, often tied to marriage alliances, not monetary transactions. Vuso laments that modern economic pressures have altered this deep-rooted cultural understanding.

‘As land becomes increasingly fragmented from one generation to the next, its ability to sustain livelihoods is diminished. Land is a factor of production. It should be used, not sold. When you divide it into tiny pieces, it loses value. You cannot grow crops on a quarter acre and expect to pay school fees from that,’ he says.

Beyond its economic value, land in Madi culture is also linked to environmental stewardship. The elders enforced traditional taboos that promoted conservation long before modern environmental laws existed.

‘For example, it was forbidden to cultivate near streams because we believed you would harm the spirits living in the water. Unknown to them, that belief protected the environment and prevented soil erosion and silting of water sources,’ the elder recalls.

Solutions

Despite acknowledging the growing challenge of land fragmentation in Obongi District, Gabriel Aliga is among the few farmers taking proactive steps to adapt.

He believes that adopting smart agriculture, promoting environmental compliance, and supporting community tree-planting initiatives are key interventions for ensuring sustainable farming practices in the region.

‘I have started planting trees on the other side of my farm, away from the river. I maintain a buffer zone because I do not want to disturb the environment along the waterline. I have established a small tree nursery on my land, and I plan to extend the initiative to neighbouring communities. We are preparing seedlings for the community so that every household can plant at least one fruit tree,’ he says.

To further promote sustainable resource use, Aliga encourages alternative sources of energy to reduce pressure on natural forests.

‘We prune branches from the trees we have planted for fuel instead of cutting down entire trees. We are also exploring new ways of conserving energy since firewood is becoming scarce,’ he explains.

From his farm, one can already see rows of young trees forming green belts between his gardens and the river, symbolising a community slowly learning to live in balance with nature despite the mounting pressures of land scarcity and climate change. In Yumbe District, smallholder farmers are struggling to cope with the twin challenges of land fragmentation and extreme weather patterns that are undermining agricultural productivity. Gard Feni, the district agriculture officer, explains that the changing climate is putting unprecedented pressure on land management and farming systems.

‘We experience two extremes in Yumbe: either there is too much rain or prolonged drought. This affects agriculture in many ways, especially land management and productivity. When rainfall is excessive, it leads to soil erosion, and when it is dry for too long, crops fail and the soil becomes hard and infertile,’ he notes.

To help farmers adapt, the district has introduced practices such as soil erosion control, land consolidation, and enterprise selection for high-value crops. Feni says that farmers are now digging trenches and constructing contour ridges, locally known as fanya juu, to control surface runoff and reduce erosion.

‘These methods help retain soil moisture and improve productivity. Land fragmentation remains one of the biggest obstacles to modern farming in Yumbe. The smaller the land gets, the less productive it becomes. However, when farmers consolidate land into block farms, they can practice sustainable agriculture, use machinery like tractors, and increase yield,’ Feni explains. The agricultural officer says the district is encouraging farmers to select high-value crops suited for small plots, such as fruits, vegetables, and oilseeds, to bring higher returns, rather than low-value staples that require large acreage.

Policies in place

The government, through various laws and policies, is also playing a critical role in regulating land use and promoting climate-smart practices. Rashid Ojoatre, Yumbe District’s Secretary for Lands, explains that the government oversees land management through the Land Act, the National Land Policy, and the Physical Planning Act (2010). These frameworks guide land ownership, acquisition, and use, and are designed to promote orderly settlement and sustainable development.

‘Government regulates how land is acquired, owned, and transferred. However, the law remains silent on land fragmentation, which has become a challenge for agricultural productivity. The Physical Planning Act provides for minimum land size requirements for certain types of construction and commercial activities.

‘Excessive land fragmentation makes it difficult to meet these standards,’ Ojoatre notes.

To tackle the effects of climate change, the government has integrated climate-smart agriculture (CSA) into all planning and development processes. Under the Uganda Climate Smart Agriculture Program, farmers are being encouraged to adopt crops that are drought-tolerant, mature faster, and can yield within one growing season.

‘We used to have two rainy seasons in Uganda, but now, we only have one. Farmers must plan accordingly, prepare land early, plant on time, and choose resilient crops to maximize yields,’ Ojoatre advises. While the challenges of climate change and land fragmentation remain significant, Yumbe District officials believe that with proper planning, sustainable land use, and farmer sensitisation, agricultural productivity can be restored.

The combination of traditional resilience and modern adaptation strategies offers hope that the district’s smallholder farmers can survive and even thrive in the face of an uncertain climate.

The Vicar General of Kabale Catholic Diocese, Monsignor Dr John Vianney Sunday, has cautioned Christians against turning the Church into a marketplace, condemning the growing trend of using phones during Mass instead of focusing on prayer and worship.

Delivering his homily during this year’s Bishop’s Annual Appeal Fund (BAAF) celebration at Our Lady of Good Shepherd Rushoroza Cathedral in Kabale Municipality on Sunday, Monsignor Sunday urged the faithful to treat the house of God with reverence and purity.

“The Church of God should not be a place for business. Many of us fail to value the sacrifice of the Mass and misuse the sacred time that should be dedicated to prayer,” he said.

He expressed concern that some Christians have lost the sense of sacredness, choosing instead to take “selfies” and engage in unnecessary phone use during worship. He emphasized that such behavior disrespects God’s presence and distracts others from prayer.

Monsignor Sunday also reminded Christians of their spiritual and moral duty to support the Church’s mission of evangelization and charity. “The Church exists to serve and uplift the poor, and it is our duty as believers to contribute to its work and support the needs of our ministers,” he added.

He further warned against commercializing spiritual gifts or turning acts of faith into monetary transactions, urging believers to maintain purity of heart and spirit. “Our lives are the temple of the Holy Spirit. When we live in sin, we become like muddy water that stains others. Let us invite the Holy Spirit to cleanse and heal us because God is the ultimate healer,” he said.

The cleric reminded the congregation that through baptism, every Christian is consecrated to God and becomes part of the universal Church, a community built on faith, love, and shared responsibility. “The Church is not just a building; it is a congregation of believers who gather for spiritual nourishment, to listen to the Word of God, and to strengthen one another in faith,” he noted.

Meanwhile, the Parish Priest of Rushoroza Cathedral Parish, Rev. Fr. Christmas Austin, revealed that this year’s BAAF was decentralised to the parish level.

Rushoroza Parish dedicated its collections toward installing terrazzo flooring in the Cathedral, a project estimated at Shs129 million.

By the end of the event, the parish had raised a total of Shs137,789,800 Million in cash and pledges, alongside 100 bags of cement, marking a major step toward the renovation of the Cathedral floor.

Defending champions Vipers once again underlined why they remain the yardstick of pedigree in the StarTimes Uganda Premier League, after a gritty 1-0 triumph over rivals KCCA at St Mary’s Stadium, Kitende on Friday.

Though they have played just two league matches – four fewer than most of their rivals – it is already evident that Ivan Minnaert’s charges are still the team to beat.

Their two laboured yet efficient 1-0 victories over Entebbe UPPC and now KCCA speak volumes about a side that knows how to manage games, impose tactical control, and strike with ruthless precision.

Lukwago gifts Okello

At Kitende, it was former KCCA darling Allan Okello who proved to be their undoing once again. The midfielder, bred at Lugogo, was in the right place at the right time to pounce on a gift from Charles Lukwago, who spilled Yunus Sentamu’s drive in the 32nd minute.

Okello, ever the tormentor, calmly slotted home from close range – an early Christmas present Vipers gladly unwrapped. The goal separated two giants in a game that swung between tactical caginess and bursts of attacking flair.

Vipers had other chances to stretch their lead, with Milton Karisa missing a sitter from Ashraf Mandela’s pinpoint cross, while Herbert Achayi had to produce a crucial clearance to deny Lugogo old boy Usama Arafat.

For KCCA, the best they could muster was a firm header from Emmanuel Anyama that Alfred Mudekereza handled with ease.

KCCA work cut out

After the final whistle, a visibly frustrated Jackson Magera admitted his side’s shortcomings. ‘We defended poorly and allowed them to score. We created chances that we didn’t finish off. We took a long time to understand what approach Vipers was employing. In the first half we lacked composure but came back better,’ he lamented.

Despite the loss, KCCA stayed top on 11 points from six matches, level with Police, but this defeat brutally exposed their Achilles heel – a shaky backline and inconsistent tactical discipline.

With a crunch tie against URA at Lugogo next, the Kasasiro Boys must rally their core players to rise in key moments, while Magera’s lineup selections will need sharper calibration if they are to sustain a genuine title charge.

Jogoos on cloud nine

Away from Kitende, Zeljko Kovacevic’s SC Villa showed they have the grit and guile to push the champions all the way. The record 16-time winners edged Kitara 1-0 at Kadiba on Thursday, thanks to Frank Ssebufu’s decisive 66th-minute header.

It was Villa’s third win on the bounce, lifting them to third on 10 points from five matches. Compact at the back, composed in midfield, and increasingly clinical upfront, Kovacevic’s men look like the most balanced unit so far.

Their resolve will next be tested when they host Nec at Kadiba after the international break. Elsewhere, Abbey Kikomeko’s Bul faltered in their title test, drawing 1-1 with Nec, who were under new coach Badru Kaddu.

Joseph Dhata put Nec ahead in the 27th minute before Jerome Kiirya equalized in first-half stoppage time. The result saw Bul drop to fourth on 10 points, level with Villa, while Nec – slowly finding their rhythm after Hussein Mbalangu’s exit- sit 12th on six points from five outings.

Meanwhile, Matia Lule’s Police soared to second on 11 points after a dramatic 2-1 win over UPDF in Bombo, thanks to a last-gasp strike from Derrick Maviiri, while Express, still adjusting to life after Kaddu’s departure, thumped Mbarara City 4-1 to climb to seventh on eight points.

StarTimes Uganda Premier League

Results

Nec 1-1 Bul

Lugazi 5-2 Buhimba United

Vipers 1-0 KCCA

Calvary 2-4 Entebbe UPPC

SC Villa 1-0 Kitara

UPDF 1-2 Police

Express 4-1 Mbarara City

Maroons 0-0 URA

National Unity Platform (NUP) Parliamentary candidates and aspirants for positions in the local government elections were among those who were arrested by the police in Mbarara on Friday.

They were arrested by the Police and the military operatives who blocked the party’s presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi along the Mbarara-Ibanda Road as he proceeded to his second campaign rally in Bwizibwera, Mbarara District.

Mr Kyagulanyi on Saturday said that among the over 100 supporters arrested during the operation are three candidates contesting for Member of Parliament seats in the districts of Rwampara and Isingiro.

They included Sara Kiconco, the Woman Member of Parliament candidate for the Rwampara District, Jim Muyambi, the candidate for the Rwampara East Constituency, and Emmanuel Kihembo. Others are aspirants at the local government level.

‘Yesterday, more than a hundred of our comrades were arrested as we headed for our last rally in Mbarara. Many of them were beaten, tortured, and they are now detained,’ he said.

Mr Kyagulanyi said that the biggest percentage of those arrested were from Mbarara.

He further condemned the act of detaining his supporters with handcuffs on.

‘Our People spent the night in handcuffs. This is illegal; many were beaten for no reason whatsoever,’ he narrated.

Mr Kyagulanyi accused the police of arresting and charging his people in Kiruhura District, yet they are the ones who were reportedly attacked by goons dressed in yellow T-shirts with Museveni’s picture, and holding Museveni’s posters.

‘Our comrades were arrested and were accused of assaulting the people who attacked us; all of you were watching when they came and attacked us with sticks and stones, and they were being protected by the police,’ he said.

After the press briefing, Mr Kyagulanyi headed for his rallies in Rwampara and Ntungamo Districts.

Meanwhile, the Uganda Police on Friday said the arrests in Mbarara District targeted Mr Kyagulanyi’s supporters with criminal records, including assault of officers, destroying government property, and those who obstructing officers on duty.

“Candidates are cautioned against engaging in violence, and any individual choosing this path will be held personally accountable. All political actors are urged to conduct themselves civilly, respect legal frameworks, maintain peace throughout the campaign period, and follow campaign guidelines as issued by all regulatory stakeholders,” a police statement on their X handle reads in part.

Opposition supporters, especially NUP members, have been a target of police and military operations for years, with political commentators viewing it as a deliberate move by the state and the ruling government to suppress dissent.

Several opposition supporters are in detention over what their leaders describe as trumped-up charges. Many have spent nearly five years in jail without trial.

The arrival of the National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, in Kazo and Kiruhura districts this week was characterised by incidents of violence.

Upon arrival in Kazo, people wearing yellow t-shirts, holding sticks and posters of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) Presidential Candidate, Yoweri Museveni, clashed with the NUP supporters.

Similar incidents were witnessed in Kiruhura, where NUP had to cancel a planned rally due to hostility from similar groups stationed around the town, including the venue where Bobi Wine was supposed to hold his rally.

After Kazo and Kiruhura, the team retreated to Mbarara City, where they spent the night, but it was a night many of the NUP supporters would want to forget.

Security personnel raided their hotel, arresting many people in the middle of the night. By daybreak on Thursday, 20 members, including three members of Bobi Wine’s security team, were missing.

The party’s legal team was able to trace them at various police stations across Mbarara City. The arrested included bodyguards Jamshid Kavuma, Kapuff, and Faustin Wanyikinyi (Masaba).

The following afternoon, on Friday, security operatives in Mbarara intercepted Bobi Wine and his supporters, commonly known as foot soldiers, on their way to Bwizibwera Town Council for his second campaign rally in the city after addressing his first campaign rally at Mbarara High School playgrounds.

An unspecified number of the NUP foot soldiers were arrested.

Accusations

Police say the Mbarara operation targeted NUP supporters who have persistently provoked police and engaged in acts of violence against officers.

‘Today, November 7, several arrests have been made in Mbarara District targeting individuals with criminal records, including assaulting officers, destroying government property, and those who obstructed officers on duty were also arrested,’ police said in a statement on Friday.

‘In Busia District, suspects travelling in a NUP convoy assaulted an officer, resulting in a case filed at Busia CPS under CRB 1038/2025. On October 3, during NUP campaign events in Mayuge District, an officer was attacked, sustained serious injuries, and had his phone stolen; this incident was registered under Mayuge CRB 797/2025,’ the statement added.

‘On October 8, during a rally at Bikoma Primary School in Kyankwanzi, NUP supporters assaulted a detective constable. Police intervened to rescue him, but the main suspect managed to disappear within the crowd before a case of assault was opened. On October 21, in Kisiita Town Council, Kakumiro, the windshield of a police vehicle was damaged,’ police added.

But the NUP presidential candidate thinks the arrests are a move to isolate him, as it happened in the last general elections.

‘My personal security remains a target, and I know that. Like they have separated me from my personal bodyguards before, they want to do it even now. Many of our supporters, including my security teams, were picked from their hotel rooms and taken to unknown places,’ Bobi Wine said.

He added: ‘We captured, on camera, some of the crooks who were given sticks to beat up our people and block them from attending our activities in Kiruhura. These criminals foolishly believe that Uganda belongs to them forever. They cannot comprehend that there were governments before and Uganda will be here after Museveni.’

But police say they remain steadfast in their commitment to safeguarding all candidates, but will not tolerate criminality or disorder. ‘Candidates are cautioned against engaging in violence, and any individual choosing this path will be held personally accountable. All political actors are urged to conduct themselves civilly, respect legal frameworks, and maintain peace throughout the campaign period, and follow campaign guidelines as issued by all regulatory stakeholders,’ Mr Kituuma Rusoke, the police spokesperson, said in a statement.

But Mr David Rubongoya, the party secretary general, says they are a peaceful party and are working hard to get all the arrested released. ‘Our legal teams have already been sent out to make sure they secure the release of all our people who were arrested yesterday evening (Friday) and the previous night. We have maintained discipline as a group and we know that what we are doing does not break any law. We have, however, been provoked, intimidated and attacked by the security and other elements from other parties. We hope this comes to an end and [we] continue with our campaigns.’

Fleeing the country

Last week, police raided Bobi Wine’s hotel in Lira and some 17 people were arrested. The following morning, seven were released while the remaining 10 were produced in court on various charges.

‘On October 28, in transit from Lira City to Alebtong District, police officers moving behind the NUP presidential candidate convoy were attacked, their vehicle tyres were punctured, and property was stolen. The following day, October 29, in Abim District, a group of NUP candidate bodyguards assaulted Edibu Emmanuel, who was later hospitalised,’ police say.

Following the raid in Lira, two members of Bobi Wine’s security team fled the country.

Mr Andrew Natumanya, aka Tabz, and Mr Godfrey Onzima, aka High Tower, fled due to what they say is pressure they have come under. Two days after he fled, Tower released a video in which he indicated that he feared for his life.

‘Security personnel have been following me, and they want to abduct me just because I support change in the country. I grew up seeing my mother, who worked as a Traditional Birth Attendant (TBA) touching blood with her bare hands. I wondered why our hospitals could not do what my mum was doing or at least provide gloves for the work,’ Tower said in the video.

But police said they were looking for items that had allegedly been stolen by supporters of Bobi Wine, pointing out Tabz and Tower as some of the culprits who they were looking for to help in the investigations.

One of the members of Bobi Wine’s security, who also asked not to be named, says: ‘We fear the nights most because we don’t know what will happen. We are always sure that some heavily armed men who trail us will be coming to our doors and make away with so many people and you never know where you would be taken or what charges would be preferred against you, or when you would leave prison.’

Arrested bodyguards

Early this year, Mr Edward Ssebuufu, aka Eddie Mutwe, a bodyguard of Bobi Wine, was arrested in Mukono District and held incommunicado for days.

Eddie Mutwe, with three other civilian bodyguards of Bobi Wine – Achilleo Kivumbi, Gaddafi Mugumya and Grace Wakabi Smart – are jointly facing several charges, including aggravated robbery, robbery, and malicious damage to property. They remain in prison in Masaka. Anthony Agaba, alias Bobi Young, who was arrested in May last year, remains incarcerated.

In December 2020, Bobi Wine had a lonely walk to the polling station after nearly everyone on his campaign team was arrested and released six months after the elections.

At least 126 members of his campaign team, including his entire security team, were arrested in Kalangala District and transferred to Masaka District, where they were held for months. Upon their release, they all decried torture as many of them displayed scars of wounds that had allegedly been inflicted on them during their incarceration.

Stakeholders weigh in

Ms Sarah Bireete, the Executive Director of the Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG), a Ugandan constitutional watchdog, says citizens are on their own.

‘The army and security are some sort of the new form of imposed legal order under the leadership of father and son,’ she says.

She adds: ‘Our extent of degeneration in terms of rule of law and constitutionalism, leading to kidnaps, torture, etc., can only be resolved by the people under Article 3 of the Constitution [which deals with defence of the Constitution]. Parliament, whose duty is to protect the Constitution, is dead.’

However, Mr Obed Katureebe, the acting executive director of Uganda Media Centre, dismisses Ms Bireete’s view.

‘Bobi Wine is protected by the Uganda Police Force, and we know that he is not under any harm or danger. You saw the police statements saying his people around him had caused havoc on them and attacked other presidential candidates’ camps, like for [FDC presidential candidate] Nandala Mafabi. Who are these people? This is a militia. We shall not allow him (Bobi Wine) to run militias as the government looks on. We shall, as the government through the police, arrest any person who is causing insecurity because we are here to protect the entire Uganda.’

Uganda’s trailblazing professional Ronald ‘Mayo’ Rugumayo is not just hanging around anymore – he is moving without flinching.Last week in Johannesburg at Killarney, Rugumayo produced his best finish of the season on the Sunshine Tour’s feeder circuit – tied second – and instantly triggered one of the biggest Official World Golf Rankings (OWGR) jumps of his year: a surge of 337 places in one swing.From 2,545 at the start of October 2025, the 32-year-old is now 2,208 and suddenly trending back toward his best-ever global position of 1,685 – last achieved after the Magical Kenya Open in 2024.Garnering pointsAnd OWGR’s own system shows it clearly. Rugumayo has played 31 events in his current two-year window, with the ranking formula forcing a minimum divisor of 40 on every professional – meaning every small point counts, every decimal counts, every cut counts. His current total of 0.46877 world points averaged out over that divisor gives him a small but stubborn 0.0117 points per event.Then came Killarney.That single T2 result on Big Easy Tour 8 earned him 0.20992 world points – almost half of his entire world point total for the two-year period – and that is what shot him up 337 spots.’The mindset is simple,’ Rugumayo said after an opening +2 after 15 holes – play was suspended due bad weather – at the Hyundai Open at Ebotse Links on Thursday. ‘Clean up execution and have trust in the process. I’m ready to grind and climb that board. See you on the first tee.’Right directionThat is the energy the MTN Uganda and Johnnie Walker sponsored golfer carried into this weekend in Johannesburg despite having been forced to withdraw from Big Easy Tour 9 in Pretoria on Tuesday due to food poisoning after a battling +1 opening round of 73.

His manager Peter Mujuni agrees the trend is positive.’Mayo is trending in the right direction. The last six weeks show clear growth. If he makes the next two cuts, he will jump even more. That’s the plan that we are working on.’But does this all matter? For a country still waiting for a professional to break through consistently on the world stage, Rugumayo is writing a new line of Ugandan golf history – one decimal point at a time.Mayo is not just swinging wildly – he is climbing steadily.Momentum Surge.Rugumayo’s T2 at Big Easy Tour 8 was not a fluke – it was his lowest three-round aggregate on South African soil this year. November is now his pressure month – Hyundai Open, Stella Artois Players Championship (Nov 13-16, Randpark), and the Vodacom Origins Final (Nov 20-23, Pezula). TIMELINE – MAYO’S RECENT ELEVATIONAug 2025: Around 2,900 OWGROct 2025: 2545 OWGRNow: 2208 OWGRNov 1: Finishes T2 @ Killarney (Big Easy 8)Nov 3: Withdraws from Big Easy 9 (food poisoning)Nov 6: Tees off Hyundai Open @ Ebotse LinksNov 9: Targets cut – to unlock next ranking jumpAT A GLANCEFull Name: Ronald RugumayoNickname: MayoBorn: December 28, 1992Age: 32Nationality: UgandanBase: JohannesburgSponsors: MTN Uganda, Johnnie WalkerBest Sunshine Tour Finish: T2 Big Easy Tour 8 (2025)Stroke Average: 74.94Birdies Per Round: 3.63Most Consecutive Cuts: 2Lowest Round: 69337 ? places jumped this week on OWGR0.20992 ? OWGR points earned in Killarney alone2,208 ? current world ranking1,685 ? best-ever OWGR high after Magical Kenya Open 202431 ? counting events in his two-year window40 ? divisor used on his OWGR average

As Uganda undergoes a rapid digital transformation, personal data has become the new currency of modern life, shaping how people access services, communicate, and do business.

Yet, this shift has also exposed citizens to rising privacy risks and data misuse.

To understand how Uganda is safeguarding digital privacy in this evolving landscape, Baker Birikujja, the National Personal Data Protection director, takes us through the progress so far made in enforcing the Data Protection and Privacy Act, the challenges faced, and the future of data protection in Uganda.

What is the mandate of the Personal Data Protection Office?

We are the national regulator for data protection and privacy. We operate independently under the National Information Technology Authority-Uganda (NITA-U) and enforce the Data Protection and Privacy Act and attendant regulations.

Our mandate is to safeguard the right to privacy by monitoring compliance, investigating breaches, reporting on the state of data protection, and maintaining the national register of data collectors, processors, and controllers.

We also handle complaints from individuals whose privacy may have been violated.

How much progress has been made in implementing the law?

The journey has been both challenging and rewarding. Since our establishment, we have made significant strides.

A landmark moment came in July 2025, when Uganda achieved its first conviction under the Data Protection and Privacy Act, proving the law is being actively enforced.

Over the past four years, we have had several milestones on which we have built a stronger culture of stronger accountability in relation to personal data protection.

What key challenges have you faced, and how have you managed them?

Being a young institution, we have faced resource constraints, particularly limited staffing and funding.

Despite that, we have prioritised capacity building, streamlined operations, and adopted digital tools to improve efficiency in areas like registration and complaint handling.

We also work closely with other regulators, civil society, and private sector partners.

These collaborations help us extend our reach and build a stronger national system for data protection.

How are you ensuring compliance in high-data sectors such as telecoms, finance, and healthcare?

We have developed practical tools to guide organisations in complying with the law.

We also hold regional compliance clinics, where our officers work directly with businesses to assess their practices and offer legal guidance. In addition, we conduct audits and inspections of large data handlers.

Our Annual Compliance Report compiles findings from these exercises, helping institutions identify gaps and improve.

Data breaches are on the rise globally. What is the situation in Uganda?

Uganda has experienced several data breaches in the past year, mostly involving phishing attacks, employee errors, or weak internal controls rather than advanced cyberattacks. Some cases involved exposure of customer or financial data, but most were quickly contained.

These incidents underscore the need for robust data governance, strong authentication systems, and continuous staff training.

Awareness is key to compliance. How are you educating the public and organizations?

We run public education campaigns through radio, television, and social media, simplifying legal concepts for ordinary citizens.

We also organize community outreaches and monthly training sessions for data protection officers. Currently, we are running the ‘Beera Ku Guard’ campaign with NITA-U, encouraging Ugandans to stay alert about their privacy online and offline.

With the rise of AI and emerging technologies, how are you preparing to regulate new data risks?

We are developing Guidelines for Data Protection Impact Assessments to ensure responsible data use, especially in activities involving AI and emerging technologies.

We are also working with innovators, government agencies, and private companies to embed privacy-by-design into digital systems. Internationally, we participate in forums like the Africa-Asia AI Policymaker Network and the Global Privacy Assembly to align Uganda with global standards.

How does Uganda’s data protection law compare with regional and global frameworks?

We are aligned with international standards that emphasize lawfulness, transparency, and accountability for data controllers and processors.

We are now working with our East African counterparts to harmonize data protection frameworks, particularly on cross-border data transfers, to facilitate digital trade and ensure consistent protection for citizens’ data across the region.

What message do you have for Ugandans about data privacy?

Your personal data is your identity; protect it. Every digital action leaves a footprint that defines who you are. Safeguarding that data protects your dignity, security, and choices.

As individuals, we must stay informed and cautious about where and how we share our information.

Organisations, on the other hand, must handle personal data responsibly and transparently. Remember, innovation thrives best where privacy is respected.