2026 elections: Bobi Wine’s security detail suffers fresh setback

The arrival of the National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Mr Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, in Kazo and Kiruhura districts this week was characterised by incidents of violence.

Upon arrival in Kazo, people wearing yellow t-shirts, holding sticks and posters of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) Presidential Candidate, Yoweri Museveni, clashed with the NUP supporters.

Similar incidents were witnessed in Kiruhura, where NUP had to cancel a planned rally due to hostility from similar groups stationed around the town, including the venue where Bobi Wine was supposed to hold his rally.

After Kazo and Kiruhura, the team retreated to Mbarara City, where they spent the night, but it was a night many of the NUP supporters would want to forget.

Security personnel raided their hotel, arresting many people in the middle of the night. By daybreak on Thursday, 20 members, including three members of Bobi Wine’s security team, were missing.

The party’s legal team was able to trace them at various police stations across Mbarara City. The arrested included bodyguards Jamshid Kavuma, Kapuff, and Faustin Wanyikinyi (Masaba).

The following afternoon, on Friday, security operatives in Mbarara intercepted Bobi Wine and his supporters, commonly known as foot soldiers, on their way to Bwizibwera Town Council for his second campaign rally in the city after addressing his first campaign rally at Mbarara High School playgrounds.

An unspecified number of the NUP foot soldiers were arrested.

Accusations

Police say the Mbarara operation targeted NUP supporters who have persistently provoked police and engaged in acts of violence against officers.

‘Today, November 7, several arrests have been made in Mbarara District targeting individuals with criminal records, including assaulting officers, destroying government property, and those who obstructed officers on duty were also arrested,’ police said in a statement on Friday.

‘In Busia District, suspects travelling in a NUP convoy assaulted an officer, resulting in a case filed at Busia CPS under CRB 1038/2025. On October 3, during NUP campaign events in Mayuge District, an officer was attacked, sustained serious injuries, and had his phone stolen; this incident was registered under Mayuge CRB 797/2025,’ the statement added.

‘On October 8, during a rally at Bikoma Primary School in Kyankwanzi, NUP supporters assaulted a detective constable. Police intervened to rescue him, but the main suspect managed to disappear within the crowd before a case of assault was opened. On October 21, in Kisiita Town Council, Kakumiro, the windshield of a police vehicle was damaged,’ police added.

But the NUP presidential candidate thinks the arrests are a move to isolate him, as it happened in the last general elections.

‘My personal security remains a target, and I know that. Like they have separated me from my personal bodyguards before, they want to do it even now. Many of our supporters, including my security teams, were picked from their hotel rooms and taken to unknown places,’ Bobi Wine said.

He added: ‘We captured, on camera, some of the crooks who were given sticks to beat up our people and block them from attending our activities in Kiruhura. These criminals foolishly believe that Uganda belongs to them forever. They cannot comprehend that there were governments before and Uganda will be here after Museveni.’

But police say they remain steadfast in their commitment to safeguarding all candidates, but will not tolerate criminality or disorder. ‘Candidates are cautioned against engaging in violence, and any individual choosing this path will be held personally accountable. All political actors are urged to conduct themselves civilly, respect legal frameworks, and maintain peace throughout the campaign period, and follow campaign guidelines as issued by all regulatory stakeholders,’ Mr Kituuma Rusoke, the police spokesperson, said in a statement.

But Mr David Rubongoya, the party secretary general, says they are a peaceful party and are working hard to get all the arrested released. ‘Our legal teams have already been sent out to make sure they secure the release of all our people who were arrested yesterday evening (Friday) and the previous night. We have maintained discipline as a group and we know that what we are doing does not break any law. We have, however, been provoked, intimidated and attacked by the security and other elements from other parties. We hope this comes to an end and [we] continue with our campaigns.’

Fleeing the country

Last week, police raided Bobi Wine’s hotel in Lira and some 17 people were arrested. The following morning, seven were released while the remaining 10 were produced in court on various charges.

‘On October 28, in transit from Lira City to Alebtong District, police officers moving behind the NUP presidential candidate convoy were attacked, their vehicle tyres were punctured, and property was stolen. The following day, October 29, in Abim District, a group of NUP candidate bodyguards assaulted Edibu Emmanuel, who was later hospitalised,’ police say.

Following the raid in Lira, two members of Bobi Wine’s security team fled the country.

Mr Andrew Natumanya, aka Tabz, and Mr Godfrey Onzima, aka High Tower, fled due to what they say is pressure they have come under. Two days after he fled, Tower released a video in which he indicated that he feared for his life.

‘Security personnel have been following me, and they want to abduct me just because I support change in the country. I grew up seeing my mother, who worked as a Traditional Birth Attendant (TBA) touching blood with her bare hands. I wondered why our hospitals could not do what my mum was doing or at least provide gloves for the work,’ Tower said in the video.

But police said they were looking for items that had allegedly been stolen by supporters of Bobi Wine, pointing out Tabz and Tower as some of the culprits who they were looking for to help in the investigations.

One of the members of Bobi Wine’s security, who also asked not to be named, says: ‘We fear the nights most because we don’t know what will happen. We are always sure that some heavily armed men who trail us will be coming to our doors and make away with so many people and you never know where you would be taken or what charges would be preferred against you, or when you would leave prison.’

Arrested bodyguards

Early this year, Mr Edward Ssebuufu, aka Eddie Mutwe, a bodyguard of Bobi Wine, was arrested in Mukono District and held incommunicado for days.

Eddie Mutwe, with three other civilian bodyguards of Bobi Wine – Achilleo Kivumbi, Gaddafi Mugumya and Grace Wakabi Smart – are jointly facing several charges, including aggravated robbery, robbery, and malicious damage to property. They remain in prison in Masaka. Anthony Agaba, alias Bobi Young, who was arrested in May last year, remains incarcerated.

In December 2020, Bobi Wine had a lonely walk to the polling station after nearly everyone on his campaign team was arrested and released six months after the elections.

At least 126 members of his campaign team, including his entire security team, were arrested in Kalangala District and transferred to Masaka District, where they were held for months. Upon their release, they all decried torture as many of them displayed scars of wounds that had allegedly been inflicted on them during their incarceration.

Stakeholders weigh in

Ms Sarah Bireete, the Executive Director of the Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG), a Ugandan constitutional watchdog, says citizens are on their own.

‘The army and security are some sort of the new form of imposed legal order under the leadership of father and son,’ she says.

She adds: ‘Our extent of degeneration in terms of rule of law and constitutionalism, leading to kidnaps, torture, etc., can only be resolved by the people under Article 3 of the Constitution [which deals with defence of the Constitution]. Parliament, whose duty is to protect the Constitution, is dead.’

However, Mr Obed Katureebe, the acting executive director of Uganda Media Centre, dismisses Ms Bireete’s view.

‘Bobi Wine is protected by the Uganda Police Force, and we know that he is not under any harm or danger. You saw the police statements saying his people around him had caused havoc on them and attacked other presidential candidates’ camps, like for [FDC presidential candidate] Nandala Mafabi. Who are these people? This is a militia. We shall not allow him (Bobi Wine) to run militias as the government looks on. We shall, as the government through the police, arrest any person who is causing insecurity because we are here to protect the entire Uganda.’

Mayo mounts major charge

Uganda’s trailblazing professional Ronald ‘Mayo’ Rugumayo is not just hanging around anymore – he is moving without flinching.Last week in Johannesburg at Killarney, Rugumayo produced his best finish of the season on the Sunshine Tour’s feeder circuit – tied second – and instantly triggered one of the biggest Official World Golf Rankings (OWGR) jumps of his year: a surge of 337 places in one swing.From 2,545 at the start of October 2025, the 32-year-old is now 2,208 and suddenly trending back toward his best-ever global position of 1,685 – last achieved after the Magical Kenya Open in 2024.Garnering pointsAnd OWGR’s own system shows it clearly. Rugumayo has played 31 events in his current two-year window, with the ranking formula forcing a minimum divisor of 40 on every professional – meaning every small point counts, every decimal counts, every cut counts. His current total of 0.46877 world points averaged out over that divisor gives him a small but stubborn 0.0117 points per event.Then came Killarney.That single T2 result on Big Easy Tour 8 earned him 0.20992 world points – almost half of his entire world point total for the two-year period – and that is what shot him up 337 spots.’The mindset is simple,’ Rugumayo said after an opening +2 after 15 holes – play was suspended due bad weather – at the Hyundai Open at Ebotse Links on Thursday. ‘Clean up execution and have trust in the process. I’m ready to grind and climb that board. See you on the first tee.’Right directionThat is the energy the MTN Uganda and Johnnie Walker sponsored golfer carried into this weekend in Johannesburg despite having been forced to withdraw from Big Easy Tour 9 in Pretoria on Tuesday due to food poisoning after a battling +1 opening round of 73.

His manager Peter Mujuni agrees the trend is positive.’Mayo is trending in the right direction. The last six weeks show clear growth. If he makes the next two cuts, he will jump even more. That’s the plan that we are working on.’But does this all matter? For a country still waiting for a professional to break through consistently on the world stage, Rugumayo is writing a new line of Ugandan golf history – one decimal point at a time.Mayo is not just swinging wildly – he is climbing steadily.Momentum Surge.Rugumayo’s T2 at Big Easy Tour 8 was not a fluke – it was his lowest three-round aggregate on South African soil this year. November is now his pressure month – Hyundai Open, Stella Artois Players Championship (Nov 13-16, Randpark), and the Vodacom Origins Final (Nov 20-23, Pezula). TIMELINE – MAYO’S RECENT ELEVATIONAug 2025: Around 2,900 OWGROct 2025: 2545 OWGRNow: 2208 OWGRNov 1: Finishes T2 @ Killarney (Big Easy 8)Nov 3: Withdraws from Big Easy 9 (food poisoning)Nov 6: Tees off Hyundai Open @ Ebotse LinksNov 9: Targets cut – to unlock next ranking jumpAT A GLANCEFull Name: Ronald RugumayoNickname: MayoBorn: December 28, 1992Age: 32Nationality: UgandanBase: JohannesburgSponsors: MTN Uganda, Johnnie WalkerBest Sunshine Tour Finish: T2 Big Easy Tour 8 (2025)Stroke Average: 74.94Birdies Per Round: 3.63Most Consecutive Cuts: 2Lowest Round: 69337 ? places jumped this week on OWGR0.20992 ? OWGR points earned in Killarney alone2,208 ? current world ranking1,685 ? best-ever OWGR high after Magical Kenya Open 202431 ? counting events in his two-year window40 ? divisor used on his OWGR average

Your personal data is the new currency: Protect it

As Uganda undergoes a rapid digital transformation, personal data has become the new currency of modern life, shaping how people access services, communicate, and do business.

Yet, this shift has also exposed citizens to rising privacy risks and data misuse.

To understand how Uganda is safeguarding digital privacy in this evolving landscape, Baker Birikujja, the National Personal Data Protection director, takes us through the progress so far made in enforcing the Data Protection and Privacy Act, the challenges faced, and the future of data protection in Uganda.

What is the mandate of the Personal Data Protection Office?

We are the national regulator for data protection and privacy. We operate independently under the National Information Technology Authority-Uganda (NITA-U) and enforce the Data Protection and Privacy Act and attendant regulations.

Our mandate is to safeguard the right to privacy by monitoring compliance, investigating breaches, reporting on the state of data protection, and maintaining the national register of data collectors, processors, and controllers.

We also handle complaints from individuals whose privacy may have been violated.

How much progress has been made in implementing the law?

The journey has been both challenging and rewarding. Since our establishment, we have made significant strides.

A landmark moment came in July 2025, when Uganda achieved its first conviction under the Data Protection and Privacy Act, proving the law is being actively enforced.

Over the past four years, we have had several milestones on which we have built a stronger culture of stronger accountability in relation to personal data protection.

What key challenges have you faced, and how have you managed them?

Being a young institution, we have faced resource constraints, particularly limited staffing and funding.

Despite that, we have prioritised capacity building, streamlined operations, and adopted digital tools to improve efficiency in areas like registration and complaint handling.

We also work closely with other regulators, civil society, and private sector partners.

These collaborations help us extend our reach and build a stronger national system for data protection.

How are you ensuring compliance in high-data sectors such as telecoms, finance, and healthcare?

We have developed practical tools to guide organisations in complying with the law.

We also hold regional compliance clinics, where our officers work directly with businesses to assess their practices and offer legal guidance. In addition, we conduct audits and inspections of large data handlers.

Our Annual Compliance Report compiles findings from these exercises, helping institutions identify gaps and improve.

Data breaches are on the rise globally. What is the situation in Uganda?

Uganda has experienced several data breaches in the past year, mostly involving phishing attacks, employee errors, or weak internal controls rather than advanced cyberattacks. Some cases involved exposure of customer or financial data, but most were quickly contained.

These incidents underscore the need for robust data governance, strong authentication systems, and continuous staff training.

Awareness is key to compliance. How are you educating the public and organizations?

We run public education campaigns through radio, television, and social media, simplifying legal concepts for ordinary citizens.

We also organize community outreaches and monthly training sessions for data protection officers. Currently, we are running the ‘Beera Ku Guard’ campaign with NITA-U, encouraging Ugandans to stay alert about their privacy online and offline.

With the rise of AI and emerging technologies, how are you preparing to regulate new data risks?

We are developing Guidelines for Data Protection Impact Assessments to ensure responsible data use, especially in activities involving AI and emerging technologies.

We are also working with innovators, government agencies, and private companies to embed privacy-by-design into digital systems. Internationally, we participate in forums like the Africa-Asia AI Policymaker Network and the Global Privacy Assembly to align Uganda with global standards.

How does Uganda’s data protection law compare with regional and global frameworks?

We are aligned with international standards that emphasize lawfulness, transparency, and accountability for data controllers and processors.

We are now working with our East African counterparts to harmonize data protection frameworks, particularly on cross-border data transfers, to facilitate digital trade and ensure consistent protection for citizens’ data across the region.

What message do you have for Ugandans about data privacy?

Your personal data is your identity; protect it. Every digital action leaves a footprint that defines who you are. Safeguarding that data protects your dignity, security, and choices.

As individuals, we must stay informed and cautious about where and how we share our information.

Organisations, on the other hand, must handle personal data responsibly and transparently. Remember, innovation thrives best where privacy is respected.

Govt to meet labour unions over salary disparities, strike issues

The Ministry of Public Service has invited labor union leaders to a meeting to discuss issues raised during recent strikes, including salary disparities and promotion structures.

The meeting, scheduled for November 11, 2025, will involve representatives from the Uganda National Teachers’ Union (UNATU), Uganda Local Government Workers Union, and Uganda Technical and Vocational Trainers Union.

This development comes after a series of industrial actions by the unions, protesting government failure to address their grievances.

UNATU had gone on strike on September 15, 2025, and suspended it on October 17, 2025, after 32 days.

The Uganda Technical and Vocational Trainers Union also began a strike on September 15, 2025, citing lack of action from the Ministry of Public Service despite promises and negotiations that began in November 2024.

The Uganda Local Government Workers Union joined the strike on October 1, 2025, and called it off for three months to allow dialogue.

The unions’ key demands include salary reclassification, recognizing technical fields as “science” fields for better pay, and resolving issues like unpaid salaries for some staff and misclassification of certain roles.

The strikes were also aimed at addressing the pay gap between science and arts teachers, among other concerns.

Mr Hassan Lwabayi Mudiba, Secretary General of the Uganda Local Government Workers Union, confirmed receiving the invitation and expressed readiness to attend the meeting.

“Yesterday Friday, I got a letter from the Permanent Secretary Ministry of Public Service Madam Catherine Bitarakwate inviting us for an inter-ministerial meeting on Tuesday 11th November 2025,” he said. “This follows the Union petition to the right Hon Speaker and the subsequent stay of the industrial action, so we are ready, we are going for that meeting to see what comes out of it,” he added.

The government had previously declared the strikes illegal and issued ultimatums for workers to return to duty or face dismissal.

Minister of Public Service, Wilson Muruli Mukasa, stated that the strikes were illegal because the proper dispute settlement procedures and legal requirements had not been met. However, unions maintained that their actions were legal and necessary until concrete steps are taken to address pay parity.

The meeting aims to address the unions’ concerns and find a resolution to the ongoing issues. The outcome of the meeting is eagerly awaited by the unions and their members, who hope for a positive response to their demands.

Kawempe Warriors gun down Sharks, move top

Latifah Nakasi scored twice in the first half as Kawempe Muslim beat She Corporate 2-0 to move top of the Finance Trust Bank Fufa Women Super League (FTBFWSL) on Sunday.

She Corporate, before the match, were the FWSL’s best defence but have also always had leftback Cissy Nakate venturing forward.

Kawempe read that and worked to stretch them with wingers Asia Nakibuuka and Jovia Nakagolo.

In the second minute, Nakagolo ran into the space vacated by Nakate, crossed the ball to Nakibuuka, who headed it into Nakasi’s path for the opener.

Twenty minutes later, Nakagolo made a similar run and found the official player of the match Nakasi to score from point blank range.

“The most important thing was to win against a team that is close to us on the table, but even after the goals, our opponents stayed in the game,” Kawempe coach Ayub Khalifa said.

“That required us to defend better from around the 65th or 70th minute and we did. The nature of the pitch is also different from where we train from, so we had to endure the fatigue that comes with it,” Khalifa said as they moved to 16 points – three ahead of She Corporate.

Elsewhere

Kampala Queens (KQ) sit between the sides on 14 points after Catherine Nagadya’s lone goal gave them a 1-0 win over St. Noa Girls Zana at Muteesa II Stadium, Wankulukuku on Saturday.

St. Noa, with six points, moved lower to 7th after Amus College, She Maroons, and Rines SS registered wins.

Amus relied on two late goals from Dorine Aujat and Shayline Opisa to beat Lady Doves 2-0 and move to 4th with nine points on Sunday. Doves dropped down to 11th on three points alongside Olila High School.

Olila drew 2-2 away at Asubo on Sunday. Mercy Nimusima and Faiza Bint Ibrahim scored in the first half scored in the first half for the openers then Mary Lotyang scored in the 63rd and 85th minute for Olila to go away with a point.

She Maroons beat Makerere University 2-1 at Luzira Prison Grounds on Sunday to move to 6th with eight points. Immaculate Kizza scored for the hosts in the 13th minute then Lillian Kasuubo doubled the lead in the 75th minute. Three minutes later, Halimah Kampi pulled one back for the visitors but it was not enough to inspire a comeback.

In Lubaga, Uganda Martyrs were beaten 1-0 by Rines. Jasmine Nalukwago got the goal in the 27th minute.

FTBFWSL

Results

St. Noa 0-1 Kampala Queens

Uganda Martyrs 0-1 Rines SS

She Corporate 0-2 Kawempe Muslim

She Maroons 2-1 Makerere University

Amus College 2-0 Lady Doves

Asubo 2-2 Olila High School

FTBFWSL TABLE

Kawempe Muslim 6 5 1 0 11 3 16

Kampala Queens 6 4 2 0 16 6 14

She Corporate 6 4 1 1 10 4 13

Amus College 6 2 3 1 8 6 9

She Maroons 6 2 2 2 8 6 8

Rines SS 6 1 4 1 5 7 7

St. Noa Girls 6 1 3 2 8 9 6

Uganda Martyrs 6 1 2 3 6 10 5

Makerere University 6 1 2 3 6 8 5

Asubo 6 0 4 2 4 11 4

Lady Doves 6 0 3 3 5 9 3

Olila HS 6 0 3 3 3 11 3

Tanzania’s parliament to convene without official opposition

Tanzania’s 13th Parliament is set to officially convene – but once again, without an official opposition camp, continuing a trend that has now spanned two consecutive parliaments.

According to the list released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), a total of 115 Members of Parliament have been appointed under the Special Seats arrangement.

Of these, 113 belong to the ruling CCM, while two represent the Chaumma party, signaling the party’s growing presence on the national stage.

The 12th Parliament, which was dissolved on August 2, 2025, also operated without a formal opposition camp. It included only 26 opposition legislators – seven constituency MPs and 19 Special Seats MPs – who were later said to have entered Parliament contrary to their party’s internal rules.

This time, the absence of an official opposition is due to the small number of opposition MPs, currently standing at 12 in total – 10 directly elected and two through Special Seats – out of 396 MPs. Two constituencies are yet to hold elections.

In total, Parliament comprises 270 constituency MPs, 115 Special Seats MPs, and the Attorney General, who serves as an ex-officio member.

Threshold not met

Under Part Five, Section 21 of the 2023 Standing Orders of Parliament, an official opposition camp may only be formed if the minority side constitutes at least 12.5 percent of all MPs.

‘Members of Parliament belonging to parties with minority representation may form an official opposition camp if their number is not less than twelve and a half percent of all members of Parliament,’ the Standing Orders state.

With the current parliamentary composition, a minimum of 49 opposition MPs would be required to meet this threshold – a target far from the current tally.

Chaumma’s Rise

While the numbers fall short of forming an official opposition, Chaumma’s inclusion marks a notable development. The party’s appointees – Devotha Minja and Sigrada Mligo – are among the 115 Special Seats MPs announced by INEC on November 7, 2025.

Their selection underscores Chaumma’s gradual emergence as an alternative political force following its strong performance in the October 29 general election, in which its presidential candidate Salum Mwalimu and running mate Devotha Minja finished second overall.

Ms. Minja is no stranger to Parliament, having previously served as a Special Seats MP (2015-2020) under Chadema before joining Chaumma.

Ms. Mligo, who contested the Njombe Urban seat in the recent polls, is making her parliamentary debut. A former Publicity Secretary of Chadema’s women’s wing (Bawacha), she shifted allegiance to Chaumma ahead of the elections.

CCM Dominance Continues

CCM remains the dominant force in the 13th Parliament, both numerically and institutionally. Among its appointees is Mary Chatanda, the Chairperson of the CCM Women’s Wing (UWT), reinforcing the ruling party’s extensive representation in the legislature.

With the current numbers, analysts say the absence of a formal opposition camp may limit structured parliamentary debate – but also places greater responsibility on independent voices and committee systems to ensure accountability and scrutiny.

You are better off building a marketplace than banks, says FSD Uganda’s Joseph Lutwama

Over lunch, Daily Moonitor’s Deogratius Wamala hears Joseph Lutwama, the director of research and insights at FSD Uganda, outline his vision for Africa’s Fintechs, questioning the microfinance mindset on the continent while pointing out that the real challenge of financial inclusion is dysfunctional markets.

For many years, people trying to make Africa more financially inclusive have believed in the power of ‘micro’-microloans, microinsurance, and microsavings. These small financial products are meant to help people with little money gain access to the financial system. The idea sounds good, and in the beginning, everyone-from aid agencies to fintech start-ups-got excited. But over time, a problem becomes clear. The idea of ‘micro’ is turning into a trap, a cycle that keeps people small instead of helping them grow.

‘Designing the perfect product for the poor,’ says Joseph Lutwama, the director of research and insights at FSD Uganda, ‘does not make poverty disappear, it simply creates a sustainable mechanism for managing it.’ What he means is that financial products for poor people often help them survive, but not thrive. A small loan might keep a market stall running, but it rarely helps it become a supermarket. These products help people get by, not get ahead.

‘If I design an investment product that allows you to invest Shs500,’ he illustrates, ‘it’s not about having the Shs500, it’s about whether there’s value in that transaction at all.’

And the numbers back him up. In Uganda, where the average income is still below $3 (Shs10,400) a day, the average microloan size is less than Shs400,000 (around $115).

Most borrowers use the money for short-term needs – school fees, food, or medical bills – not to build long-term businesses.

The return, both for the customer and the lender, stays painfully small. Across the continent, microfinance institutions face the same struggle. According to the World Bank, only about one in five microfinance institutions in sub-Saharan Africa can cover their costs without donor support.

Once that support ends, many simply close. In Kenya, where mobile money has transformed payments, studies show that most digital loans go toward consumption rather than investment. The effect is to smooth poverty, not solve it.

Lutwama sees this pattern repeating everywhere. ‘Even the institutions that design for the last mile,’ he says, ‘find it difficult to earn anything substantial in yield.’

The truth is, the model is running out of steam. What started as a bold experiment to lift millions out of poverty has, in many places, become a delicate balancing act of grants, subsidies, and good intentions.

Lutwama’s point is not that helping poor people is wrong, it’s that the approach itself must change. Instead of asking how to design smaller and smaller products for the poor, he says we should be asking a bigger question: why are so many people stuck in small markets to begin with?

Poverty, as Lutwama has come to understand, is not just about having little money, it is about being part of an economy that does not work. When markets are weak, fragmented, or disconnected, even the smartest microfinance product cannot make them strong. And so, the focus begins to shift. The real question is no longer how we build better microloans but how we build better markets, places where people can trade, grow, and create value that lasts.

The platform strategy

This is where Lutwama introduces what he calls ‘the platform strategy.’

It marks a turning point, a move away from designing standalone financial products toward building entire ecosystems where money and value can circulate freely. At the heart of this idea is a simple truth: money thrives only where life and trade are happening. Financial systems cannot grow in isolation, they grow in markets that are active, connected, and alive.

Money, after all, is not wealth in itself, it is a medium of exchange. It moves only when people are buying, selling, and investing.

In communities where people merely survive rather than trade, money stands still, and financial institutions can offer little to those whose economies do not move. Lutwama’s message is clear: to make finance sustainable, Africa must first make its markets work.

‘The real challenge of financial inclusion,’ Lutwama says, ‘is not financial illiteracy, it’s dysfunctional markets.’ And in Uganda, as in much of sub-Saharan Africa, those dysfunctional markets are everywhere.

Millions of people still work in what economists call subsistence economies, where families produce just enough to live on and very little to sell.

When there’s no real market, there’s no steady flow of trade, no reliable prices, and no clear link between producers and buyers. In rural trading centres, for example, a farmer might harvest beans or maize but struggle to find a buyer at the right time or the right price. In cities, small shop owners may have customers but lack suppliers they can depend on. Transactions happen, but they are slow, uncertain, and often invisible to the larger economy. These are not true markets, they are isolated islands of effort, disconnected from the wider flow of value.

To Lutwama, the answer does not lie in another mobile app, another savings group, or another micro-insurance product. Those may help for a while, but they do not fix the deeper problem, disconnection. What is needed, he says, is connectivity, real, systemic connectivity that links people, information, and value across the chain.

‘If we can solve the challenge of dysfunctional markets in Africa,’ he explains, ‘we go a long way in addressing the sustainability challenge in financial inclusion.’

That means building platforms – not just digital ones, but social and economic ones too – where farmers, traders, lenders, and buyers can meet, trade, and trust each other. It’s about turning scattered bits of activity into functioning markets, where value can move freely. And when markets begin to work, money follows naturally.

Fintech’s true calling?

In Lutwama’s view, fintechs – the fast-moving technology start-ups building financial apps and platforms – are at a crossroads. Many are racing to become the next digital bank, offering loans, wallets, and payments. But he believes their real power lies elsewhere.

‘Your best case is not becoming another financial institution,’ he says. ‘Your best case is building viable and vibrant digital marketplaces.’

This, he explains, is what will make the biggest difference. Fintechs can use their technology not just to lend, but to link – connecting people who have goods, services, or skills with those who need them. Instead of competing with banks, they can help fix the broken links in local economies. When technology makes it easier for a farmer to find a buyer, a shopkeeper to restock goods, or a small business to accept digital payments, money starts to move.

That movement creates trust, growth, and opportunity – the real building blocks of financial inclusion. Without transparency, there is no trust. Without trust, there are no transactions. And without transactions, there is no movement of money, no growth of business, and no chance of real financial inclusion. This is where fintechs – those technology-driven companies – can play a powerful role.

By connecting smallholder farmers to buyers, linking insurers to accurate weather and risk data, or giving small business owners access to real-time prices and delivery options, fintechs can change entire market systems. For example, digital platforms like Hello Tractor in Nigeria let farmers rent tractors on demand, while apps like M-Farm in Kenya help farmers see market prices instantly so they don’t get cheated by middlemen.

These may look like small innovations, but they build trust and open up trade – and once trade starts moving, money follows. As Lutwama puts it, ‘Money flows where economic activity is vibrant. Financial services concentrate where there is life.’ In other words, finance is not the starting point, it’s the result.

When people connect, exchange, and trust each other, financial services naturally grow around that energy. And that, he argues, is what true inclusion looks like, not charity, but participation.

From subsidies to sustainability

For decades, efforts to expand financial inclusion across Africa have relied on donor funding and government subsidies.

These funds have kept many programs alive in places where serving poor customers doesn’t make financial sense for most banks or insurers. The support has been well-intentioned – and often essential. But Lutwama believes this model has a weak point. ‘The moment the subsidy ends,’ he says, ‘so does the product.’

It’s a hard truth. Many financial products that thrive under donor funding collapse once the money runs out. Without continuous support, the numbers simply don’t add up – the costs of reaching remote customers remain high, while the returns stay small. Across the continent, this story repeats itself. Projects that start with great energy often fade away once external funding stops. The challenge, Lutwama says, is not the lack of good ideas, it’s the lack of sustainability.

Lutwama gives the example of the African Insurance Consortium, where studies show that most smallholder farmers cannot afford insurance premiums on their own. Without subsidies, very few buy coverage. The result is predictable: when droughts or floods hit, farmers lose everything, and insurers retreat from those markets. The system resets to zero.

But Lutwama is quick to say these programmes are not failures, they are incomplete. They help people in the short term but do not build long-term strength. True sustainability, he argues, requires more than generosity; it requires functioning markets where people can earn, trade, and save from their own income, not from someone else’s grant. His challenge is not to give up on inclusion, but to reimagine it.

‘Financial inclusion should not remain a social project driven by donors; it should become an economic reality driven by value and activity. If fintechs and innovators can spark trade where it has gone quiet – if they can help people move from subsistence to real exchange – then finance will follow naturally, just as water flows downhill,’ he notes.

Because when people start trading, the money always finds its way.

Be ready to serve with humility, Bishop Lubaale tells political candidates

The newly elected Bishop of Busoga Diocese, Rev. Canon Grace Lubaale, has challenged those vying for leadership positions to be ready to serve people with humility.

Bishop Lubaale, who was the guest preacher during the Sunday Services at St Francis Chapel Makerere University, Kampala, acknowledged that leadership comes from the Lord but cautioned those entrusted with leadership positions against serving personal interests at the expense of the people they have been assigned to lead.

“All what we are, is by the grace of the Lord. We are in the political season and you could find that 20 candidates are competing for one constituency but only one wins. Those who win should serve humanity with humility and respond to God’s issues internally by accepting the Lord, and physically by demonstrating that what you are, represents God’s wish. Pray, remain faithful and promote justice,” Bishop Lubaale, who was accompanied by his wife and children, said during a service held under the theme: “Imitating God’s Goodness.”

His remarks come at a time when thousands of Ugandans are tussling it out with their competitors for elective positions, ahead of the January 2026 general election. Bishop Lubaale said those who have been entrusted with little should expect more when they perform as expected.

Quoting the Bible, he cited the example of King Saul, whose lineage ended because he was not faithful, and David, who was entrusted with the whole kingdom due to the faith he exhibited.

“When David was faithful, with a little help of tethering sheep, he was entrusted with the whole Kingdom. Simply serve humanity with humility. Act, pray, be faithful, do justice and don’t get tired of being good. In the right time, you will reap the harvest. We are not saying that if you do good, people do good, but if you keep the stock of being good, the Lord will pick you and you will germinate from anywhere,” he explained amid applause from the congregation.

He advised those who will not be voted into leadership positions to continue serving the Lord as they keep trying their luck in subsequent elections. “The Bible tells us that Justus lost. He did not become an apostle like Mathias, but he didn’t stop serving God. If you don’t make it, do not get frustrated or lose hope. Remain faithful and you will be called to serve in a different capacity,” he said.

He also blessed all Senior Six candidates who will start writing their examinations on Monday, November 10, 2025. Ordinand Jonath Tumwebaze from Uganda Christian University challenged leaders and Ugandans to sow seeds of peace, love, and perseverance.

“Be instruments of peace and where there is hatred, sow love,” he advised.

Is NUP getting older, NRM younger?

Uganda is young. That’s why the young or youngish are being passed the proverbial tongs. Accordingly, we saw Speaker Anita Among in August defeat First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga to become the Second National Vice Chairperson (Female) of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM).

According to results announced by Dr Tanga Odoi (PhD), the NRM electoral commission chairperson, Ms Among won 11,680 votes, representing 92.8 percent of the total ballots cast. Kadaga received 902 votes, equivalent to 7.2 percent. A total of 12,582 delegates participated in the election. The outcome confirms a generational shift in the NRM. Kadaga is 69, Among 51.

This shift controverts the argument that NRM is a party for anachronistically outmoded politicians. As fresh-faced NRM members replace the greying, as it were, a shift in perception about the NRM’s place in Uganda’s future occurs.

Subliminally, we begin to appreciate the NRM as a party in transition. Age then becomes a number indicating how the Opposition’s days are numbered. But wait, not so fast. The Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) has often been faulted for its youth and inexperience. In response, NUP seems to be taking a few steps forward to where NRM once stood pat.

Their mayoral candidate, a 52-year-old Ronald Nsubuga Balimwezo, typifies this shift. He has become the face of NUP’s politics in Kampala. By this, he’s the personification of NUP’s experience and grey matter. The latter complexioned not by his silvery hair, but by his engineering degree. With this dancing destroyer, NUP is presented as maturing: child-like without being too childish.

This way, the party’s leading lights appear NRM-old and thence old enough to take the reins from the NRM without missing a beat.

As NRM and NUP face different directions in order to compose the same majorities, age and the symbolism surrounding it should not be an end in itself. Competence, commitment and calm under fire must serve as an “A” and “B” conversation, to “C” our way to progress.

Besides, what does the scorecard read on all those politicos being shifted or dropped by their political parties? Ms Kadaga’s contributions to the NRM, for instance, have primarily been through her extensive service in various high-level government and legislative roles under the NRM administration.

In doing so, she was utterly loyal. So loyal that Ms Among edged her to become the Second National Vice Chairperson (Female) of the ruling NRM by pledging even greater loyalty.

NUP has also been weighing up its options; by choosing options whose electability goes hand in glove with their loyalty. You can’t have one without the other. So, one wonders, is age a factor in NUP’s party politics? Or is age merely a reflection of one’s capacity for loyalty?

If you’re old, your politics should be tempered by a willingness to act your shoe size (instead of your age), in order to articulate NUP’s conservative liberal orthodoxy, which is a balance between the pursuit of progress and the preservation of tradition. NUP is the right-wing of the liberal movement, no less.

The dichotomy here, between liberal and conservative, often wrong-foots liberal adherents when the party reveals a conservative intolerance.

In the end, one’s loyalty to a better Uganda should trump one’s loyalty to party and party comrade, Uganda being a party of more than 46 million, while political configurations are party to divvying up our body politic.

It appears that we are back where we started: parties being hemmed in by sectarianism to the extent that our divisions will justify State repression to ensure the centre holds.

Why are the Health ministry, nurses’ body locking horns?

A row has erupted between the Health ministry and Uganda’s nursing and midwives professional body over the former’s decision to waive off medical internship training for nurses and midwives upgrading from Diploma to Bachelor of Science in Nursing (BSN) and Bachelor of Science in Midwifery (BSM) early this year.

On Tuesday, the Association of Graduate Nurses and Midwives of Uganda (AGNMU) labelled the decision a disgrace to the profession. Assoc Prof Edward Komakech, the President of AGNMU, said the decision was taken without proper assessment, research and consultation with other professional bodies.

What’s the background?

In June, the Health ministry rolled out the operationalisation of the medical internship waiver policy. On May 29, 2024, an Inter-ministerial Standing Coordination Committee on Education and Health (IMSCCEH) sat and agreed to phase out internship training for nurses and midwives (Diploma levels) upgrading to bachelor’s level across the country. It was resolved to phase out the internship for the diploma extensor nurses and to review the curriculum of the BSN course to include more hands-on training with a view to phasing out internship training for the same course once the beneficiaries of the reviewed curriculum start graduating.

Proponents of the policy reasoned that whilst the diploma extensor nurses had extensive hands-on training during their course and also through their work, the direct entrants to the BSN trainees had very limited hands-on experience in their curriculum.

On June 20, the Health ministry’s Permanent Secretary, in a letter, directed the registrar of Uganda Nursing and Midwives Council (UNMC) to submit the prospective medical intern nurses/midwives disaggregated by their status of admission as direct entrants or extensors. The directive, Dr Diana Atwine said, followed the Human Capital Development Programme Inter-ministerial Committee on Education and Health resolution of July 2024 to waive medical internship for nurses and midwives who upgrade from Diploma to BSN and BSM.

What objections have been raised?

Prof Komakech says the extensors undergo varied durations of BSN or BSM training programmes. For example, in some universities, the extension training is a two-week-day of classes for 2.5 years, whereas for others, it is weekend training for three years. In other universities it is established to last three years, with full-time lectures plus supervised clinical rotations at the university teaching hospital. Elsewhere, they are trained alongside the direct entrants for four years full-time with both lectures and supervised clinical rotations at the university teaching hospital.

Prof Komakech says the post-BSN/BSM internship training provides these interns with non-uniform backgrounds with a standardised or uniform supervised hands-on clinical training at accredited internship training centres. The extension curricula design recognises the prior learnings and skills of the extensor BSN/ BSM by exempting them from some of the basic course units and reducing the duration of their extension training programmes from four years to two and a half or three years.

‘Many universities that offer the extension training programmes for nurses and midwives have already recognised the prior learnings and skills of the extensors by exempting them from some of the basic course units that the direct entrants study such as anatomy, physiology, first aid, fundamentals of nursing, basic clinical nursing procedures and skills, among others,’ he said. According to AGNMU, some of the old nursing and midwifery care models, approaches and systems of the extensors from their diploma level training are obsolete.

During the BSN/BSM internship, the extensors are taught new nursing and midwifery care models, approaches and systems such as interpreting clinical assessment findings, taking appropriate first-line interventions such as triage, resuscitation, etc., rather than the obvious nursing procedures.

‘Waiving medical internship training for the extensor BSN/BSM is a threat to patient safety and public health since patients will not receive competent and safe nursing and midwifery care from the extensors BSN/BSM without the medical internship training, particularly the ones with diploma backgrounds in psychiatric nursing, public health nursing, palliative care, medical education, leadership or management,’ Prof Komakech noted.

So has a petition been filed?

Yes. The association, in a July 29 letter addressed to the chairperson of the IMSCCEH and the registrar of the UNMC, objected and appealed the decision, reasoning that sporadic meetings that birthed the resolution were conducted subjectively. ‘An internship training exemption policy like this requires a formal assessment and evaluation of whether the clinical knowledge and skills of the extensors are non-inferior or equivalent to the post-BSN/BSM internship training clinical knowledge and skills, which was not done,’ it stated.

The petition also pointed to a lack of representation of the professional associations of graduate nurses and midwives, former lecturers of extensors at universities that run Diploma to BSN/BSM extension programmes, among others, at the committee meeting that voted for the waiver. For 17 years now, they have argued that all BSN or BSM graduates are required by UNMC to undergo mandatory one-year internship training before they can acquire a permanent registration status and a licensure to practice as graduate nurses or midwives.

The petitioners also argued that since some extensors joined diploma in nursing and midwifery training after A-Level, while others upgraded from certificate level, both categories of upgraders were not uniformly grounded in Biology, Chemistry and the other relevant subjects for nursing and midwifery training. It is at the BSN/BSM training that they get exposed to the new concepts in Biochemistry, pathophysiology, and many more that they need to appreciate, apply and get proficient in through the post-BSN/BSM internship training, not to risk the lives of patients under their care, it stated.

It added: ‘Today, extensors join the BSN/ BSM training with non-uniform fields of diploma. While others extend from the diploma in psychiatric nursing, some extend from diploma in Medical Education, general nursing, midwifery, public health nursing and palliative care, among others.’ Such non-uniform pre-BSN/BSM diplomas, according to experts, imply that some of the upgraders get exposed to new concepts and clinical skills during their BSN/BSM training that they need to appreciate, apply and get proficient in through the post-BSN/BSM internship training.

Whereas it is argued that there is no standard national university entry clinical examination for the extensors to exempt them from the post-BSN/BSM internship training, with others joining universities through examinations and others submitting CVs, the extensors are said to possess varied pre-BSN/BSM clinical experiences.

‘Just imagine the health risks posed to the patients from internship exemption for the extensors who extended from the diploma in psychiatric nursing and mental health, public health or medical education and got exposed to the new concepts, and clinical skills of surgical nursing, medical nursing,’ Mr Christus Atukwase, the AGNMU general secretary, said.

He added: ‘There is a rush implementation of the medical internship training waiver policy for the extensor graduate nurses and midwives without giving the universities sufficient time to phase out already admitted students, re-organise and retool their extension training programmes for a training that will not need post-graduation medical internship training.’

A waiver policy like that should have been given at least five years for the universities that run extension training programmes to phase out the students already admitted into the training programmes and readjust their curricula, tools and other resources required to train and graduate a new batch of nurses and midwives,’ he noted.

Per Mr Atukwase, it’s during the BSN/BSM training that they get exposed to new concepts and clinical knowledge that they need to appreciate, apply and get proficient in during the internship training, not to risk the lives of patients under their care. These recognitions of the prior learnings and skills of the extensors allowed the universities to pack the extension training programmes with medical science details and highly specialised course units that were not in the scope of the diploma-level training and practice.

What does the future look like?

Assoc Prof Peter Waiswa, a Health Policy and Health Systems expert (Makerere University College of Health Sciences), said a waiver of medical internship spells doom for the future of health service delivery quality. The internship in question, he said, ‘is meant to be different and it is not the experience they’ve been having.’ Since internship allows them to ‘appreciate the new field they are joining,’ removing it would be,’ reasoned Prof Waiswa, ‘a missed opportunity.’ Why? Because ‘they will have to be forced to depend more on small training and practice during the training.’

As such, Prof Waiswa advises the government (Health ministry) to deliberately invest in the health sector. In October, the association sued the Health Ministry (Attorney General) in a civil suit filed before the High Court Kampala seeking a judicial review and injunction to halt the Health Ministry’s directive that waived off the mandatory one-year internship for nurses and midwives upgrading from a diploma to a degree. It argued that the decision is deemed procedurally flawed, irrational, and a significant threat to public health and professional integrity.

According to the petitioners, the internship waiver decision was made without consulting key nursing and midwifery professional bodies and also ignoring the appeal against the waiver from the statutory regulator, UNMC. The association asked the court to issue a temporary injunction halting the directive, nullify the waiver permanently, order comprehensive stakeholder consultations.