Category: Daily Monitor

The newly elected Bishop of Busoga Diocese, Rev. Canon Grace Lubaale, has challenged those vying for leadership positions to be ready to serve people with humility.

Bishop Lubaale, who was the guest preacher during the Sunday Services at St Francis Chapel Makerere University, Kampala, acknowledged that leadership comes from the Lord but cautioned those entrusted with leadership positions against serving personal interests at the expense of the people they have been assigned to lead.

“All what we are, is by the grace of the Lord. We are in the political season and you could find that 20 candidates are competing for one constituency but only one wins. Those who win should serve humanity with humility and respond to God’s issues internally by accepting the Lord, and physically by demonstrating that what you are, represents God’s wish. Pray, remain faithful and promote justice,” Bishop Lubaale, who was accompanied by his wife and children, said during a service held under the theme: “Imitating God’s Goodness.”

His remarks come at a time when thousands of Ugandans are tussling it out with their competitors for elective positions, ahead of the January 2026 general election. Bishop Lubaale said those who have been entrusted with little should expect more when they perform as expected.

Quoting the Bible, he cited the example of King Saul, whose lineage ended because he was not faithful, and David, who was entrusted with the whole kingdom due to the faith he exhibited.

“When David was faithful, with a little help of tethering sheep, he was entrusted with the whole Kingdom. Simply serve humanity with humility. Act, pray, be faithful, do justice and don’t get tired of being good. In the right time, you will reap the harvest. We are not saying that if you do good, people do good, but if you keep the stock of being good, the Lord will pick you and you will germinate from anywhere,” he explained amid applause from the congregation.

He advised those who will not be voted into leadership positions to continue serving the Lord as they keep trying their luck in subsequent elections. “The Bible tells us that Justus lost. He did not become an apostle like Mathias, but he didn’t stop serving God. If you don’t make it, do not get frustrated or lose hope. Remain faithful and you will be called to serve in a different capacity,” he said.

He also blessed all Senior Six candidates who will start writing their examinations on Monday, November 10, 2025. Ordinand Jonath Tumwebaze from Uganda Christian University challenged leaders and Ugandans to sow seeds of peace, love, and perseverance.

“Be instruments of peace and where there is hatred, sow love,” he advised.

Uganda is young. That’s why the young or youngish are being passed the proverbial tongs. Accordingly, we saw Speaker Anita Among in August defeat First Deputy Prime Minister Rebecca Kadaga to become the Second National Vice Chairperson (Female) of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM).

According to results announced by Dr Tanga Odoi (PhD), the NRM electoral commission chairperson, Ms Among won 11,680 votes, representing 92.8 percent of the total ballots cast. Kadaga received 902 votes, equivalent to 7.2 percent. A total of 12,582 delegates participated in the election. The outcome confirms a generational shift in the NRM. Kadaga is 69, Among 51.

This shift controverts the argument that NRM is a party for anachronistically outmoded politicians. As fresh-faced NRM members replace the greying, as it were, a shift in perception about the NRM’s place in Uganda’s future occurs.

Subliminally, we begin to appreciate the NRM as a party in transition. Age then becomes a number indicating how the Opposition’s days are numbered. But wait, not so fast. The Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) has often been faulted for its youth and inexperience. In response, NUP seems to be taking a few steps forward to where NRM once stood pat.

Their mayoral candidate, a 52-year-old Ronald Nsubuga Balimwezo, typifies this shift. He has become the face of NUP’s politics in Kampala. By this, he’s the personification of NUP’s experience and grey matter. The latter complexioned not by his silvery hair, but by his engineering degree. With this dancing destroyer, NUP is presented as maturing: child-like without being too childish.

This way, the party’s leading lights appear NRM-old and thence old enough to take the reins from the NRM without missing a beat.

As NRM and NUP face different directions in order to compose the same majorities, age and the symbolism surrounding it should not be an end in itself. Competence, commitment and calm under fire must serve as an “A” and “B” conversation, to “C” our way to progress.

Besides, what does the scorecard read on all those politicos being shifted or dropped by their political parties? Ms Kadaga’s contributions to the NRM, for instance, have primarily been through her extensive service in various high-level government and legislative roles under the NRM administration.

In doing so, she was utterly loyal. So loyal that Ms Among edged her to become the Second National Vice Chairperson (Female) of the ruling NRM by pledging even greater loyalty.

NUP has also been weighing up its options; by choosing options whose electability goes hand in glove with their loyalty. You can’t have one without the other. So, one wonders, is age a factor in NUP’s party politics? Or is age merely a reflection of one’s capacity for loyalty?

If you’re old, your politics should be tempered by a willingness to act your shoe size (instead of your age), in order to articulate NUP’s conservative liberal orthodoxy, which is a balance between the pursuit of progress and the preservation of tradition. NUP is the right-wing of the liberal movement, no less.

The dichotomy here, between liberal and conservative, often wrong-foots liberal adherents when the party reveals a conservative intolerance.

In the end, one’s loyalty to a better Uganda should trump one’s loyalty to party and party comrade, Uganda being a party of more than 46 million, while political configurations are party to divvying up our body politic.

It appears that we are back where we started: parties being hemmed in by sectarianism to the extent that our divisions will justify State repression to ensure the centre holds.

A row has erupted between the Health ministry and Uganda’s nursing and midwives professional body over the former’s decision to waive off medical internship training for nurses and midwives upgrading from Diploma to Bachelor of Science in Nursing (BSN) and Bachelor of Science in Midwifery (BSM) early this year.

On Tuesday, the Association of Graduate Nurses and Midwives of Uganda (AGNMU) labelled the decision a disgrace to the profession. Assoc Prof Edward Komakech, the President of AGNMU, said the decision was taken without proper assessment, research and consultation with other professional bodies.

What’s the background?

In June, the Health ministry rolled out the operationalisation of the medical internship waiver policy. On May 29, 2024, an Inter-ministerial Standing Coordination Committee on Education and Health (IMSCCEH) sat and agreed to phase out internship training for nurses and midwives (Diploma levels) upgrading to bachelor’s level across the country. It was resolved to phase out the internship for the diploma extensor nurses and to review the curriculum of the BSN course to include more hands-on training with a view to phasing out internship training for the same course once the beneficiaries of the reviewed curriculum start graduating.

Proponents of the policy reasoned that whilst the diploma extensor nurses had extensive hands-on training during their course and also through their work, the direct entrants to the BSN trainees had very limited hands-on experience in their curriculum.

On June 20, the Health ministry’s Permanent Secretary, in a letter, directed the registrar of Uganda Nursing and Midwives Council (UNMC) to submit the prospective medical intern nurses/midwives disaggregated by their status of admission as direct entrants or extensors. The directive, Dr Diana Atwine said, followed the Human Capital Development Programme Inter-ministerial Committee on Education and Health resolution of July 2024 to waive medical internship for nurses and midwives who upgrade from Diploma to BSN and BSM.

What objections have been raised?

Prof Komakech says the extensors undergo varied durations of BSN or BSM training programmes. For example, in some universities, the extension training is a two-week-day of classes for 2.5 years, whereas for others, it is weekend training for three years. In other universities it is established to last three years, with full-time lectures plus supervised clinical rotations at the university teaching hospital. Elsewhere, they are trained alongside the direct entrants for four years full-time with both lectures and supervised clinical rotations at the university teaching hospital.

Prof Komakech says the post-BSN/BSM internship training provides these interns with non-uniform backgrounds with a standardised or uniform supervised hands-on clinical training at accredited internship training centres. The extension curricula design recognises the prior learnings and skills of the extensor BSN/ BSM by exempting them from some of the basic course units and reducing the duration of their extension training programmes from four years to two and a half or three years.

‘Many universities that offer the extension training programmes for nurses and midwives have already recognised the prior learnings and skills of the extensors by exempting them from some of the basic course units that the direct entrants study such as anatomy, physiology, first aid, fundamentals of nursing, basic clinical nursing procedures and skills, among others,’ he said. According to AGNMU, some of the old nursing and midwifery care models, approaches and systems of the extensors from their diploma level training are obsolete.

During the BSN/BSM internship, the extensors are taught new nursing and midwifery care models, approaches and systems such as interpreting clinical assessment findings, taking appropriate first-line interventions such as triage, resuscitation, etc., rather than the obvious nursing procedures.

‘Waiving medical internship training for the extensor BSN/BSM is a threat to patient safety and public health since patients will not receive competent and safe nursing and midwifery care from the extensors BSN/BSM without the medical internship training, particularly the ones with diploma backgrounds in psychiatric nursing, public health nursing, palliative care, medical education, leadership or management,’ Prof Komakech noted.

So has a petition been filed?

Yes. The association, in a July 29 letter addressed to the chairperson of the IMSCCEH and the registrar of the UNMC, objected and appealed the decision, reasoning that sporadic meetings that birthed the resolution were conducted subjectively. ‘An internship training exemption policy like this requires a formal assessment and evaluation of whether the clinical knowledge and skills of the extensors are non-inferior or equivalent to the post-BSN/BSM internship training clinical knowledge and skills, which was not done,’ it stated.

The petition also pointed to a lack of representation of the professional associations of graduate nurses and midwives, former lecturers of extensors at universities that run Diploma to BSN/BSM extension programmes, among others, at the committee meeting that voted for the waiver. For 17 years now, they have argued that all BSN or BSM graduates are required by UNMC to undergo mandatory one-year internship training before they can acquire a permanent registration status and a licensure to practice as graduate nurses or midwives.

The petitioners also argued that since some extensors joined diploma in nursing and midwifery training after A-Level, while others upgraded from certificate level, both categories of upgraders were not uniformly grounded in Biology, Chemistry and the other relevant subjects for nursing and midwifery training. It is at the BSN/BSM training that they get exposed to the new concepts in Biochemistry, pathophysiology, and many more that they need to appreciate, apply and get proficient in through the post-BSN/BSM internship training, not to risk the lives of patients under their care, it stated.

It added: ‘Today, extensors join the BSN/ BSM training with non-uniform fields of diploma. While others extend from the diploma in psychiatric nursing, some extend from diploma in Medical Education, general nursing, midwifery, public health nursing and palliative care, among others.’ Such non-uniform pre-BSN/BSM diplomas, according to experts, imply that some of the upgraders get exposed to new concepts and clinical skills during their BSN/BSM training that they need to appreciate, apply and get proficient in through the post-BSN/BSM internship training.

Whereas it is argued that there is no standard national university entry clinical examination for the extensors to exempt them from the post-BSN/BSM internship training, with others joining universities through examinations and others submitting CVs, the extensors are said to possess varied pre-BSN/BSM clinical experiences.

‘Just imagine the health risks posed to the patients from internship exemption for the extensors who extended from the diploma in psychiatric nursing and mental health, public health or medical education and got exposed to the new concepts, and clinical skills of surgical nursing, medical nursing,’ Mr Christus Atukwase, the AGNMU general secretary, said.

He added: ‘There is a rush implementation of the medical internship training waiver policy for the extensor graduate nurses and midwives without giving the universities sufficient time to phase out already admitted students, re-organise and retool their extension training programmes for a training that will not need post-graduation medical internship training.’

A waiver policy like that should have been given at least five years for the universities that run extension training programmes to phase out the students already admitted into the training programmes and readjust their curricula, tools and other resources required to train and graduate a new batch of nurses and midwives,’ he noted.

Per Mr Atukwase, it’s during the BSN/BSM training that they get exposed to new concepts and clinical knowledge that they need to appreciate, apply and get proficient in during the internship training, not to risk the lives of patients under their care. These recognitions of the prior learnings and skills of the extensors allowed the universities to pack the extension training programmes with medical science details and highly specialised course units that were not in the scope of the diploma-level training and practice.

What does the future look like?

Assoc Prof Peter Waiswa, a Health Policy and Health Systems expert (Makerere University College of Health Sciences), said a waiver of medical internship spells doom for the future of health service delivery quality. The internship in question, he said, ‘is meant to be different and it is not the experience they’ve been having.’ Since internship allows them to ‘appreciate the new field they are joining,’ removing it would be,’ reasoned Prof Waiswa, ‘a missed opportunity.’ Why? Because ‘they will have to be forced to depend more on small training and practice during the training.’

As such, Prof Waiswa advises the government (Health ministry) to deliberately invest in the health sector. In October, the association sued the Health Ministry (Attorney General) in a civil suit filed before the High Court Kampala seeking a judicial review and injunction to halt the Health Ministry’s directive that waived off the mandatory one-year internship for nurses and midwives upgrading from a diploma to a degree. It argued that the decision is deemed procedurally flawed, irrational, and a significant threat to public health and professional integrity.

According to the petitioners, the internship waiver decision was made without consulting key nursing and midwifery professional bodies and also ignoring the appeal against the waiver from the statutory regulator, UNMC. The association asked the court to issue a temporary injunction halting the directive, nullify the waiver permanently, order comprehensive stakeholder consultations.

When news emerged that Opposition doyen Dr Kizza Besigye, together with Mr Obeid Lutale, his long-time ally, had been abducted from the Kenyan capital Nairobi, and returned home where treason charges would be preferred, it was received with cynicism. Surprisingly, even within sections of the Opposition circles. Key among those Opposition figures who were cynical about the charges was Mr Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro, the deputy spokesperson of the National Unity Platform (NUP).

Mr Mufumbiro insinuated that slapping Dr Besigye with treason charges was part of the ruling National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) strategy to throw the four-time presidential candidate into the limelight at the expense of NUP’s Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, who is having a second shot at the highest office in the country. Mr Mufumbiro’s prediction, which turned out to be wrong, was that Dr Besigye would be quickly released from jail in time to launch a presidential challenge in an attempt to overshadow his candidate, Mr Kyagulanyi.

This month, Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale will mark a grim milestone, spending a year behind bars. The former has not been nominated to take part in the 2026 General Election. Instead, what has happened is that Mr Mufumbiro has been nominated for the Nakawa East parliamentary seat whilst in Luzira prison. It is the same place where Dr Besigye is incarcerated.

Facing two charges, including inciting NUP supporters to attack security personnel, Mr Mufumbiro was this past week remanded to Luzira Prison until November 13 after his bail request at Nakawa Magistrates Court was met with a dead bat. To ensure the bail process becomes complicated, the State has further slapped him with charges of ‘incitement to murder.’

While incarcerated, Mr Mufumbiro made another wild claim that one of his competitors, Michael Kabiziguruka, who belongs to the Opposition’s People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), was the brainchild of the charges that the State instituted against him. ‘My arrest was precipitated by Kabaziguruka Michael, the person I’m contesting against. He works for security. He is a security operative, and he is aware of what is happening,’ Mr Mufumbiro said when he first appeared in court in September.

Politicking?

It could be said that Mr Mufumbiro was just politicking in an effort to win over Opposition voters. He had, however, only succeeded in opening an unhealed wound because Mr Kabaziguruka had been a victim of State brutality and persecution. The record shows that Mr Kabaziguruka was first charged with treason in 2012 after he stood against NRM’s Fred Ruhindi in their battle over Nakawa constituency, which had been vacated in 2011.

Whilst the State never produced a single witness in this case, it moved to arrest him in 2016 after he had defeated Mr Ruhindi. In June 2016, security operatives who were armed to the teeth raided Mr Kabaziguruka’s home in Luzira, claiming they had seized electronics he used in a plot with army officers to engage in subversive activities.

He was interrogated about his links with a rebel group and subversive activities and held at the Special Investigations Unit (SIU) in Kireka before being later transferred to the Nalufenya detention facility for further questioning. Mr Kabaziguruka, a key cog in Dr Besigye’s defiance campaign, was charged with 22 others in the General Court Martial (GCM) for allegedly hatching a plot to overthrow Museveni’s government.

The State claimed that Mr Kabaziguraka and company turned the districts of Kampala, Wakiso and Luweero into sanctuaries. Sporting a blue shirt-the colour of his FDC party-in August 2016, Mr Kabaziguruka and his co-accused were arraigned before Lt Gen Andrew Gutti’s military tribunal. What happened thereafter would go down in history as one of the most dramatic days in the much-feared GCM’s history.

Mr Kabaziguruka, who in 2021 lost his bid to get a second term in Parliament, not only refused to answer the questions fired by Gutti’s panel, but also turned up in court with no lawyer, and rejected free legal representation by Maj Patra Asha, who had been made available by the military tribunal. Mr Kabaziguruka defiantly insisted that since he is a civilian, he was appearing before an illicit court.

‘I’m a civilian who should be tried in a civilian court. I can hire a private lawyer, but I can’t because I am in the wrong court. If you force me to be tried here, I prefer to represent myself,’ Mr Kabaziguruka said, triggering a thunderous ovation from FDC supporters who had crammed the courtroom. Once he was released from jail, Mr Kabaziguraka challenged the constitutionality of trying civilians in the GCM, which was challenged both at the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court.

Mr Kabaziguruka’s track record of being a victim of State persecution didn’t matter to Mr Mufumbiro, with sources familiar with NUP planning saying the Opposition party is trying to turn this incarceration into political capital. This is a tactic that worked in 2021 when the State arrested several NUP members who were running for various positions, but they still emerged victorious even when they were in prison.

For instance, Lubaga North councillor, James Mubiru, was charged at the GCM for wearing a red beret, but still people turned up and voted for him in absentia.

Sticking with this tactic, NUP has been quick to circulate the pictures of Mr Mufumbiro handcuffed whilst shouting defiance slogans. ‘These are not criminals; these are ordinary Ugandans who dared to speak about the poor conditions Ugandans are living in as their leaders are enjoying life in comfort,’ Joel Ssenyonyi, the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament (LoP), said.

Another source within NUP, who preferred anonymity so they could speak freely, said incarcerating Mr Mufumbiro is the easiest way to mobilise what the party has termed as the ‘protest vote’ against the regime. ‘The best thing would be to have Waiswa [Mufumbiro] nominated in absentia so that he is on the ballot even without being physically present to campaign, and by some luck, voters might still go for the umbrella, and he makes history winning that MP seat without campaigning. The same will keep his name in the media and thereby pressurising the regime for his release from illegal detention,’ the source told this writer.

To milk Mr Mufumbiro’s incarceration further, NUP has used his identical twin brother, Kato, as his campaigner-in-chief, who has articulated the message of defiance.

‘It is very unfortunate what is happening. You wake up and ask who has been taken. It seems like a joke, but it’s happening. But we are going to campaign for him and he will win,’ Mr Kato said.

Mufumbiro’s flip-flops

For Mr Mufumbiro, his decision to stand in Nakawa East has raised eyebrows, considering that he is a native of Busoga Sub-region. In 2021 he stood in Jinja West, but he came third with 964 votes, whilst Timothy Batuwa, then of the FDC but has since joined Mufumbiro in NUP, emerged victor, obtaining 4,801 votes. Yet 2021 wasn’t the first time he threw his hat into a parliamentary contest because in 2011, Mufumbiro, then a Democratic Party (DP) member, stood in Jinja West’s neighbouring constituency, Jinja East, but he could only emerge fifth with only 262 votes while NRM’s Nathan Igeme Nabeta emerged victor.

Even when the courts ordered for by-election, Mr Mufumbiro could only get 291 votes while Paul Mwiru, then a member of the FDC but has since joined NUP, emerged winner with 7,758 votes. With Mr Mufumbiro seemingly unable to secure victory in his home area, he has been exploring Buganda, Kampala in particular.

He jockeyed with Kawempe North, but here, he was told in no uncertain terms he wasn’t welcome because he had allegedly doubted the gravity of the sickness of then area legislator, Muhammad Sseggirinya (RIP).

Though Mr Mufumbiro and Sseggirinya belonged to NUP, voters in Kawempe North accused the former of not being empathetic to their legislator when he was terminally ill. Openly downplaying the sickness that Sseggirinya grappled with proved to be Mr Mufumbiro’s karma after a viral video registered the former’s wishes that the latter should never set foot at his funeral.

With Sseggirinya holding cult hero status in Kawempe North, Mr Mufumbiro decided to tease his chances in the neighbouring Kawempe South, but he faced the same reaction. He, therefore, left the constituency to Fred Nyanzi Ssentamu. Mr Kyagulanyi’s elder brother, popularly known as Chairman Nyanzi, had earlier interested himself in tussling with Erias Lukwago for the Kampala Lord Mayor position.

But NUP wouldn’t leave their deputy publicist hanging as they coerced Ronald Balimwezo into not defending his Nakawa East position. They assured Mr Balimwezo that they would strongly back his Kampala Lord Mayoral challenge if he leaves his parliamentary slot for Mr Mufumbiro. That’s how Mufumbiro came to stand in Nakawa East, but he has to do it while he is in jail with Dr Besigye, who set a precedent of being nominated for the presidency while in jail in 2005.

When you think of a suit, the image that often comes to mind is a traditional blazer and pants combination that is sharp, classic, and mostly designed with men in mind. But for young Ugandan designer Fidah Salim, a suit is more than a uniform of formality. It is confidence, character, and identity stitched into one.

Through his brand Fidah Clothing, Salim is reshaping how Ugandans, especially women, think about suiting.

His pieces blend precision tailoring with personality, creating garments that command attention without shouting.

We had a chat with the designer about his journey, what inspires his work, and how he is redefining power dressing for a new generation.

Tell us a bit about your journey into fashion design.

I have always seen clothing as more than fabric but rather as expression, confidence, and presence. My journey started from curiosity and necessity.

I wanted to wear things that truly represented who I was. That curiosity turned into a passion for creating, and eventually into Fidah, a brand that blends precision tailoring with bold identity.

How did you decide to focus on suiting, particularly for women, in a market that is traditionally male-dominated?

Suits have always carried power, but for so long, they have been designed with men in mind. I wanted to change that.

A suit is not just about formality; it is about authority, grace, and individuality. Designing suits for women felt like redefining what power dressing looks like in Uganda and beyond.

How would you describe your design aesthetic? What makes your approach to suiting unique?

My designs are minimal yet bold. Clean cuts, strong lines, and intentional details. Fidah suits are not just tailored to fit the body, but to match someone’s aura. I design with emotion in mind, so every stitch should translate into confidence for the wearer.

Where do you draw your inspiration from?

A mix of both worlds from Ugandan culture and global tailoring standards. The vibrancy, colour, and raw energy of our people inspire me while international trends push me to refine and modernise.

How do you balance innovation with wearability?

Innovation does not have to mean exaggeration. It is in the details with how a lapel sits, the way a sleeve drapes, and how the fabric moves when you walk. I design with real people in mind. Fashion should excite you, but still feel natural to wear.

What does suiting mean to you, especially for women in Uganda?

To me, suiting is quite rebellious. When a woman walks into a room in a perfectly tailored suit, she commands space without saying a word. It’s strength wrapped in elegance while redefining what femininity and power look like here.

What are some challenges you’ve faced as a young designer in Uganda?

Resources and mindset. The industry is growing, but infrastructure and appreciation for local talent still have a long way to go. Sometimes you have to convince people that quality and artistry exist right here at home.

How do you see the women’s suiting market evolving?

It is growing fast. Women are owning more spaces, leading more conversations, and they are dressing for that energy.

Globally, suiting is becoming more expressive and personal, and Uganda is catching on. A revolution in women’s suiting is definitely on the horizon.

What is next for Fidah Clothing?

I am working on expanding the suiting line into new silhouettes and exploring collaborations that merge fashion with art and storytelling.

There is also a new collection coming soon, one that captures our evolution. It is going to make a statement.

Finally, what is the one message you want people to take away from your work?

Wear your confidence. Whether it is a suit, a dress, or something bold, let it remind you that you belong anywhere you walk into.

Fashion should always serve the soul before the surface.

On Friday, the Uganda Police Force (UPF) arrested dozens of supporters of the National Unity Platform (NUP) in Mbarara District. This follows similar operations that were carried out in Mbarara City on Wednesday night and in Lira City last week.

In a detailed statement on Friday, the Force said the arrests targeted a few individuals who have persistently provoked police and engaged in acts of violence against police officers.

Police accused the NUP supporters of, among others, damaging police vehicles, assaulting personnel, causing public disorder and the inconsiderate use of public roads. The Uganda Police Force has made it clear that such conduct is unacceptable and will have consequences.

However, the leadership of NUP denies the allegations, saying the arrests are a move to intimidate supporters of the Opposition party with the largest number of MPs in Parliament.

In the same week, images emerged of NUP supporters being attacked by people dressed in the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party colours in Kazo and Kiruhura districts.

The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) also accused NUP supporters of attacking their followers. Since the presidential campaigns kicked off on September 29, the exercise has been largely peaceful. It is, therefore, concerning that acts of violence are emerging.

Ugandans must unite in condemning any acts of violence during or after the elections. The sight of clashes between supporters, security personnel, and politicians should be rejected because this has always resulted in the loss of life and property.

Elections are meant to give a platform for the various political actors to sell their ideas to Uganda. This democratic space has to be protected by all stakeholders, be they politicians, supporters, electoral officials or security personnel.

To political party leaders and candidates, we appeal to you to rein in your supporters. You have an obligation to preach against violence among those who are rooting for you. You have to ensure you have people to lead after the elections are done.

To the security personnel, your duty is to protect the rights of all Ugandans as established by law, regardless of their political affiliations. You have to ensure their rights to assembly, movement, and expression are respected as long as they act within the law.

And to the Electoral Commission, the law gives you powers to oversee this civic exercise.Move swiftly and investigate any claims of violence that are creeping in.

All those found guilty should face the full wrath of the law, regardless of their political affiliations. Ugandans should be given the chance to elect their leaders peacefully without being threatened by anyone.

Ugandan hydropower dam operators have been urged to tighten safety measures at their plants to prevent potential disasters.

Eng Dominic Mucunguzi, Assistant Commissioner for Water Sources, Planning, and Management at the Ministry of Energy, emphasised the importance of safety management, stating, “If these dams are exposed to danger, their breakdown affects many people in the country. Let’s all stakeholders in the power industry take this matter seriously.”

Every dam operator is required to have an Emergency Preparedness Response Plan (EPRP) covering key players in dam disaster response.

Eng Mucunguzi identified local leaders, police, and UPDF soldiers as crucial in dam disaster management, playing key roles in evacuation efforts during emergencies.

The EPRP is designed to mitigate the impact of dam failures, which can have devastating consequences, including loss of life, displacement of communities, and damage to infrastructure.

Eng Mucunguzi advised dam operators to regularly monitor water gates and reservoirs, as rising water levels in rivers and lakes can have severe consequences.

He downplayed concerns about current floods affecting the country, noting that they’re actually increasing water levels in dams, which might mitigate flooding risks.

Bujagali Energy Limited’s General Manager, Mr Alastair McDougall, said the plant has implemented digital alerts to mitigate risks.

“We recently sensitized the public in Kampala about the EPRP and now we’re here with the local community, preparing them on how to respond to risks,” Mr. McDougall said.

The sensitization meetings aim to guide stakeholders on emergency response procedures, including evacuation protocols and communication channels.

Eng Frederick Wasike, Head of Safety at Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited, emphasised that investing in EPRP is cost-effective.

“Managing preparedness is cheaper than disaster handling. Just imagine the cost of putting up a signpost warning the public about risky areas at the dam versus the expenditure of evacuation if there’s a problem,” he said.

In Part II, explored the subject of Tanzanian Gen Z rising after the just-ended elections were marred by rigging and irregularities. Widespread protests erupted in Dar es Salaam, Mwanza, and other major cities last week after the disputed election saw the incumbent President, Samia Suluhu Hassan, declared the winner.

Today, I’ll recap what would have been done to avoid the bloodbath based on the geopolitics, causes and effects.

Tanzania’s elections followed those in Botswana (October 30, 2024), Malawi (September 2025), and Zambia (2021), in which all the incumbents were floored in credible, fair, and free elections.

Also around the same period, Madagascar (November 2023) and Kenya (August 2022) held elections. In Madagascar, the pre-election period was marked by protests, and 10 of the 12 Opposition candidates boycotted the polls. The president was ousted last month in a military coup following days of protests by Gen Z.

In Kenya, the disputed 2022 election was largely considered peaceful, but the country has since then been marked by significant anti-government protests.

Realistically, Tanzania could have gone the Botswana, Malawi and Zambia route, but didn’t. Its ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has been in power for more than six decades.

It fought for and brought independence, created a cohesive, stable, non-ethnic, and united nation, but sipped too much of power and created absolute power, which corrupts and deceives absolutely. This has created seeds of destruction within itself. CCM curtailed all sorts of freedoms, leaving no room for venting of frustration. Further, it ignored the voices of its critics.

Essentially, Tanzania’s problems emanate from within.

First, when CCM backed a stringent and workaholic outsider, John Magufuli (RIP), in 2015, it blindly set itself on a collision course. Magufuli bulldozed the party’s traditional networks and webs of eaters and movers.

After his sudden death in 2021, the party was left fractured and fragile in the hands of cagey, antagonistic, individualistic, and opportunistic players. With Magufuli gone, his confidants, most of whom were outsiders, were purged. This created acrimony in the party.

Former CCM ideology and publicity secretary and former ambassador to Malawi and Cuba, Humphrey Polepole, resigned and returned home with one mission: to avenge by spilling the beans. He was abducted a month ago, and his whereabouts are still unknown.

In a word, Tanzania was ripe for the post-election unrest that left hundreds dead, according to opposition politicians. The jury is still out on Tanzania as the country starts a journey of return to normalcy. The country can still pick up the pieces and move on.

But CCM and Samia Suluhu have been badly injured, and the over-touted Tanzanian myth of ‘Island of peace and stability’ has been demystified. And for its neighbours in the region, those who look down on the downtrodden must quickly change.

Even though the world produces enough food to feed all of humanity, the United Nations World Food Programme found that more than 295 million people faced acute hunger in 2024 – a record high. While many factors have contributed to rising food insecurity, the most important is conflict. That is especially true in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).

For example, the protracted civil war in Sudan has been brutal and is getting worse, pushing parts of the country into famine. This misery, in turn, has led to a deterioration in the security situation and destabilised neighbouring countries. Of course, hunger is far from the only driver of insecurity in Sudan and other SSA countries. But food is essential for stability, meaning that the agriculture sector can be a force for peacebuilding in Africa and worldwide.

To that end, our organisations – CIMMYT and AGRA – have worked with African farmers to help stabilise areas beset by conflict and violent extremism.

In Sudan’s Kassala state, a women-led cooperative showed how small interventions can improve community well-being. One of the cooperative’s leaders, Imtithal Atta, was able to increase her yields and earnings dramatically after learning better cultivation techniques and getting access to higher-quality seeds.

Her success not only raised her self-confidence and influence but also helped lower food prices for thousands of displaced people who had sought safety in the region.

In northern Nigeria, long plagued by terrorism, Habiba Abdulkarim and her cooperative faced many obstacles to securing land and reliable inputs. But by coming together to advocate for their needs with local leaders, the group gained access to more farmland and quality seeds. This resulted in better harvests and lower costs, encouraged other women to join forces in cooperative farming, and generated benefits for households and the wider community.

These are not isolated cases. As societies emerge from conflict, the restoration of agriculture is often an important sign of recovery. A steady food supply delivers tangible peace dividends: families can eat, farmers can earn, and local economies can recover.

Humanitarian aid can help these communities get back on their feet, but only functioning farms and markets can restore lasting stability.

While this is food security in the traditional sense – reliable access to sufficient and safe nutrition – it also highlights how food can be a strategic commodity. In addition to sustaining households, agriculture anchors fragile states, gives legitimacy to governments, and creates an opening for cooperation in an increasingly fragmented world. Even as developing economies focus on food sovereignty, with self-sufficiency signifying geopolitical resilience, this goal does not have to be at odds with interdependence.

A robust national agri-food sector can put countries in a better position to collaborate with international partners on their own terms, improving stability further.

Agriculture can also offer a platform for dialogue among geopolitical competitors. Countries that disagree on trade or borders, for example, may find common ground when it comes to controlling crop diseases or stabilising grain supplies.

Such collaboration can build confidence when negotiations on more contentious issues reach an impasse. This can be achieved through both governmental and non-governmental channels, as the global fight against wheat rust has shown: scientific institutes and governments share resistant varieties across borders, protecting harvests and fostering trust even when diplomatic relations are tense.

Climate change adds to the urgency of boosting food security.

Rising temperatures, erratic rains, and soil degradation have already reduced crop yields, while changing weather patterns spread pests and disease. These pressures jeopardise both food sufficiency and safety. Consider fusarium, a fungus that can cause wheat to turn pink and is toxic for humans.

As the air becomes warmer and more humid, fusarium grows more easily – as is currently the case in Europe, where crops have little resistance to the fungus.

Climate-resilient agriculture – including drought-tolerant crop varieties, regenerative practices, sustainable irrigation, and integrated pest management – is now essential not just to maintain productivity, but also to prevent civil disorder stemming from soaring prices and tight supplies.

For too long, agriculture has been siloed off from security and diplomatic strategy. But efforts to strengthen the resilience of food systems should be central to post-conflict recovery, an arena for dialogue among adversaries, and a frontline strategy in the fight against climate change. The development of local agriculture may not resolve every conflict, but none can be resolved without it.

The new approach to sustainable agriculture is to keep our farms and homesteads free of any form of waste, Yisto Muddu, the founder of COTFONE (Community Transformation Foundation Network), a grassroots network organisation working to drive impactful change in the communities of the greater Masaka Sub-region in Uganda, says.

He is of the view that sustainable economic development for our country is only attainable by recognising and adopting the best practices with positive impact on improving our living environment.

“There must be a waste collection point in every homestead,” he says.

“The waste must be sorted. Metallic waste such as nails and objects made out of iron should be separated from glass waste and plastic waste. Biodegradable waste must also be separated. Non-biodegradable waste should be collected and sold to companies that reuse the materials to make new products and biodegradable waste should be turned into organic manure for use on the farm. Most of our people live in rural areas as smallholder farmers and every farming household should be taught how to make organic manure out of biodegradable waste.”

Muddu made the statement in a press release that he issued soon after his return recently from a conference in Istanbul, Turkey, where COTEFONE signed a new partnership with Zero Waste Foundation, an international network, whose patron is the first lady of the Republic of Turkey, Emine Erdogan.

It is composed of organizations and eminent persons committed to achieving a clean and healthy working environment by promoting local and national zero-waste initiatives. Muddu says farmers are expected to produce good, clean, and fair food, which is only possible if they work in a clean environment that is free from any form of waste material. He formerly used to be the coordinator of Slow Food in Masaka Region.

Slow Food is a global movement that unites local groups and activists around a shared vision: ensuring that everyone has access to food that is good for them, good for the people who grow it, and good for the planet.

He says food producers and handlers must work in a clean environment which does not give chance to eruption of disease and which is good for soil health and preservation. COTEFONE is headquartered in Kiwangala Trading Centre, Lwengo District, and works to develop and deliver targeted training modules, toolkits, and educational materials to strengthen urban authorities’ capacity on zero waste strategies.

Sensitisation is key

He endeavors to make sure that there is a waste collection pit in every household especially in the neighbouring farming homesteads.

Farming is in reality the management of plants, animals, and the environment in order to produce crops. Livestock droppings and beddings are good manure for the plants.

However, if the environment is polluted with dangerous objects like plastic or metallic waste, the animals and farmed birds may ingest them, and fall sick. Good hygiene and sanitation are therefore key in sustainable agriculture.

“We have to sensitize the shop owners about the dangers of plastic waste because most of the garbage in the local communities actually comes from the shops,” Muddu says.

“Our strategy is to raise awareness of shop owners about the environmental impact of the waste that daily comes from their shops — the polythene bags into which they put goods sold out to customers, the plastic bottles containing mineral water, alcohol, and soft drinks. The shop keepers should encourage their customers to carry shopping baskets and other containers in which to place the items they purchase. This could minimize the amount of polythene bags given out by the shop attendants. If a loaf of bread is sold to a customer, why should it be put in a polythene bag and not a shopping basket?”

When Seeds of Gold visited, Muddu was taking some members of Kiboobi Village community and some school children around waste collection pits and emphasizing to them the importance of sorting waste material.

“As partners of Zero Waste Foundation, COTEFONE is committed to creating a sustainable future by promoting the principles of the three Rs: reduce, reuse, and recycle.”

Dr Emmanuel Ssentongo, the proprietor of Betereemu Hospital in Kyotera District and current chairman of COTEFONE, has told Seeds of Gold, “If there are pieces of plastic waste and empty bottles all over the homestead, they store rain water and become the breeding ground for malaria causing mosquitoes,’ he says, adding that this means farmers falling sick and failing to carry out work.

Decomposition

‘Mindless disposal of plastic waste and other non-biodegradable waste therefore reduces agricultural production. Community health always depends on how much individuals take care of their environment. They must have well maintained latrines, complete with hand washing basins. Even pieces of paper and plant leaves left to lie in the compound for too long become breeding ground for rats and disease producing organisms like mosquitoes and flies.”

Dr Eseri Nankya, a soil scientist in NARO (National Agricultural Research Organisation), has said that plastic waste is not good for agriculture since it does not decompose for up to more than a hundred years.

‘Plant roots cannot easily go through plastic and even free underground movement of water and air is impeded,” she said. “This makes life difficult for soil organisms that naturally transport nutrients to the lowest end of the crop roots. Plastic waste prevents soil aeration which makes plant growth difficult or even impossible.’

Dr Nankya further says that non-biodegradable waste often includes bottles and cans that formerly used to contain poisonous and dangerous chemicals such as pesticides and herbicides or even human medicine. She says when such waste is driven to wetlands by wind or running water they cause the death of plants and other living things — fish, birds, and snakes, naturally meant to live in the swamps. She says they reduce biodiversity.

According to the Zero Waste Forum, every year, humanity generates between 2.1 billion and 2.3 billion tonnes of municipal solid waste. Without urgent action, the annual waste generation will hit 3.8 billion tonnes by 2050. Waste pollution threatens human health, costs the global economy hundreds of billions of dollars every year, and aggravates the triple planetary crisis: climate, nature, land and biodiversity loss, pollution, and waste.