Category: Daily Monitor

The Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces Air Force (UPDAF) Deputy Commander, Maj Gen David Isimbwa, has announced new Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) set to enhance disarmament, mobilisation, repatriation, and integration of armed forces who renounce rebellion and choose peace in the Great Lakes region.

Speaking during the closure of the week-long second regional working group meeting on Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants and their dependents in Entebbe on Friday, Maj Gen Isimbwa emphasised the importance of non-military means in resolving conflicts.

“This process of applying non-military means to resolve conflicts is very important because if conflicts that have been ongoing were to be solved by force, then we would not be having these conflicts around. After all, we have not run short of the forceful means,” he said.

He added, “But we have realised that not only the forceful means can be used to bring about peace. Whereas there are all other means that we can solve problems, we should also have non-military means, like we are doing today.”

The African Union (AU) High Representative, Burundi, Mr Sghair M’Bareck Said, revealed that discussions are underway to bring back groups destabilising the region to lay down their arms.

“This responsibility comes back to us as a regional body which has put in place the disarmament procedures and the DDR mechanism,” he said.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Uganda’s Great Lakes affairs official, Ambassador Robert Masolo, stated that since the launch of the Contact and Coordination Group (CCG) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, last year, there have been signs of willingness from certain armed groups to respond to the call and return voluntarily to their countries of origin.

“The progress is both remarkable and promising, as it reflects the potential of collective peaceful approaches to resolving long-standing regional security challenges,” he said.

The meeting developed a Standard Operating Procedure that provides the structure, coherence, and predictability of the regional DDR efforts.

“This document will serve as a harmonised framework to guide our actions, enhance coordination, and improve information sharing among CCG member states,” Ambassador Masolo said.

Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC) chairperson Ms Valery Nyirahabineza said the commission has demobilised over 12,652 men and women and 652 child ex-combatants, with over 13,000 dependents and civilians associated with armed groups received, rehabilitated, and reintegrated into their communities.

The new SOPs are expected to strengthen regional cooperation and improve the handling of armed groups, with reception centres already set up in Kasese (Uganda), Mutobo (Rwanda), Gitenga (Burundi), and Uvira (DRC).

On Saturday, July 5, 2014, a group of what was described as unknown people armed with machetes (pangas), spears, knives and bows, and arrows made 13 coordinated attacks in the Rwenzori region districts of Bundibugyo, Kasese, and Ntoroko.

Although the government initially described the attacks as tribal clashes between the Bakonzo and Bamba communities, there was no record of deaths among the Bamba community.

Save for one incident in which 11 family members of the Basongora Community in Bigando (Kasese) were reported to have been killed, all the attacks were made on police and military personnel.

The attackers were later identified (by confession) as members of the Bakonzo Community. Although attacks on military and police personnel may have attracted the tag of structured armed rebellion, the motivation was guided by tribal sentiments.

With a history of violent conflict dating way back to the early days of colonial administration, any act of armed violence in the Rwenzori region (small or otherwise) tends to trigger fears of a recurrence of the old cycles of violence. Indeed, since the 2014 incident, there have been several other incidents of such a nature; the latest of which occurred last Saturday.

In response to last Saturday’s attacks, the buzz in the intelligence traffic is that it was not Rwenzururu (read: Omusinga Charles Wesley Mumbere) and ADF.

Mr Museveni has even been quoted as saying ‘the attackers came from the DRC’. But it is one thing to know who is not involved and quite another to know who is and his or her motives.

It is our position that the State needs to interest itself in this matter beyond last Saturday’s incident. For some disclosure, our study group wrote a briefing paper on Kasese for all the presidential candidates in the 2026 elections. I know Mr Museveni’s copy should be floating somewhere in his office; and when he gets the time to read it, he will find the November 1 incident back-grounded bulungi.

The Rwenzori region has been problematic since Independence. And this recent incident should offer us an opportunity to seek a permanent solution to the incessant security challenges in the region.

The Rwenzori was the first region to be placed under a state of emergency in post-independence Uganda. Kasese District (as part of Tooro Kingdom) is the only district that has ever been administered by the central government (in this case Prime Minister’s Office in the 1960s) after the local government administrative system collapsed due to the Rwenzururu insurgency.

It is in the Rwenzori region that the Uganda Army (after Independence) first saw active combat (against the self-declared Rwenzururu United Movement Army). With this hindsight, the November 1 attacks may not be the last security breach incident in the Rwenzoris if we don’t do the needful. We would like the intelligence services to place the November 1 incident in a position of strategic interest beyond the particulars of the attacks. There are two points that the security agencies should look at critically in their ‘forward’ deductions of the November 1 incident.

One: The attacks were not carried out by the ADF; neither were they the handiwork of some new rebel force, as some people opposed to Mr Museveni may wish. But the fact that a less trained (and less motivated) force of Bakonzo peasants could carry out a daring raid on multiple military installations is likely to inspire the ADF remnants (or some other negative forces opposed to Museveni).

Two: The failure to resolve the politics of socio-cultural identity in the Rwenzori region is likely to expose the region to the tempting overtures of negative forces like ADF and others.

Ugandan opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, said on Saturday that two Kenyan political activists who went missing last month have been freed after more than five weeks in secret military detention, despite a High Court dismissal of their habeas corpus application.

‘After 39 days under incommunicado detention and torture, our Kenyan brothers Bob Njagi and Nicholas Oyoo have been released at the Kenya-Uganda border at Busia,’ Bobi Wine said in a statement posted Saturday morning.

‘They’re now headed back to Nairobi. I have just spoken to them and they have told me that they were being held by Museveni’s son [Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba] at Kasenyi military barracks,’ he added.

The release comes amid growing scrutiny of relations between Uganda and Kenya over alleged renditions and cross-border detentions.

Bobi Wine, a 2026 presidential candidate and leader of the opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) party, said the two Kenyans were interrogated over their presence at his party’s manifesto launch in Jinja.

‘You can imagine after 39 days!’ he said, accusing Uganda’s judiciary of ‘justifying this criminality, instead of pushing the criminal regime to produce them.’

In Nairobi, the Law Society of Kenya (LSK) early Saturday welcomed the release of the two activists, saying it marked ‘an important shift towards upholding the human rights of East Africans anywhere within the East African Community.’

‘We extend our appreciation to their families, Free Kenya Movement colleagues, human rights defenders, journalists, the ministries of foreign affairs in Kenya and Tanzania, and all active citizens who have tirelessly campaigned for this moment,’ Faith Odhiambo, president of the LSK, said in a statement.

She added: ‘We are facilitating their transfer to Nairobi and will give details of their arrival for family, friends and comrades to meet them.’

‘Safe release’

The Kenyan government, through Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia W. Mudavadi, said the release followed ‘sustained diplomatic engagement’ between Kenya and Uganda, including a personal letter addressed to Uganda’s Foreign Affairs Minister Gen Jeje Odongo Abubakhar.

The two governments maintained ‘open and constructive communication that culminated in the safe release of our nationals,’ Mudavadi said.

Bobi Wine described the detention of the Kenyan activisits as further evidence that Uganda is ‘under a complete military dictatorship.’

He added: ‘No wonder this dictatorship is being transplanted in other countries of the region. We all have a duty to free Uganda from this despot and the rest of East Africa will be free.’

‘Welcome back brothers. Pole sana. Aluta continua!’ he concluded.

Ugandan authorities have not issued an official statement on the reported release of the two Kenyans.

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Robert Kyagulanyi, has urged Ntungamo residents to reject sectarian appeals and confront oppression head-on to challenge the status quo.

Addressing residents along Kaguta Road in Ntungamo town, Kyagulanyi emphasised that oppression is a nationwide issue, affecting youth across regions.

“A youth in Busoga, a youth in Buganda, and a youth in Ntungamo face the same challenges,” he said. “No one should deceive you that you’re better off; the entire country is under the heavy hand of oppression by the regime.”

Kyagulanyi’s rally was initially diverted to Ruhoko Primary School playground, but he chose to address the crowd in the town center.

“Our rally venue was disrupted, but we’re still here,” he said. “I urge you to vote out the regime and give us hope.”

Accompanied by his wife, Babra Itungo, Kyagulanyi appealed to residents to support her as a candidate for first lady.

“My in-laws, I ask for a chance to vote for the first lady,” he said.

NUP candidates, including Godwin Rubahamya Magambo, condemned the heavy security deployment that prevented people from accessing the rally venue.

“Many people were beaten, some were undressed as they tried to access the agreed venue of the rally, yet it was the police that allocated us the venue,” Magambo said.

However, Ivan Rutahweire, head of the NRM campaign in Ntungamo, claimed the campaign was peaceful.

“We shall not allow any violence here in Ntungamo; everyone will campaign and be free,” he said.

Tensions escalated as police clashed with NUP supporters, arresting several, including in Mbarara. Kyagulanyi vowed not to be intimidated, stating, “Security forces want to kill our spirit, but we’ll not be cowed. We know we have a vote to win.”

Human Rights Watch (HRW) has condemned the extended detention of 11 environmental activists protesting the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), calling it ‘totally unacceptable’ and a violation of their rights to freedom of expression and assembly.

The activists, including eight students from Students Against EACOP Uganda, were arrested on August 1 during a demonstration near Stanbic Bank, which provides financial support to the $5 billion (Shs18 trillion) pipeline project.

They face criminal charges of ‘nuisance on roads.’

‘The Ugandan authorities should listen to these concerns and respect protesters’ rights to freedom of expression and assembly,’ said Agathe Bounfour, Senior Researcher for Environment and Human Rights at HRW.

‘Human Rights Watch has previously documented various ways in which the Ugandan government has cracked down on anti-fossil fuel activists and environmental defenders, including harassment, threats, and arbitrary arrests,’ she added.

On November 6, the Buganda Chief Magistrate Court greenlighted the trial of the 11 activists after one pleaded guilty and was released on caution.

The remaining ten were remanded to Luzira Prison until November 25, extending their detention to 117 days.

HRW noted that protests against EACOP have occurred at multiple locations in Kampala, including Parliament, embassies, and banks, often resulting in prosecutions or police investigations.

‘Several cases remain ongoing, while most already adjudicated were deemed to have insufficient evidence or were dropped for procedural reasons,’ Bounfour said.

The anti-EACOP activists argue that the project threatens the environment and livelihoods of vulnerable Ugandans.

HRW has highlighted the pipeline’s potential impact on Africa’s most sensitive ecosystems and its contribution to millions of tons of carbon dioxide emissions.

‘The project will also disturb some of Africa’s most sensitive ecosystems and emit millions of tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere,’ Bounfour said.

She urged institutions to reconsider their support for EACOP, citing documented impacts on Ugandan families linked to land acquisition for the project.

EACOP, jointly owned by French oil giant TotalEnergies (62 percent), Uganda National Oil Company (15 percent), China National Offshore Oil Corporation (8 percent), and Tanzania’s Petroleum Development Corporation (15 percent), is a 1,443 km pipeline transporting Uganda’s waxy crude oil from mid-western Uganda to Tanzania’s Tanga port on the Indian Ocean.

The Ugandan government and project stakeholders defend EACOP, describing it as a transformative economic venture for the country once oil production begins.

The people of West Nile are mourning the death of Brigadier General Ali Nasur Ezaga, a former commander of the Uganda National Rescue Front II (UNRF II), who passed away on Thursday in Kampala after a long illness, family members confirmed.

‘My father started battling this sickness in 2004. Of late, his condition worsened, affecting his eyesight and causing leg wounds that hindered his movement,’ said Ali Mansur Eyotre, the son of the deceased.

‘He also suffered a stroke and was treated for about six months at Victoria Hospital,’ he added.

Brig Gen Ezaga, 81, was born in 1943 and joined the army at 18. He became one of the most influential figures in northern Uganda’s armed struggles during the 1990s and early 2000s.

As a top commander under the late Gen Ali Bamuze, Ezaga played a central role in negotiating with the government, culminating in a 2002 peace agreement. Following the accord, he was integrated into the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), serving in various capacities before retiring.

Locals in Yumbe described him as a humble elder who remained closely connected to his community.

‘Gen Ezaga has been a peaceful and disciplined person. He was a symbol of reconciliation and a bridge between former fighters and the government. His death is a big loss to the people of Yumbe and West Nile,’ said Yassin Ari, a local elder.

Yumbe district chairperson Abdulmutalib Asiku called Brig Gen Ezaga a hero of the region, part of the UNRF II team that helped bring peace to the area.

‘In May 2025, we celebrated 23 years of relative peace in West Nile, thanks in large part to the contributions of these leaders,’ Asiku said. He appealed to the government to fulfill promises made to the families of fallen commanders, including building housing and improving schools, health facilities, and the resettlement of ex-combatants.

The district has lost most of its senior UNRF II officers, he said, leaving a leadership gap that should be filled by promoting remaining senior UPDF officers.

Brig Gen Ezaga’s body is currently in Bombo, with the UPDF arranging for a dignified burial at his ancestral home in Yumbe. The ceremony is tentatively scheduled for next Friday (November 14), with military and local leaders expected to attend.

Eyootre, the son of the deceased, explained that the funeral has been delayed due to a UPDF cadet officers’ pass-out exercise that took place yesterday.

‘People who are responsible for the arrangement of the funeral were engaged in that function, coupled with the weekend. We expect the concerned officers to begin the funeral arrangements from Monday up to Wednesday because many departments are involved in this process,’ he said.

He added that the family has been given ample time to prepare, and that following a standard procedure is customary when organizing funerals for fallen combatants.

In the steep, erosion-prone hills of Kabale District in Uganda’s Kigezi region, smallholder farmers are overcoming severe agricultural challenges through innovation and resilience. With support, these smallholder farmers are adopting sustainable land management practices like bench terracing, agroforestry, and planting erosion-control grasses to restore soil fertility and protect their land.

Access to tailored agricultural finance through Saccos, Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs), and cooperatives is enabling smallholder farmers, especially women and youth-to invest in seeds, fertilizers, and market-ready products. Digital FinTech platforms and tripartite agreements now link producers, buyers, and lenders, strengthening value chains and ensuring reliable market access.

This integrated approach is transforming farming into a sustainable and profitable venture, turning Kabale’s challenging landscape into a beacon of agricultural resilience. The district is known for vegetables and Irish potatoes.

For the smallholder farmers in Kabale district, they are boosting yields and incomes through modern day practices.

Ms Anita Kyarikunda, a mother of two children and a smallholder farmer in Nshanjare Town Council, Rubanda District, is transforming her livelihood through improved farming methods. She grows Irish potatoes and beans on her two-acre plot.

‘I used to make losses because I didn’t know how to plant in rows and columns, especially given the hilly terrain in the Kigezi region. I also didn’t know how to create water retention holes to control runoff, which caused severe soil erosion,’ Ms Kyarikunda recalls.

Her situation changed after receiving training in agronomic practices, sustainable land use, and access to agricultural loans-areas where many smallholder farmers in the region have long faced challenges.

‘Now, I use techniques like Fanya juu and Fanya chini when planting. With just 1 kg of seed beans, I now harvest 50 kg,’ she says proudly. ‘Previously, the same 1 kg would only give me 10 kg.’

Thanks to the adoption of better farming methods, including the use of bench terraces, her harvests and income have improved significantly. ‘It’s now easier to pay school fees and take care of my household,’ she adds.

Mr Denis Mwesigire, another farmer from Nyabyumba Village, Katenga Parish, practices mixed farming and has also seen notable improvements. By digging trenches, he conserves water and nutrients that would otherwise be lost through runoff and erosion.

‘We used to rely on traditional methods of planting a lot of seed with little output and no fertilizers. I would use 20 kg of bean seed to get just 100 kg. Today, I use only 5 kg and still harvest between 100 and 130 kg,’ he explains.

Mwesigire notes that planting in lines has reduced seed wastage and improved yields. ‘On average, we now earn around Shs300,000 per month from selling 100 kg of beans,’ he says.

Adding that the support by the BRIGHT project, implemented by International Fertilizer Development Center (IFDC) has enabled him to acquire better farming practices that have enabled him to have annual work plans and proper book keeping for their farms.

These testimonies highlight how the adoption of climate-smart agriculture and access to knowledge and finance are helping smallholder farmers in Uganda’s highlands overcome environmental challenges and boost their productivity.

Harnessing technology in hilly terrain

Mr JohnFrancis Nuwasasira, sustainable land use and crop production field officer at the IFDC and the BRIGHT Project in Rubanda district-Kigezi region says that when they first arrived in this region; they had to sensitize the people in Kigezi region on how to control soil erosion, use technology such as digging terraces and to ensure that there is land restoration.

This, he says, currently enables farmers to walk along the edges of freshly dug terraces carved into the hillsides, thereby creating a difference between eroded land and stabilized plots.

‘These bench terraces are a game-changer. Without them, the rainwater simply flows downhill, taking with it the fertile topsoil. But once the terraces are in place, they slow down the water, reduce erosion, and protect the soil. That means crops can grow without being washed away-and that leads to better harvests,’ Nuwasasira explains.

Indeed, these terraces do more than just hold soil in place. By flattening sections of the hill, they create more manageable farmland where crops can thrive. With improved soil retention comes increased productivity, ensuring not only food security for households but also surplus harvests that can be sold for income.

‘With increased crop yields; households begin to see economic transformation. They can feed their families and sell the excess for income. This leads to better living standards,’ he adds.

But building terraces on hillsides is no small task. Mobilizing the community is key and for that, local leadership and grassroots structures are essential.

‘We work closely with the local government systems, village councils, sub-county leaders, and community groups,’ he says, adding that one of the most effective groups are what are called ‘English groups’social support groups that come together during life events, like funerals or celebrations. These groups already have strong unity and rules, so we tap into that cohesion to organize community labor for digging terraces.’

Constructing a single bench terrace can take one to two weeks, depending on its length and the available labor. In more extensive areas, like the hillside Nuwasasira gestures toward, the process can stretch to several months. That particular stretch took nearly five months to complete.

But digging the terraces is just the beginning.

Adding that once the earthworks are done, the next step is contour stabilization. To reinforce the terraces and prevent them from collapsing under heavy rainfall or mudslides, farmers plant what are known as life stabilizers. These include Napier grass (also called Pak Chong or elephant grass), which is not only effective at holding the soil together but also serves as fodder for livestock. Alongside this, agroforestry trees such as Calliandra and Gliricidia are planted along the contours.

‘These plants act as natural barriers; they stop the mud from breaking through the terraces. Over time, the vegetation creates a stable ecosystem that keeps the land productive,’ Nuwasasira elaborates.

The results are visible. Stabilized land holds its structure, crops remain rooted, and communities that once struggled with poor yields are now on a path toward resilience and prosperity.

In these highland communities, technology doesn’t always mean machines and wires. Sometimes, it means knowledge applied skillfully and collaboratively to shape the land and secure a future for those who depend on it.

Empowering smallholder farmers

In Uganda’s rural farming communities, access to affordable finance remains one of the greatest barriers to productivity. Smallholder farmers often lack collateral, face high interest rates, and struggle with limited access to markets.

Ms Hellen Ninsiima, the Market and Value Chain Lead at IFDC, explains how the project is transforming agricultural finance through three strategic pathways-each designed to connect farmers to affordable credit, markets, and technology.

The different finance pathways or approaches include; Leveraging Community-Based Finance: The first approach involves working closely with local farmer organizations, including Saccos (Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations) and cooperatives.

‘A grassroots financing approach is being implemented by strengthening local farmer organizations such as Saccos and cooperatives, and linking them to formal financial systems through partners like Pearl Capital Partners and government programs,’ Ninsiima says.

Saccos receive funds at low interest rates and lend them to individual farmers or groups, ensuring access to affordable credit. In regions like Kigezi, loans-often tailored for women, youth, and small-scale farmers-are available for inputs like seeds and fertilizers at rates as low as 1.5% to 1.8% per month.

Streamlining loans approvals

She continues: ‘Many loans are provided in-kind to ensure proper use and improve agricultural productivity.’

Secondly; FinTech integration for smarter lending. This leverages financial technology (FinTech) to simplify and digitize loan access for rural farmers. In partnership with firms like Oxyn and financial institutions such as YuvaFold, FinTech tools collect and analyze transaction data from Village Savings and Loan (VSL) groups.

Each group uses a tablet to record savings, loans, and repayments, creating a digital financial profile shared with partner banks to demonstrate creditworthiness. This streamlines loan approvals and improves transparency. Loans are disbursed via mobile money, with local agents facilitating withdrawals to enhance accessibility.

Interest rates range from 2.8% to 3%, based on group risk profiles, encouraging responsible borrowing. Overall, the system boosts financial literacy, accountability, and access to finance in rural communities.

Thirdly, tripartite agreements to secure market access; involves tripartite agreements between cooperatives, Pearl Capital, and off-takers-agro-industrial companies that buy produce from farmers. Under this model, Pearl Capital lends to the cooperative, which supplies farmers with inputs. Once the harvest is delivered to the off-taker, part of the payment goes directly to repay the loan, and the remaining balance is paid to the farmers.

This structure ensures that loans are repaid on time and the money is used for the intended agricultural activities. It also links farmers directly to reliable markets, giving them confidence that their produce will be bought at fair prices, and that they will have the means to repay their loans without stress.

Ms Rodias Kyasimire, a consultant field officer with Agri Terra, Ms Rodias Kyasimire, a consultant with Agri Terra, is helping farmers in Kigezi’s erosion-prone hills tackle key challenges like soil and land degradation, counterfeit agro-inputs, and poor market access. Through training in sustainable land management, safe use of agrochemicals, and access to certified seeds and fertilizers from trusted suppliers, farmers are adopting safer and more productive practices.

‘Agri Terra also connects farmers with seed producers, agrochemical companies, and cooperatives that offer input loans and facilitate collective marketing-ensuring timely access to quality inputs, reducing middlemen exploitation, and increasing incomes,’ she says.

Adding that to strengthen collective action, they have supported the formation of cooperatives in areas like Nshanjare Emikago Association, Nyabyumba Farmers’ Sacco which are helping farmers bulk produce, access clean potato seeds from research institutions, and negotiate better prices. Furthermore, crop rotation with sorghum is promoted to maintain soil fertility year-round.

I have written this ‘Majority Report’ column every Saturday for eight straight years. Before, I wrote for The Observer for five years, similarly doing so every week without fail.

Over these combined 13 years as a weekly columnist, I have had nearly unfettered freedom to take on topics I deemed apt and write without undue censorship from my editors, company management or owners.

Only once did my Daily Monitor editors temporarily put on hold an article I filed – it didn’t run until the following week. I had made an assertion, perhaps construed as potentially problematic, so legal clearance was sought.

The piece eventually ran, totally unchanged; no word was edited out. As I waited for word from the legal department, I shared the piece with a highly respected former senior editor. He told me there was not a single word he would take out if he were making the editorial call. I was encouraged. Thus, when the clearance came through and the piece was published, I was not surprised.

When I started writing for The Observer, my editor, Richard Kavuma, was unequivocal – I would have the latitude to take on any topic or subject, including tackling specific political actors (though nothing personal); everything was fair game if my opinions were solid on logic, firm on evidence where necessary.

Someone reading my column in The Observer, and later this ‘Majority Report’, and indeed the many opinion columns that on different days of the week, some consistently and continuously published for more than two decades, would easily hand Uganda an A grade on media freedom!

The opinion pages of Daily Monitor, and the weekend papers – Saturday and Sunday – have long carried some of the most incisive and critical analyses of Uganda under Mr Yoweri Museveni’s rule. What is more, none of the regular columnists, from the Monday paper to Sunday Monitor, has suffered personal harm or harassment by the State. That, though, is only less than half the story.

The company and Daily Monitor, as a newspaper, along with its editors, though have at different times faced unwarranted state repression, including shutting down operations for prolonged durations, as happened in 2005 and 2013, resulting in revenue loss, but especially exacting a chilling impact on journalistic independence.

While writing for The Observer, back then as a graduate student, some of my teachers at Northwestern University in Chicago/Evanston, who knew Uganda’s politics a bit, were often deeply worried every time I took the trip back home. Given what they read in my column, they feared I would be yanked from the airport on arrival and harmed or, at best, incarcerated.

I never felt the same fear because I strongly believed that my column, like many others, posed zero political threat to the rulers. If anything, Mr Museveni and members of his rulership would easily point to relatively free media platforms, like Daily Monitor and The Observer, as evidence of Uganda’s democratic credentials.

Until very recently, I never thought the ‘Majority Report’ can cause me any trouble with Uganda’s autocratic rulership, in part because my professional status and institutional location likely would generate unnecessary bad press for the Ugandan government. But I have always left room for the possibility of some overzealous mid-rank, even lowlife, apparatchiks keen to impress or account for operational funds doing something nefarious.

The worst thrown at me over the years, though, were some nasty emails, some purporting to convey death threats, which I mostly laughed off.

I say until recently because I am now persuaded that Uganda’s political trajectory has taken a decided turn for the dark alleys of unbridled repression and blatant erosion of media freedom. The ‘Faustian bargain’ that Charles Obbo recently wrote about, the unwritten compromise of granting minimal accommodation to critical voices, which entailed allowing caustic columns like this one to run along with different forms of censorship and curtailment of free speech, appears all but shuttered.

The latest glaring infraction of banning the Nation Media Group platforms (Daily Monitor, NTV, KFM, etc.) from Parliament may seem extreme and shocking, but it tracks fully with the overall flow.

The sad irony is that this affront is happening at the behest of individuals ordinarily expected to stand up for and in defence of the media, particularly an outlet like Daily Monitor despite unfavourable reporting.

Today, Parliament is presided over by two former members of an Opposition political party, for what it is worth, both relatively younger and supposed to represent a new direction away from a decaying rulership.

Worse, Parliament’s Director of Communications, a civil servant but who unabashedly wears a badge of partisanship and openly displays unfiltered sycophancy, made his professional name working as a reporter and editor at Daily Monitor!

It is perhaps a sign of the times that individuals expected to stand on the progressive side of society and the public interest are among the most reactionary actors, wallowing in the glory of the positions they occupy today but unable to discern the treachery of power.

When maverick businessman Hamis Kiggundu, popularly known as Ham, mobilised construction material to kick-start the construction of shopping malls on the Nakivubo channel-the capital’s main storm water drainage channel-Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago responded by not only raising a red flag, arguing that it would result in an environmental catastrophe, but he also apportioned political blame.

Mr Lukwago’s most obvious political target was President Museveni, who, in a letter dated August 2, to his Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja, christened Mr Kiggundu’s plans as ‘godly.’

‘Ham points out the fact that the channel is open, invites people to throw rubbish, including plastics, faeces, etc, all of which disgust the people contiguous to the channel, leading to blockage of the channel and flooding,’ Mr Museveni wrote.

‘His proposal is imaginative and simple. Allow him to cover the channel after clearing it and strengthening it at his cost. What a really godly proposal! How will he recover his money? Simple. Allow him to build properties above it that will bring back the money. I approve of the plan. Help him execute,’ the President added.

Also in Mr Lukwago’s line of fire were councillors from the National Unity Platform (NUP) party. The councillors constitute the majority at City Hall, the seat of Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), and the Kampala Lord Mayor’s issue with them was that under the leadership of Zahara Maala Luyirika, the Council’s speaker, they had, on April 3, passed a resolution which intentionally or inadvertently greenlighted Mr Kiggundu’s project.

One of the resolutions passed by the NUP councillors, who included Mosh Sendi (Makindye East), Lillian Nakakande (Nakawa East), Boniface Bukenya (Kawempe South), Angel Kwagala (Kawempe South), Jeremiah Mwanje (Rubaga North), Francis Mbaziira (Kampala Central), Innocent Tegusulwa (Nakawa West), and Faridah Nakabugo (Rubaga South), read thus: ‘Council rejects the recommendation on placing a moratorium on all processes of KCCA giving out land titles to individual developers on drainage corridors and wetlands.’

The resolution came after Mr Lukwago asked the Council to pass a resolution halting Mr Kiggundu’s activities on the Nakivubo channel.

‘I was disappointed in the Council; instead of focusing on reclaiming the Nakivubo Drainage Channel, they all turned their discussion on me because I criticised the project. I moved a motion that Mr Kiggundu get arrested and prosecuted for his illegal activities, but the motion was rejected by Council members,’ Mr Lukwago, who has been Lord Mayor since 2011, said.

Costly miscalculation?

Mr Lukwago, who has been gearing up to defend his mayoral seat against NUP’s Ronald Balimwezo, followed up by writing to David Lewis Rubongoya.

In the letter, he asked NUP’s secretary general to investigate the councillors, alleging that they had been compromised by Mr Kiggundu. While Mr Rubongoya-who wants to represent Kampala Central in the 12th Parliament, didn’t respond formally to Mr Lukwago’s request, sources familiar with NUP’s plan said the party hatched a plan to contain the Lord Mayor, who they think was using the Nakivubo saga to extract political capital.

Mr Lukwago’s messaging was politically killing the leading Opposition party in its bastion of Kampala.

‘He has to be contained. Foot soldiers has to be mobilised to confront Lukwago on public platforms and rallies,’ a source familiar with NUP plans said on condition of anonymity.

One of the foot soldiers, who was reportedly deployed to respond to Lukwago was Nakabugo, the long-serving councillor for Rubaga South at City Hall.

During NUP’s internal processes, Nakabugo had requested to be NUP’s flagbearer in the Bukomansimbi District Woman Representative (DWR) race. This as the Opposition party attempted to move on from Veronica Nanyondo, who had fallen out with its top brass.

Yet in a twist of events, Ms Nakabugo would not be listed among the NUP flagbearers to tussle out for a position in next year’s general elections. It is understood that the calculus of NUP’s top brass indicated that Nakabugo was or in fact is key to the party’s plans in stopping Lukwago’s well-oiled campaign.

The party couldn’t have, one source told us, her skillset wasted in Bukomansimbi. Consequently, NUP opted to ask her to defend her Rubaga South slot in City Hall, never mind that she hadn’t applied for it.

There is an overwhelming body of evidence that shows just how Nakabugo has been key in ‘taming’, as another source put it, Mr Lukwago.

She, for one, claimed that the resolution the Council passed didn’t plainly name the Nakivubo channel.

‘I offer to resign if they bring the resolution and it says we gave Ham [Mr Kiggundu] Nakivubo channel,’ Nakabugo said.

When it rains, it pours

All this political messaging was going, according to NUP’s plans, until the rainy season set in, leading to the unprecedented floods around the Nakivubo channel.

This resulted in losses of lives and merchandise worth billions. The flooding, coming in a political season, could have political ramifications. Observers say President Museveni might not contend with the political effects of constructing shopping malls on top of a water stream located in an ecologically sensitive area like Nakivubo since he last won Kampala in the 1996 general elections, 10 years after he had shot his way to power.

It is a different ball game for NUP, which sees Kampala as its stronghold. Following the floods, voters are openly revisiting the records of NUP candidates in Kampala.

One of the NUP candidates facing backlash following the floods is Luyirika, the speaker of the Council that spoke in unison while giving Mr Kiggundu the all clear. Luyirika, who has been representing Makindye West at City Hall, is eyeing the Makindye West Member of Parliament (MP) slot on the NUP ticket. She is facing off with incumbent Allan Ssewanyana and David Musiri.

Both Ssewanyana and Musiri were controversially denied the NUP ticket. While the former has decided to stand as an Independent, the latter heads into the 2026 parliamentary race with a Democratic Front (DF) ticket.

Luyirika’s obtaining of the NUP ticket for the Makindye West slot was controversial in the sense that she had formally requested to feature in the Kampala DWR race. Once Shamim Malende, the incumbent, indicated that she was no pushover, NUP leadership decided to give Luyirika the Makindye West slot, provoking protests from Ssewanyana and Musiri.

While Musiri reacted to NUP’s decision by decamping to the DF, Ssewanyana, who is standing as an Independent, chose to make up with his old ally Lukwago, who presided over his campaign launch at Nsambya sharing Hall last month.

Wading in the waters

Lukwago’s support of Ssewanyana becomes critical in the sense that it renews his hostilities with Luyirika. In 2013, Luyirika, then a member of the Democratic Party (DP), was among the Opposition councillors who joined arms with those of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) to impeach Lukwago as Lord Mayor despite being served with a court order stopping the same by Ssewanyana, then a councillor representing Makindye.

In 2016, Luyirika was booted by the voters in Makindye West, who accused her of conniving with the NRM to frustrate Lukwago, forcing her to get a job in Kampala Capital City Authority’s technical wing.

In 2021, she decamped to NUP and made a comeback at City Hall. This time, NUP gave her the speaker’s role, still under controversial circumstances.

During the party primaries on who was to become the speaker, Luyirika emerged victorious with 12 votes, whilst his closest challenger, Hakim Kizza, got 10 votes, prompting NUP’s ‘foot soldiers’ to allege that she had compromised the process after using a lot of money.

It is not clear how Luyirika is personally going to wade in the murky waters of her latest scandal in Kampala’s principal drainage channel.

Her party, however, hatched a plan wherein top officials claimed they want to institute a suit against the State, accusing it of negligence. The party has insisted that its councillors are blameless.

‘We all saw the letter written by Museveni permitting Ham to take over the channel. You can’t blame our councillors,’ Rubongoya said this week. Yet Lukwago insists the councillors played a role in this debacle. ‘If only the councillors listened to my call. I presented a detailed damming report to them about drainage channels in Kampala,’ the Kampala Lord Mayor said.

Consequence

Observers say Mr Museveni might not contend with the political effects of constructing shopping malls on top of a water stream located in an ecologically sensitive area like Nakivubo since he last won Kampala in the 1996 general elections, 10 years after he had shot his way to power.

It is a different ball game for NUP, which sees Kampala as its stronghold. Following the floods, voters are openly revisiting the records of NUP candidates in Kampala.

Projections by Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) indicate continued growth for courier services in Uganda, driven by a surge in e-commerce and digital trade.

The market is expected to expand annually, with a significant increase in demand for last-mile delivery services for both domestic and international shipments, fueled by the growing e-commerce sector and a young, tech-savvy population.

Speaking during the opening of EHS’ official courier partner of Fedex, Ms Julianne R. Mweheire, the director of content at UCC, said increasing use of smartphones and digital marketplaces is fuelling a greater need for delivery services, as consumers expect convenience and fast delivery.

‘Companies are adapting to meet evolving customer demands for faster, more reliable, and cost-effective delivery, even as they face challenges like varied geography and the need for efficient last-mile solutions,’ she said.

Ms Mweheire noted that the entry of new licensees and the increasing compliance with regulations from the UCC are contributing to the growth of the formal courier sector.

A report by the Information Communication and Technology ministry has revealed that the e-Services market in Uganda is projected to reach 6.4 million users by 2029, with user penetration at 8.8 percent at the end of 2025.

The report shows that e-Services market revenue is projected to grow from an estimated $50.12m (Shs173.8b) in 2025 to $78.87m (Shs273.5b) by 2029, at an annual growth rate of 12 percent.

Dr Chris Baryomunsi, the ICT minister, says that, as e-commerce expands, the need for efficient and reliable last-mile delivery services will continue to grow, creating new opportunities for courier companies.

‘It is also projected to increase from $50.12m in 2025 to $78.87m by 2029 and expected to be 12.00 percent for the period 2025-2029,’ Minister Baryomunsi said.

Mr Baryomunsi added that e-commerce is forecasted to reach 6.4 million by 2029, with Average Revenue Per User (ARPU) projected to be $11.05 (Shs38,331) in 2025.

Mr Jimmy Kutosi, managing director EHS Uganda, said many landlocked African countries, including Uganda, face challenges due to higher transport costs and longer transit times compared to the global average.

‘There is a push to improve connectivity by integrating multimodal systems like rail, road, and ports to help countries like Uganda shift from exporting raw commodities to producing higher-value goods,’ he said, adding that, despite challenges, the logistics sector in Uganda presents an opportunity for companies like EHS to grow by addressing the region’s logistics needs.