Category: Daily Monitor

In the steep, erosion-prone hills of Kabale District in Uganda’s Kigezi region, smallholder farmers are overcoming severe agricultural challenges through innovation and resilience. With support, these smallholder farmers are adopting sustainable land management practices like bench terracing, agroforestry, and planting erosion-control grasses to restore soil fertility and protect their land.

Access to tailored agricultural finance through Saccos, Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs), and cooperatives is enabling smallholder farmers, especially women and youth-to invest in seeds, fertilizers, and market-ready products. Digital FinTech platforms and tripartite agreements now link producers, buyers, and lenders, strengthening value chains and ensuring reliable market access.

This integrated approach is transforming farming into a sustainable and profitable venture, turning Kabale’s challenging landscape into a beacon of agricultural resilience. The district is known for vegetables and Irish potatoes.

For the smallholder farmers in Kabale district, they are boosting yields and incomes through modern day practices.

Ms Anita Kyarikunda, a mother of two children and a smallholder farmer in Nshanjare Town Council, Rubanda District, is transforming her livelihood through improved farming methods. She grows Irish potatoes and beans on her two-acre plot.

‘I used to make losses because I didn’t know how to plant in rows and columns, especially given the hilly terrain in the Kigezi region. I also didn’t know how to create water retention holes to control runoff, which caused severe soil erosion,’ Ms Kyarikunda recalls.

Her situation changed after receiving training in agronomic practices, sustainable land use, and access to agricultural loans-areas where many smallholder farmers in the region have long faced challenges.

‘Now, I use techniques like Fanya juu and Fanya chini when planting. With just 1 kg of seed beans, I now harvest 50 kg,’ she says proudly. ‘Previously, the same 1 kg would only give me 10 kg.’

Thanks to the adoption of better farming methods, including the use of bench terraces, her harvests and income have improved significantly. ‘It’s now easier to pay school fees and take care of my household,’ she adds.

Mr Denis Mwesigire, another farmer from Nyabyumba Village, Katenga Parish, practices mixed farming and has also seen notable improvements. By digging trenches, he conserves water and nutrients that would otherwise be lost through runoff and erosion.

‘We used to rely on traditional methods of planting a lot of seed with little output and no fertilizers. I would use 20 kg of bean seed to get just 100 kg. Today, I use only 5 kg and still harvest between 100 and 130 kg,’ he explains.

Mwesigire notes that planting in lines has reduced seed wastage and improved yields. ‘On average, we now earn around Shs300,000 per month from selling 100 kg of beans,’ he says.

Adding that the support by the BRIGHT project, implemented by International Fertilizer Development Center (IFDC) has enabled him to acquire better farming practices that have enabled him to have annual work plans and proper book keeping for their farms.

These testimonies highlight how the adoption of climate-smart agriculture and access to knowledge and finance are helping smallholder farmers in Uganda’s highlands overcome environmental challenges and boost their productivity.

Harnessing technology in hilly terrain

Mr JohnFrancis Nuwasasira, sustainable land use and crop production field officer at the IFDC and the BRIGHT Project in Rubanda district-Kigezi region says that when they first arrived in this region; they had to sensitize the people in Kigezi region on how to control soil erosion, use technology such as digging terraces and to ensure that there is land restoration.

This, he says, currently enables farmers to walk along the edges of freshly dug terraces carved into the hillsides, thereby creating a difference between eroded land and stabilized plots.

‘These bench terraces are a game-changer. Without them, the rainwater simply flows downhill, taking with it the fertile topsoil. But once the terraces are in place, they slow down the water, reduce erosion, and protect the soil. That means crops can grow without being washed away-and that leads to better harvests,’ Nuwasasira explains.

Indeed, these terraces do more than just hold soil in place. By flattening sections of the hill, they create more manageable farmland where crops can thrive. With improved soil retention comes increased productivity, ensuring not only food security for households but also surplus harvests that can be sold for income.

‘With increased crop yields; households begin to see economic transformation. They can feed their families and sell the excess for income. This leads to better living standards,’ he adds.

But building terraces on hillsides is no small task. Mobilizing the community is key and for that, local leadership and grassroots structures are essential.

‘We work closely with the local government systems, village councils, sub-county leaders, and community groups,’ he says, adding that one of the most effective groups are what are called ‘English groups’social support groups that come together during life events, like funerals or celebrations. These groups already have strong unity and rules, so we tap into that cohesion to organize community labor for digging terraces.’

Constructing a single bench terrace can take one to two weeks, depending on its length and the available labor. In more extensive areas, like the hillside Nuwasasira gestures toward, the process can stretch to several months. That particular stretch took nearly five months to complete.

But digging the terraces is just the beginning.

Adding that once the earthworks are done, the next step is contour stabilization. To reinforce the terraces and prevent them from collapsing under heavy rainfall or mudslides, farmers plant what are known as life stabilizers. These include Napier grass (also called Pak Chong or elephant grass), which is not only effective at holding the soil together but also serves as fodder for livestock. Alongside this, agroforestry trees such as Calliandra and Gliricidia are planted along the contours.

‘These plants act as natural barriers; they stop the mud from breaking through the terraces. Over time, the vegetation creates a stable ecosystem that keeps the land productive,’ Nuwasasira elaborates.

The results are visible. Stabilized land holds its structure, crops remain rooted, and communities that once struggled with poor yields are now on a path toward resilience and prosperity.

In these highland communities, technology doesn’t always mean machines and wires. Sometimes, it means knowledge applied skillfully and collaboratively to shape the land and secure a future for those who depend on it.

Empowering smallholder farmers

In Uganda’s rural farming communities, access to affordable finance remains one of the greatest barriers to productivity. Smallholder farmers often lack collateral, face high interest rates, and struggle with limited access to markets.

Ms Hellen Ninsiima, the Market and Value Chain Lead at IFDC, explains how the project is transforming agricultural finance through three strategic pathways-each designed to connect farmers to affordable credit, markets, and technology.

The different finance pathways or approaches include; Leveraging Community-Based Finance: The first approach involves working closely with local farmer organizations, including Saccos (Savings and Credit Cooperative Organizations) and cooperatives.

‘A grassroots financing approach is being implemented by strengthening local farmer organizations such as Saccos and cooperatives, and linking them to formal financial systems through partners like Pearl Capital Partners and government programs,’ Ninsiima says.

Saccos receive funds at low interest rates and lend them to individual farmers or groups, ensuring access to affordable credit. In regions like Kigezi, loans-often tailored for women, youth, and small-scale farmers-are available for inputs like seeds and fertilizers at rates as low as 1.5% to 1.8% per month.

Streamlining loans approvals

She continues: ‘Many loans are provided in-kind to ensure proper use and improve agricultural productivity.’

Secondly; FinTech integration for smarter lending. This leverages financial technology (FinTech) to simplify and digitize loan access for rural farmers. In partnership with firms like Oxyn and financial institutions such as YuvaFold, FinTech tools collect and analyze transaction data from Village Savings and Loan (VSL) groups.

Each group uses a tablet to record savings, loans, and repayments, creating a digital financial profile shared with partner banks to demonstrate creditworthiness. This streamlines loan approvals and improves transparency. Loans are disbursed via mobile money, with local agents facilitating withdrawals to enhance accessibility.

Interest rates range from 2.8% to 3%, based on group risk profiles, encouraging responsible borrowing. Overall, the system boosts financial literacy, accountability, and access to finance in rural communities.

Thirdly, tripartite agreements to secure market access; involves tripartite agreements between cooperatives, Pearl Capital, and off-takers-agro-industrial companies that buy produce from farmers. Under this model, Pearl Capital lends to the cooperative, which supplies farmers with inputs. Once the harvest is delivered to the off-taker, part of the payment goes directly to repay the loan, and the remaining balance is paid to the farmers.

This structure ensures that loans are repaid on time and the money is used for the intended agricultural activities. It also links farmers directly to reliable markets, giving them confidence that their produce will be bought at fair prices, and that they will have the means to repay their loans without stress.

Ms Rodias Kyasimire, a consultant field officer with Agri Terra, Ms Rodias Kyasimire, a consultant with Agri Terra, is helping farmers in Kigezi’s erosion-prone hills tackle key challenges like soil and land degradation, counterfeit agro-inputs, and poor market access. Through training in sustainable land management, safe use of agrochemicals, and access to certified seeds and fertilizers from trusted suppliers, farmers are adopting safer and more productive practices.

‘Agri Terra also connects farmers with seed producers, agrochemical companies, and cooperatives that offer input loans and facilitate collective marketing-ensuring timely access to quality inputs, reducing middlemen exploitation, and increasing incomes,’ she says.

Adding that to strengthen collective action, they have supported the formation of cooperatives in areas like Nshanjare Emikago Association, Nyabyumba Farmers’ Sacco which are helping farmers bulk produce, access clean potato seeds from research institutions, and negotiate better prices. Furthermore, crop rotation with sorghum is promoted to maintain soil fertility year-round.

I have written this ‘Majority Report’ column every Saturday for eight straight years. Before, I wrote for The Observer for five years, similarly doing so every week without fail.

Over these combined 13 years as a weekly columnist, I have had nearly unfettered freedom to take on topics I deemed apt and write without undue censorship from my editors, company management or owners.

Only once did my Daily Monitor editors temporarily put on hold an article I filed – it didn’t run until the following week. I had made an assertion, perhaps construed as potentially problematic, so legal clearance was sought.

The piece eventually ran, totally unchanged; no word was edited out. As I waited for word from the legal department, I shared the piece with a highly respected former senior editor. He told me there was not a single word he would take out if he were making the editorial call. I was encouraged. Thus, when the clearance came through and the piece was published, I was not surprised.

When I started writing for The Observer, my editor, Richard Kavuma, was unequivocal – I would have the latitude to take on any topic or subject, including tackling specific political actors (though nothing personal); everything was fair game if my opinions were solid on logic, firm on evidence where necessary.

Someone reading my column in The Observer, and later this ‘Majority Report’, and indeed the many opinion columns that on different days of the week, some consistently and continuously published for more than two decades, would easily hand Uganda an A grade on media freedom!

The opinion pages of Daily Monitor, and the weekend papers – Saturday and Sunday – have long carried some of the most incisive and critical analyses of Uganda under Mr Yoweri Museveni’s rule. What is more, none of the regular columnists, from the Monday paper to Sunday Monitor, has suffered personal harm or harassment by the State. That, though, is only less than half the story.

The company and Daily Monitor, as a newspaper, along with its editors, though have at different times faced unwarranted state repression, including shutting down operations for prolonged durations, as happened in 2005 and 2013, resulting in revenue loss, but especially exacting a chilling impact on journalistic independence.

While writing for The Observer, back then as a graduate student, some of my teachers at Northwestern University in Chicago/Evanston, who knew Uganda’s politics a bit, were often deeply worried every time I took the trip back home. Given what they read in my column, they feared I would be yanked from the airport on arrival and harmed or, at best, incarcerated.

I never felt the same fear because I strongly believed that my column, like many others, posed zero political threat to the rulers. If anything, Mr Museveni and members of his rulership would easily point to relatively free media platforms, like Daily Monitor and The Observer, as evidence of Uganda’s democratic credentials.

Until very recently, I never thought the ‘Majority Report’ can cause me any trouble with Uganda’s autocratic rulership, in part because my professional status and institutional location likely would generate unnecessary bad press for the Ugandan government. But I have always left room for the possibility of some overzealous mid-rank, even lowlife, apparatchiks keen to impress or account for operational funds doing something nefarious.

The worst thrown at me over the years, though, were some nasty emails, some purporting to convey death threats, which I mostly laughed off.

I say until recently because I am now persuaded that Uganda’s political trajectory has taken a decided turn for the dark alleys of unbridled repression and blatant erosion of media freedom. The ‘Faustian bargain’ that Charles Obbo recently wrote about, the unwritten compromise of granting minimal accommodation to critical voices, which entailed allowing caustic columns like this one to run along with different forms of censorship and curtailment of free speech, appears all but shuttered.

The latest glaring infraction of banning the Nation Media Group platforms (Daily Monitor, NTV, KFM, etc.) from Parliament may seem extreme and shocking, but it tracks fully with the overall flow.

The sad irony is that this affront is happening at the behest of individuals ordinarily expected to stand up for and in defence of the media, particularly an outlet like Daily Monitor despite unfavourable reporting.

Today, Parliament is presided over by two former members of an Opposition political party, for what it is worth, both relatively younger and supposed to represent a new direction away from a decaying rulership.

Worse, Parliament’s Director of Communications, a civil servant but who unabashedly wears a badge of partisanship and openly displays unfiltered sycophancy, made his professional name working as a reporter and editor at Daily Monitor!

It is perhaps a sign of the times that individuals expected to stand on the progressive side of society and the public interest are among the most reactionary actors, wallowing in the glory of the positions they occupy today but unable to discern the treachery of power.

When maverick businessman Hamis Kiggundu, popularly known as Ham, mobilised construction material to kick-start the construction of shopping malls on the Nakivubo channel-the capital’s main storm water drainage channel-Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago responded by not only raising a red flag, arguing that it would result in an environmental catastrophe, but he also apportioned political blame.

Mr Lukwago’s most obvious political target was President Museveni, who, in a letter dated August 2, to his Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja, christened Mr Kiggundu’s plans as ‘godly.’

‘Ham points out the fact that the channel is open, invites people to throw rubbish, including plastics, faeces, etc, all of which disgust the people contiguous to the channel, leading to blockage of the channel and flooding,’ Mr Museveni wrote.

‘His proposal is imaginative and simple. Allow him to cover the channel after clearing it and strengthening it at his cost. What a really godly proposal! How will he recover his money? Simple. Allow him to build properties above it that will bring back the money. I approve of the plan. Help him execute,’ the President added.

Also in Mr Lukwago’s line of fire were councillors from the National Unity Platform (NUP) party. The councillors constitute the majority at City Hall, the seat of Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), and the Kampala Lord Mayor’s issue with them was that under the leadership of Zahara Maala Luyirika, the Council’s speaker, they had, on April 3, passed a resolution which intentionally or inadvertently greenlighted Mr Kiggundu’s project.

One of the resolutions passed by the NUP councillors, who included Mosh Sendi (Makindye East), Lillian Nakakande (Nakawa East), Boniface Bukenya (Kawempe South), Angel Kwagala (Kawempe South), Jeremiah Mwanje (Rubaga North), Francis Mbaziira (Kampala Central), Innocent Tegusulwa (Nakawa West), and Faridah Nakabugo (Rubaga South), read thus: ‘Council rejects the recommendation on placing a moratorium on all processes of KCCA giving out land titles to individual developers on drainage corridors and wetlands.’

The resolution came after Mr Lukwago asked the Council to pass a resolution halting Mr Kiggundu’s activities on the Nakivubo channel.

‘I was disappointed in the Council; instead of focusing on reclaiming the Nakivubo Drainage Channel, they all turned their discussion on me because I criticised the project. I moved a motion that Mr Kiggundu get arrested and prosecuted for his illegal activities, but the motion was rejected by Council members,’ Mr Lukwago, who has been Lord Mayor since 2011, said.

Costly miscalculation?

Mr Lukwago, who has been gearing up to defend his mayoral seat against NUP’s Ronald Balimwezo, followed up by writing to David Lewis Rubongoya.

In the letter, he asked NUP’s secretary general to investigate the councillors, alleging that they had been compromised by Mr Kiggundu. While Mr Rubongoya-who wants to represent Kampala Central in the 12th Parliament, didn’t respond formally to Mr Lukwago’s request, sources familiar with NUP’s plan said the party hatched a plan to contain the Lord Mayor, who they think was using the Nakivubo saga to extract political capital.

Mr Lukwago’s messaging was politically killing the leading Opposition party in its bastion of Kampala.

‘He has to be contained. Foot soldiers has to be mobilised to confront Lukwago on public platforms and rallies,’ a source familiar with NUP plans said on condition of anonymity.

One of the foot soldiers, who was reportedly deployed to respond to Lukwago was Nakabugo, the long-serving councillor for Rubaga South at City Hall.

During NUP’s internal processes, Nakabugo had requested to be NUP’s flagbearer in the Bukomansimbi District Woman Representative (DWR) race. This as the Opposition party attempted to move on from Veronica Nanyondo, who had fallen out with its top brass.

Yet in a twist of events, Ms Nakabugo would not be listed among the NUP flagbearers to tussle out for a position in next year’s general elections. It is understood that the calculus of NUP’s top brass indicated that Nakabugo was or in fact is key to the party’s plans in stopping Lukwago’s well-oiled campaign.

The party couldn’t have, one source told us, her skillset wasted in Bukomansimbi. Consequently, NUP opted to ask her to defend her Rubaga South slot in City Hall, never mind that she hadn’t applied for it.

There is an overwhelming body of evidence that shows just how Nakabugo has been key in ‘taming’, as another source put it, Mr Lukwago.

She, for one, claimed that the resolution the Council passed didn’t plainly name the Nakivubo channel.

‘I offer to resign if they bring the resolution and it says we gave Ham [Mr Kiggundu] Nakivubo channel,’ Nakabugo said.

When it rains, it pours

All this political messaging was going, according to NUP’s plans, until the rainy season set in, leading to the unprecedented floods around the Nakivubo channel.

This resulted in losses of lives and merchandise worth billions. The flooding, coming in a political season, could have political ramifications. Observers say President Museveni might not contend with the political effects of constructing shopping malls on top of a water stream located in an ecologically sensitive area like Nakivubo since he last won Kampala in the 1996 general elections, 10 years after he had shot his way to power.

It is a different ball game for NUP, which sees Kampala as its stronghold. Following the floods, voters are openly revisiting the records of NUP candidates in Kampala.

One of the NUP candidates facing backlash following the floods is Luyirika, the speaker of the Council that spoke in unison while giving Mr Kiggundu the all clear. Luyirika, who has been representing Makindye West at City Hall, is eyeing the Makindye West Member of Parliament (MP) slot on the NUP ticket. She is facing off with incumbent Allan Ssewanyana and David Musiri.

Both Ssewanyana and Musiri were controversially denied the NUP ticket. While the former has decided to stand as an Independent, the latter heads into the 2026 parliamentary race with a Democratic Front (DF) ticket.

Luyirika’s obtaining of the NUP ticket for the Makindye West slot was controversial in the sense that she had formally requested to feature in the Kampala DWR race. Once Shamim Malende, the incumbent, indicated that she was no pushover, NUP leadership decided to give Luyirika the Makindye West slot, provoking protests from Ssewanyana and Musiri.

While Musiri reacted to NUP’s decision by decamping to the DF, Ssewanyana, who is standing as an Independent, chose to make up with his old ally Lukwago, who presided over his campaign launch at Nsambya sharing Hall last month.

Wading in the waters

Lukwago’s support of Ssewanyana becomes critical in the sense that it renews his hostilities with Luyirika. In 2013, Luyirika, then a member of the Democratic Party (DP), was among the Opposition councillors who joined arms with those of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) to impeach Lukwago as Lord Mayor despite being served with a court order stopping the same by Ssewanyana, then a councillor representing Makindye.

In 2016, Luyirika was booted by the voters in Makindye West, who accused her of conniving with the NRM to frustrate Lukwago, forcing her to get a job in Kampala Capital City Authority’s technical wing.

In 2021, she decamped to NUP and made a comeback at City Hall. This time, NUP gave her the speaker’s role, still under controversial circumstances.

During the party primaries on who was to become the speaker, Luyirika emerged victorious with 12 votes, whilst his closest challenger, Hakim Kizza, got 10 votes, prompting NUP’s ‘foot soldiers’ to allege that she had compromised the process after using a lot of money.

It is not clear how Luyirika is personally going to wade in the murky waters of her latest scandal in Kampala’s principal drainage channel.

Her party, however, hatched a plan wherein top officials claimed they want to institute a suit against the State, accusing it of negligence. The party has insisted that its councillors are blameless.

‘We all saw the letter written by Museveni permitting Ham to take over the channel. You can’t blame our councillors,’ Rubongoya said this week. Yet Lukwago insists the councillors played a role in this debacle. ‘If only the councillors listened to my call. I presented a detailed damming report to them about drainage channels in Kampala,’ the Kampala Lord Mayor said.

Consequence

Observers say Mr Museveni might not contend with the political effects of constructing shopping malls on top of a water stream located in an ecologically sensitive area like Nakivubo since he last won Kampala in the 1996 general elections, 10 years after he had shot his way to power.

It is a different ball game for NUP, which sees Kampala as its stronghold. Following the floods, voters are openly revisiting the records of NUP candidates in Kampala.

Projections by Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) indicate continued growth for courier services in Uganda, driven by a surge in e-commerce and digital trade.

The market is expected to expand annually, with a significant increase in demand for last-mile delivery services for both domestic and international shipments, fueled by the growing e-commerce sector and a young, tech-savvy population.

Speaking during the opening of EHS’ official courier partner of Fedex, Ms Julianne R. Mweheire, the director of content at UCC, said increasing use of smartphones and digital marketplaces is fuelling a greater need for delivery services, as consumers expect convenience and fast delivery.

‘Companies are adapting to meet evolving customer demands for faster, more reliable, and cost-effective delivery, even as they face challenges like varied geography and the need for efficient last-mile solutions,’ she said.

Ms Mweheire noted that the entry of new licensees and the increasing compliance with regulations from the UCC are contributing to the growth of the formal courier sector.

A report by the Information Communication and Technology ministry has revealed that the e-Services market in Uganda is projected to reach 6.4 million users by 2029, with user penetration at 8.8 percent at the end of 2025.

The report shows that e-Services market revenue is projected to grow from an estimated $50.12m (Shs173.8b) in 2025 to $78.87m (Shs273.5b) by 2029, at an annual growth rate of 12 percent.

Dr Chris Baryomunsi, the ICT minister, says that, as e-commerce expands, the need for efficient and reliable last-mile delivery services will continue to grow, creating new opportunities for courier companies.

‘It is also projected to increase from $50.12m in 2025 to $78.87m by 2029 and expected to be 12.00 percent for the period 2025-2029,’ Minister Baryomunsi said.

Mr Baryomunsi added that e-commerce is forecasted to reach 6.4 million by 2029, with Average Revenue Per User (ARPU) projected to be $11.05 (Shs38,331) in 2025.

Mr Jimmy Kutosi, managing director EHS Uganda, said many landlocked African countries, including Uganda, face challenges due to higher transport costs and longer transit times compared to the global average.

‘There is a push to improve connectivity by integrating multimodal systems like rail, road, and ports to help countries like Uganda shift from exporting raw commodities to producing higher-value goods,’ he said, adding that, despite challenges, the logistics sector in Uganda presents an opportunity for companies like EHS to grow by addressing the region’s logistics needs.

Police in Adjumani District are investigating the outbreak of fire at Adjumani General Hospital staff quarters.

The incident occurred on Saturday, November 8, at approximately 2pm. According to Mr Collins Asea, the Police Public Relations Officer for North West Nile region, a police patrol vehicle was promptly dispatched to the scene upon receiving the information.

“Upon arrival, officers found that a staff quarter block comprising two units was engulfed in flames. Efforts to extinguish the fire using a small handheld fire extinguisher were unsuccessful due to the intensity of the blaze,” he said.

Mr Asea stated that both units were completely destroyed by fire, leaving nothing but ashes.

“The total value of the property destroyed has not yet been determined, as the victims are still in shock and unable to provide detailed information. The cause of the fire outbreak remains unknown at this time, and investigations are ongoing,” he added.

He said the victims are unable to specify what may have caused the fire, but crime scene investigators are currently on the ground collecting evidence for scientific analysis to determine the cause of the incident.

What began as a tense legal proceeding at the High Court yesterday quickly turned chaotic when Justice Emmanuel Baguma delivered a ruling declining to refer Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye and his co-accused’s application to the Constitutional Court.

The courtroom descended into disorder shortly after the decision, as emotions spilled over among relatives of the accused. Moments after Justice Baguma concluded that Dr Besigye and his co-accused, Mr Obeid Lutale and Capt Denis Oola, had failed to raise a substantial constitutional question, a woman identified as Mariam Obeid Lutale, Mr Lutale’s daughter sprang from her seat and rushed to the bar.

Wearing a blue hijab over a grey suit and a white blouse, Mariam grabbed microphones, belonging to various media houses, within her reach.

Shouting over the murmurs in court, she cried out that her family was tired of what was happening in the case. ‘We are tired of this! This is too much!’ she exclaimed, moving toward the judge’s bench in tears.

Within a spitting distance were counter terrorism police officers deployed at the court who jumped over the furniture to reach her. The security officers moved swiftly to restrain her, but she resisted, pulling at the microphones of journalists and shouting at the officers.

‘I will beat you!’ she warned, pointing a microphone toward a police officer before several officers overpowered her and dragged her out of the courtroom. The commotion halted proceedings for about 10 minutes. Journalists, lawyers, and family members stood in stunned silence as order was restored. Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale stood in the dock all this while, observing the proceedings in silence.

When the court reconvened, defence lawyer Martha Karua rose to address the bench. ‘My Lord, from your ruling we need to get instructions from our client,’ she began calmly. Ms Karua added: ‘The lady, who has just been carried out is a daughter of Hajji Obeid Lutale. She must have been carried away by emotions. We pray that you use your discretion to order her release. When she gets released, I promise we will sit with her and calm her down not to repeat what she has done.’

Assistant Director of Public Prosecutions Thomas Jatiko then stood to address the court and said:’In view of your guidance that this matter be fixed for scheduling, the State associates itself with the court’s direction.’

Defence lawyer Fredrick Mpanga, who appeared with Ms Karua and other counsel, requested that the legal team be allowed some time to speak privately with their clients before they were returned to confinement. ‘The last time we were allowed to speak to them briefly,’ he said. ‘In light of our schedules, we request for three weeks to organise our affairs and come back. Before we go, we also request for space to talk to our clients, we all cannot go to prison. We regret the incident that has happened.’

Mr Mpanga expressed concern about what he called ‘harsh conditions’ for the defence team’s access to court. ‘In the more rigid environment of the military, we were allowed in court. We do not hope to see civil courts acting the other way,’ he said, adding that the defence would advise the public about court decorum to avoid further disruption. Taking the floor, Capt Oola, one of the accused, spoke softly, saying: ‘It has taken me two years in prison, and I have not seen or talked to my mother and family. I am happy that my mother is in court today.’ He asked the judge to allow him a brief moment to speak to his mother before being taken back into custody.

The prosecution did not object to the defence’s request for more time. ‘We associate ourselves with the defence counsel for purposes of this adjournment,’ said Mr Jatiko. ‘We pray that court grants us four weeks. We have some high-profile matters coming up next week, including the Kagezi murder case and the Jamilu Mukulu case.’ Justice Baguma agreed to the joint request, fixing the plea-taking and scheduling for December 4. ‘This court will be available even today for a meeting with the parties and security officials to discuss issues of access and entry into court,’ the judge said before adjourning the case.

Earlier, Justice Baguma had ruled that Dr Besigye’s bid to refer the matter to the Constitutional Court did not meet the threshold under Article 137(5)(b) of the Constitution. He held that no substantial question of constitutional interpretation had been established, emphasising that ‘Article 28 of the Constitution lays down the principles of the right to a fair hearing, which this court is mandated to observe’.

The accused persons, through their lawyers, had requested the High Court to refer their case to the Constitutional Court, arguing that continuing with proceedings before Justice Baguma against whom they have a pending complaint before the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) violates their constitutional right to a fair and impartial hearing.

Their lawyers had framed the proposed constitutional question as: ‘Whether a court presided over by a judicial officer against whom a complaint by the accused persons seeking removal from office is pending is an independent and impartial court in accordance with Article 28(1) and Article 44(c) of the Constitution.’

However, Justice Baguma ruled that the matter did not meet the threshold for constitutional interpretation.

‘Article 137(5)(a) and (b) require that before a reference is made, the court must be satisfied that a prima facie case exists that interpretation of a constitutional provision is required, If this is not established, then no reference should be made,’ he stated.

Quoting previous authorities, including Sheikh Abdul Karim Sentamu and Another vs Uganda (1998) and Hon Sam Kuteesa vs Attorney General (2011), the judge emphasised that the court must first determine whether a real question of interpretation arises in the proceedings.

‘However much a party may request, he cannot have referred a matter that does not involve interpretation of the Constitution. Nor can a party give the court jurisdiction which the court does not have by law,’ Justice Baguma said.

He added:’The allegations that the accused persons will not get a fair trial are an imagination because Article 28 of the Constitution lays down the principles of the right to a fair hearing, which this court is mandated to observe.’

With that ruling, the treason case now moves toward trial preparations. Dr Besigye and Mr Lutale were returned to Luzira prison after the court session.

Right now, Uganda is in the middle of an electoral season, with election of President, Members of Parliament, Local Government leaders scheduled to take place in January 2026.

Nominations have been done, and aspirants for various positions have kick-started campaigns, with each carrying a message that they will enable them get supporters, and of course votes, come 2026.

Like me, I know other teachers will be keenly following the candidates’ proposed education agenda to see if they can really solve the current and future challenges.

Currently, the education sector, compared to eight years a go is doing fairly well. The new lower secondary curriculum is well in progress, thousands of new seed secondary schools have been built and teachers recruited, several online systems (EMIS, TMIS) have been launched.

Furthermore, the TVET, and Teacher’s policies have been rolled out, and the much-hyped enhancement of salaries for science teachers, and instructors.

Despite the progress, challenges still persist in Uganda’s education sector, including corruption in teacher recruitment, ghost teachers, mismanagement of grants, high school fees, poor pay for Arts teachers, limited support for ECD, and shortages of essential supplies.

Against this background, our leading presidential candidates have outlined their plans to address these issues.

President Yoweri Museveni and the NRM pledge to expand universal education (UPE, USE, and post-A-Level), recruit thousands of teachers, raise salaries for arts teachers, and modernise the curriculum to match labour-market needs.

The ruling party also promises to strengthen technical and vocational education (TVET), invest in digital learning, and improve school infrastructure nationwide.

On the other hand, the opposition parties emphasise equity, funding, and teacher welfare. Robert Kyagulanyi (NUP) proposes free and compulsory early childhood education (ECD) and primary education with meals, uniforms, and scholastic materials provided by the state, alongside better teacher-pupil ratios and digital learning resources.

Nandala Mafabi of FDC prioritises boosting capitation grants, introducing a national school-feeding policy, and ensuring fair teacher pay.

Meanwhile, Mugisha Muntu (ANT) focuses on improving teacher remuneration, expanding scholarships, and enhancing ICT use in education.

Collectively, their promises reveal broad agreement that Uganda’s education system needs better funding, motivated teachers, and stronger alignment between classroom learning and employable skills.

As a secondary school teacher with 13 years of service, who has also travelled and experienced other education systems abroad, I believe the following should form the foundation of an education manifesto for our next president. Firstly, curriculum reforms must continue.

Although the new lower secondary curriculum was introduced in 2020 and the first cohort sat for UCE in 2024, the A-Level and primary curricula remain unchanged.

Secondly, corruption remains a major obstacle that denies children quality education despite government funding.

A president who decisively tackles corruption will achieve much across all sectors.

Thirdly, digitization and internet access must be prioritised to support learning. Both primary and secondary school learners should have access to computers and Internet to support learning.

Fourthly, fair pay for all teachers is essential, as the 300 percent salary increment for science teachers while leaving Arts teachers behind was unfair.

Also, a system that rewards teachers equally and promotes them based on qualifications should be established. Fifth, the government should establish and support ECD centres because early learning lays the foundation for a child’s lifelong education and development.

Research shows that children who attend quality ECD programmes perform better in primary school, have better social skills, and are more likely to stay in school. Lastly, the growing number of private schools has left government schools, especially seed secondary schools under capacity.

Abolishing school fees in primary and secondary schools would change this, and strengthen public education and restore government schools to their central role.

These are some of the ideas and plans teachers and others are looking for. But our constitution states that power belongs to the people, and so voting for president is for all eligible Ugandans.

In conclusion, Uganda’s education sector stands at a critical point where meaningful reform, strong leadership, and accountability can redefine its future.

The next president has the opportunity to build an education system that is inclusive, equitable, and relevant to today’s world. An education that values both teachers and learners, embraces technology, and upholds integrity in public service.

It’s almost noon and the swelter tells the rest of the story of Limpopo, South Africa’s tropical province. Just two hours ago, we were departing Johannesburg, a bustling jungle of sky-smooching shiny buildings. That frame has now given way to sweeping savannah views on either side of N1 – a highway that spans 2,000km, from Cape Town via Joburg to Musina, a border town. N1, a part of the Cape-to-Cairo network, traces ancient trade routes that predate Kilwa Kisiwani, Mwenemutapa and Biharwe Eclipse.

Regular flights ply the Entebbe-Joburg route. Visitors fly then connect to local airports like Polokwane, the provincial capital. But, a road trip to this destination – flanked by Botswana, Moçambique and Zimbabwe – is meditative.

Home to Mapungubwe, Cradle of Humankind, the planet’s only savannah biosphere reserve, a massive national park and umpteen ancient rock paintings, this destination brags a year-round summer. Fields of varying sizes and hectares of farms pervade.

Young and old take to waterbodies to boat or just for gambolling. Icons such as broadcaster Aletta Motimele and Charlotte Maxeke, freedom fighter and teacher, hail from here. So does music maestro Master KG, known for Jerusalema, a hit during Covid-19.

The sky is a stunning blue today and the air cleaner here. Sites of ancient history and unparalleled beauty, with birdsong adding a melody to that frame, reign.

Inter-continental trade

Our ancestors must have been as enchanted. Traders, hunters and artists from the Kingdom of Mapungubwe traversed these lands centuries ago. Some of them participated in the intercontinental trade and exported gold to China, Egypt and beyond, taking in coastal states like the 1,100-year-old Mombasa.

Yanking us to the present, Limpopo-born youngster and anthropology student Vhuthuhawe Ramuli explains that these days a trip to Mapungubwe is akin to ‘a history lesson with a side of lions”: that site welds history and wildlife. Keeping true to their age-old tradition, baobab trees raise their hands in benediction.

‘If you love nature and enjoy great weather, you’ll love Limpopo place: the landscape, the scenery, sweet birdsong,’ marvels Grace Nakidde, a Kampala-based entrepreneur.

On the downside, visa restrictions between SA and Uganda stifle tourism, business leader Damali Ssali once noted in Monitor.

At last count, the annual tally of Azania-bound Ugandans was 13,000. VFS Global’s prohibitive fees and mistreatment of travellers from Uganda and other countries dampen traffic.

Strangely, VFS claims deep commitment to supporting’ the development of ‘travel and tourism to and from the continent’.

Further, Pretoria requires visas from DRC nationals while offering open access to many in the Global North. Malawi and Zambia’s recent visa waivers exclude the Congolese despite geographic and cultural proximity, exposing an ironic disjuncture.

Broadly, SA’s inbound traffic is over-reliant on Southern Africa which in turn accounts for almost two-thirds of the 9-million arrivals. Europe is the source of 1.3-million visitors (14%) and Asia 3%, exposing Mzansi’s lazy marketing in petrodollar-rich UAE or China, with 145-million outbound travelers. It’s about time today’s leaders learned from Mapungubwe which, centuries ago, penetrated global markets.

The numbers

For context, Uganda scrapes 4.2-million international and domestic holidaymakers to Zambia’s 2.4-million tourists.

Africa hosts an estimated 84-million annual visits with Morocco hosting 17.4-million of them. That’s double Azania’s tally but the latter should by now be approaching the 30-million mark given its numerous advantages: air connectivity, world-class infrastructure, cool pricing, visa exemptions for the subcontinent and most of the Global North and a diversity of attractions.

The medical tourism sector and the 2010 soccer jamboree, the globe’s biggest PR campaign, are yet to be capitalised on.

‘There’s so much that makes me want to come back. The experience was breath-taking,’ Ms Nakidde says of an achingly beautiful Magoebaskloof, a misty town east of Polokwane, reachable via the scenic R71 road.

Ubiquitous marula trees, amid little beneficiation, claim their share of the dreamscape. The young Ramuli is charmed.

“If I showed someone around, I’d take them to Blyde River, Mapungubwe and Magoebaskloof,’ she says, singling the latter for people who ‘love adventure like zip-lining, or just screaming your lungs out’.

These sights inspired the genius of Moses Tladi who went on to produce ‘poignant yet charming’ works, reported the Mail and Guardian.

‘His repertoire brings to life panoramic vistas of many sites in Limpopo’s Sekhukhuneland, the Free State and in Magaliesberg (Mogalesberg, actually). The Crown Mines painting is a reminder why the newspaper Umteteli wa Bantu described him as a ‘native genius’.’

Valleys, glades, ravines, hills and mountains blend delectably here. It’s as if this destination is a frame from Tladi’s canvas. While it’s off the beaten track, Waterberg – a birders’, hikers’ and photographers’ favourite and an oasis for city rats – is wondrous: the landscape gets greener and temperature warmer as you venture deeper. The province’s lushness and terrain remind Ms Grace of the Western Region.

On the savannah reserve’s eastern frontier sits Tiveka Game Lodge, a hit with travelers since its launch in 2006. “Some guests fall in love with our game drives and seeing the animals up close. Everyone seems to find their own special experience here,’ says founder MD Tiveka Mathumbu, listing Kruger’s Mopani Camp and Echo Caves as her personal favourites.

The sites

Busloads of tourists sample curated ‘authenticity’ where hotel bosses gather Africans to sing, dance and, sometimes, serve offal to guests. That’s not authentic. Visitors from across Africa can tell.

Anyway, materialising just south of Polokwane as we hit the culturally-rich Mokopane, is the escarpment named Lebopo and Maloti. The Cradle of Humankind heritage is named Makapansgat and Makapans Valley (since the Dutch and French mispronounced the eponym). The site is off the radar but brace yourself if you choose to go. By the time you’re done – if your guide is the affable Mariri Peter Molomo, who melds palaeontology, geography, economics and politics with ease and captivating storytelling skills – you’d feel you’ve traced the timeline from date to Stone Age.

Limpopo tourism boss Moss Ngobeni predicts annual domestic and global traffic will have grown by a third, to hit 10-million, by December. Overreliance on wildlife can harm the planet and stunt sectors like gastronomy, meetings, and creative industries. Barring wildlife, what is the province actively marketing to East Africans, Asians and others? Of the 70-million Europeans who holiday overseas, only a trickle visit Limpopo.

With this year’s G20 summit imminent, will government officials (tourism, arts, economic development, youth, etc.) host, in this province, politicians and captains of industry from Aotearoa, Brazil, Côte d’Ivoire, Denmark, Ethiopia, France, Ghana, Japan or Uganda? Like baobab trees with their raised hands, young hospitality graduates are praying. Savannah vistas and gems are waiting: historic Mapungubwe, a slice of Eden called Waterberg (including Bela Bela, a resort town of hot mineral springs), museums and events aplenty. Well, top dogs don’t care. Look at the VFS mess and squandered job opportunities.

Yet, beyond safaris, Limpopo’s menu is long: magical sunrises, mountain camping, heart-pounding abseiling, magical hot-air ballooning, stargazing, and so on. This is the junction of adventure and laughter, it’s the place where the present hangs out with the past.

“My entrepreneurial journey began eight years ago, shortly after completing Senior Six. I left Ntungamo for Fort Portal to help my uncle start a business, but the venture never took off. With only Shs40,000 to my name and nowhere to stay, a friend offered me shelter in an abandoned house. He was making liquid soap and encouraged me to learn the skill as a means of survival.

Using the little money I had, I bought ingredients and began experimenting. Within a few months, I was producing liquid soap and packaging it in reused mineral water bottles. I hawked my products around Fort Portal City, determined to make ends meet. When I tried to access financing from a bank, the requirements were discouraging. I later secured a small loan of Shs480,000 from a microfinance institution-far less than I needed-but I worked hard and repaid it faithfully.

My breakthrough came when a friend introduced me to Equity Bank’s Youth Loan. The process was straightforward, and the Relationship Officer guided me patiently. After mobilising a few friends, we received financial literacy training from the bank. With group guarantors, I successfully applied for my first youth loan of Shs2.5m.

That loan changed everything. I increased production, improved packaging, and expanded my market. Soon, I was invited by the Tooro Women’s Group to train them in soap making, which enhanced my visibility. My client base grew rapidly as I began supplying hotels, supermarkets, and other businesses. I hired my first employee-first temporarily, then permanently.

After repaying my first loan, I secured another for Shs4.5m to scale up production. Over time, I have accessed six youth loans ranging from Shs2.5m to Shs5m, and six digital loans between Shs1m and Shs3m. My working capital has since grown from Shs1.5m to Shs40m.

Today, my business, Klean Star Products, operates three branches-in Fort Portal, Kyenjojo, and Mbarara-and serves 11 districts across western Uganda. We’ve diversified our product line to include Jik, body lotion, jelly, shampoo, candles, and bar soap. I now employ eight full-time staff and supply raw materials to other soap makers.

From living in an abandoned house to owning land, a car, and livestock, my life has transformed. Equity Bank believed in me when others didn’t.

Their Youth Loan empowered me to dream bigger-and now I’m working towards turning Klean Star Products into a fully-fledged factory that creates jobs and serves the nation.”

Two years ago, a power struggle erupted between two factions of Sudan’s military. Today, this conflict is spiralling out of control, with thousands being killed in what a United Nations report has called ‘slaughterhouses’.

Last week, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the paramilitary group battling Sudan’s army, captured the city of El Fasher, the last hold-out in the western Darfur region held by the military.

Soon after, reports of ethnically motivated massacres emerged. The World Health Organization said 460 people were killed in just one incident at the city’s hospital. Witnesses described widespread executions and sexual violence targeting certain ethnic groups.

A UN fact-finding mission found already last year that both sides in the conflict have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Rights groups and analysts are now sounding the alarm about a possible genocide taking place. Some say the killings are reminiscent of the start of the Rwanda genocide in 1994, which killed a staggering 800,000 people.

The atrocities are also following the same troubling pattern as in Darfur 20 years ago, which killed an estimated 300,000 people.

Back then, celebrity activists such as George Clooney helped put Darfur on the map. It became a major foreign policy issue in the United States, Europe, Africa and elsewhere. The genocide in Rwanda was still relatively fresh in people’s minds. The slogan ‘never again’ was still taken somewhat seriously.

The global attention eventually led the International Criminal Court to indict Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir for allegedly directing the campaign of mass killings in Darfur, the first sitting head of state to be indicted.

Sudan is now home to the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. Hundreds of thousands have been killed since 2023, 12 million people have been displaced and 21 million people face what the UN calls ‘high levels of acute food insecurity’.

Yet, compared to the early 2000s, the international community has been largely silent.

Why global attention matters

It would be tempting to say the wars and suffering in Gaza and Ukraine have overshadowed Sudan in the minds of global leaders and concerned citizens alike. But this does not mean the world can’t do anything.

Global awareness did not solve anything by itself in Darfur 20 years ago, but it was a first step. It led to the eventual deployment of a peacekeeping mission by the United Nations and the African Union.

The mission was too small and limited, but it showed that international peacekeepers can still have a positive impact in the 21st century. They can monitor ceasefires, implement disarmament programs, protect civilians and prevent further escalations of violence.

More attention – and pressure – also needs to be placed on the external actors supporting both sides in the current conflict. These countries are pursuing their own strategic interests in Sudan and consider the power struggle a chance to increase their influence in the region and exert control over Sudan’s natural resources.

The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) are backed by Egypt, Turkey, Iran and Russia. The United Arab Emirates, meanwhile, has been accused of funding and providing weapons to the Rapid Support Forces in clear violation of an arms embargo.

While these countries deny arming both sides, rights groups say a flood of weapons has nonetheless entered the country. The United Arab Emirates, in particular, is accused of covertly supplying drones, howitzers, heavy machine guns and mortars to RSF fighters in Darfur.

The United Arab Emirates has only just started to distance itself from the RSF following the recent atrocities in El Fasher.

What’s needed to bring peace

A ceasefire must urgently be agreed to, so humanitarian corridors can be opened to allow aid organisations to do their work.

All outside military support to the warring parties must end immediately. The current arms embargo is too limited and has been poorly implemented – it needs to be strengthened.

And more sanctions should be imposed, especially on the perpetrators reportedly responsible for international crimes. In January, the Biden administration levied sanctions on the RSF commander and several UAE-based companies supporting him – these must now be expanded.

This would make it more difficult for Sudan’s lucrative gold trade to continue to be used by both sides to sustain the war.

For the peace to hold in the long term, both sides must also agree on a mechanism to disarm or integrate the RSF fighters into the regular forces.

Establishing some form of justice and reconciliation process can also contribute to preventing further violence. This sends a clear signal that committing crimes will not be rewarded. It can also help communities heal and give peace a better chance.

Nothing of this sort has really happened in Darfur over the past couple decades. Instead, political actors continued to exploit and aggravate ethnic tensions. The RSF, in particular, has recruited fighters from the infamous Janjaweed militias responsible for the Darfur atrocities in the early 2000s.

A further complication is the increasing fragmentation of the situation, as the Sudanese Armed Forces and RSF are not perfectly integrated armies. They do not have centralised control over their various coalitions of fighters.

This means that while getting the leaders to agree on a ceasefire is important, it may not be sufficient.

As a result, peace initiatives must include local agreements with individual rebel leaders and smaller factions of fighters, which can greatly increase the security of the population in particular areas.

To be clear, lasting peace does not come from some miracle peacemaker. In fact, nothing tangible came out of previous attempts at peace talks aimed at ending the conflict this year.

But this is where other actors can play an important role. The United Arab Emirates, for example, may now feel pressured to exert a more positive influence on the RSF and urge it to come to the negotiating table. The same applies to Egypt and the Sudanese Armed Forces.

And a more comprehensive plan then needs to be worked out, ideally through an international organisation like the United Nations or the African Union, with the goal of empowering the people of Sudan to make their own political decisions.

Sudan is a stark reminder that making lasting peace takes huge efforts. The devastating situation in the country demands the world keep trying.