Category: Daily Trust

The proposal for a four-year ‘Government of National Competence’ by a coalition of opposition parties is one of the more interesting ideas to emerge from Nigeria’s increasingly active pre-2027 political season. At a summit organised by the G100 in Abuja, representatives of six opposition parties – the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Allied Peoples Movement (APM), Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) – considered a framework built around a single four-year transition term. The proposed Government of National Competence would be anchored on competence, integrity, national inclusion and fair representation, while a four-year ‘National Reset Programme’ would provide its policy framework. The proposal is also expected to be backed by what its promoters describe as an enforceable Transition Charter.

There is something refreshing about a political conversation that attempts to move beyond the familiar arithmetic of who gets which ticket and who controls which party structure. Yet precisely because the proposal is ambitious, Nigerians should resist the temptation either to dismiss it as another opposition strategy for 2027 or to embrace it as an instant solution to the country’s problems. However, what does a four-year transition actually mean within Nigeria’s constitutional democracy?

The Constitution already provides for a four-year presidential tenure. Section 135 (2) states that the President shall vacate office at the expiration of four years from the commencement of the relevant term, subject to the circumstances provided by the Constitution.

Therefore, there is nothing constitutionally unusual about a government serving four years. The novelty in the G100 proposal is not the duration itself, but the suggestion that the political actors involved would voluntarily commit themselves to a single four-year term devoted to a defined national reset.

The Nigerian Constitution recognises a four-year presidential term and permits a person who has not previously been elected President at two elections to contest for the office, subject to the constitutional requirements. Section 137 specifically disqualifies a person who has already been elected President at two previous elections.

This raises a fundamental constitutional question for the proponents of the Transition Charter: can a political agreement among parties create an enforceable restriction on a President’s constitutional eligibility to seek another term? We need to understand that there is an important difference between a political promise and a constitutional limitation.

A presidential candidate can certainly promise Nigerians that he or she will serve only one term. A coalition can also enter into an agreement requiring its candidate to make such a commitment, but if the intention is to create a legal prohibition against seeking another term, the proponents must explain the constitutional mechanism through which this would be achieved.

Political parties or coalition cannot, by agreement alone, amend its provisions. Any alteration to the constitutional framework must follow the prescribed amendment process under Section 9. The National Assembly’s own explanation of the constitutional alteration procedure points to the requirement for supermajorities at the federal and state levels.

However, this does not make the G100 proposal impossible. If the single-term commitment is intended merely as a political covenant, Nigerians should be told so. If it is intended to have legal force beyond a political undertaking, the coalition must explain the constitutional route for achieving that objective.

Nigeria has had no shortage of political agreements. The problem has often been what happens when political circumstances change. As Salihu Moh Lukman, who presented the framework on behalf of the G100, reportedly observed, Nigerian politics has suffered from promises that nobody could enforce when the person who made them changed his or her mind. The G100 has consequently proposed that the commitments be written, witnessed and backed by consequences. That is a sensible starting point, but it immediately raises another issue. What exactly are the consequences, and who has the authority to impose them?

Suppose an opposition coalition wins the 2027 presidential election and its candidate subsequently decides to seek another term. Would the Transition Charter prevent the person from obtaining a party nomination? Could INEC legally reject the nomination because of the Charter? Could a court enforce the agreement? Could coalition parties remove a sitting President for violating it? These questions cannot be left to political rhetoric.

There is, however, a strong argument in favour of the idea that deserves consideration. One of Nigeria’s longstanding governance problems is the dominance of electoral calculations over difficult policy decisions. Politicians understandably think about the next election, the next coalition, the next appointment and the next political battle. A government that voluntarily limits itself to a single term could, in theory, have greater political space to undertake reforms whose immediate costs may be unpopular but whose long-term benefits are substantial.

Such an administration could potentially approach issues such as electricity, public-sector reform, security-sector restructuring, education, taxation, fiscal federalism and institutional accountability with less concern about their immediate electoral consequences. Unfortunately, this argument also has a serious counterpoint. A President who cannot seek re-election may be liberated from the politics of electoral survival, but may also become less directly accountable to voters. The possibility of re-election is not just an incentive for good governance; it is also one of the mechanisms through which voters can reward or punish political leadership.

Based on this, the G100 therefore faces a delicate task. This is, how does it create a government sufficiently free to undertake difficult reforms without creating a government insufficiently constrained by democratic accountability?

The answer cannot simply be a Transition Charter. This requires stronger institutions. An effective single-term government would need an independent judiciary, credible electoral institutions, a legislature capable of exercising oversight, professional security institutions, transparent public procurement, strong auditing mechanisms and a free media capable of scrutinising government. Without these safeguards, ‘national competence’ could become another political label attached to the same old system of patronage.

There is also the question of what makes a government ‘of national competence’. Competence is an attractive word. Everyone wants competent government. But competence must be measurable. If the coalition is serious, it should publish its proposed National Reset Programme before Nigerians are asked to vote for it.

What exactly would be achieved within four years? How many jobs would be created? What would happen to electricity generation and distribution? What security outcomes would be expected? What would be done about public debt and revenue mobilisation? How would education and healthcare be transformed? What institutional reforms would be completed? What would happen to the federal structure? What would be the measurable targets for poverty reduction, agricultural productivity and industrialisation? Without answers to such questions, ‘National Reset’ risks becoming another evocative political slogan.

There is another problem that may prove even more difficult. This is the issue of ‘coalition governance’. The proposed government is expected to bring together political interests that have historically competed against one another. The G100 framework speaks of national inclusion and fair representation among participating parties. That is politically understandable. But there is a danger that ‘fair representation’ could eventually become another expression for sharing offices among political actors.

A ‘Government of National Competence’ should not become a ‘Government of Compensatory Appointment’. If a coalition wins power, the test should not be how many ministries each party receives. The test should be whether the best people available are appointed to the jobs that matter, regardless of which party they belong to.

This is particularly important because the language of competence can easily become contradictory when negotiated within a political coalition. If competence is genuinely the organising principle, some politicians who contribute to the electoral victory may have to accept that they are not necessarily the best people to govern.

That is where the G100’s political test becomes more difficult than its constitutional test. Can Nigeria’s opposition politicians agree on rules before they know who will benefit from them? Can presidential aspirants accept an outcome that excludes them? Can political parties surrender some of their individual ambitions for a common programme? And can those who help build the coalition accept that the reward for political sacrifice may not necessarily be a ministerial appointment?

These are not peripheral questions. They determine whether the proposed arrangement can survive beyond the excitement of the 2027 campaign.

The G100 initiative is therefore worth watching, not because it has already produced a viable alternative government, but because it has opened a conversation that Nigerian politics badly needs: what should an alternative government actually look like?

The opposition’s answer cannot be simply that it will replace the APC. Nor should Nigerians accept the argument that removing one political party automatically constitutes national renewal.

If the proposed Government of National Competence is genuinely intended as a national reset, its proponents should be willing to subject the idea to the same scrutiny they would demand of the government they seek to replace. They should publish the Transition Charter, explain its constitutional basis, identify its enforcement mechanisms, define the limits of the proposed government, set out its reform priorities and establish measurable benchmarks by which Nigerians can judge its performance.

Most importantly, they should tell Nigerians what happens at the end of the four years. If the experiment succeeds, does the country simply return to the existing constitutional order? Would the outgoing President be free to contest again? Would the coalition dissolve? Would its parties return to competition? Or is the four-year government intended to prepare the ground for deeper constitutional and institutional reforms?

These questions matter because political transitions should not be designed around personalities alone. Some of us observing what is happening, we find that the most interesting aspect of the proposal not its potential to defeat the ruling party, but its attempt to change the conversation from who should govern Nigeria to how Nigeria should be governed. That is a much healthier question for a democracy.

But ideas should not be judged by the attractiveness of their names. ‘Government of National Competence’ sounds compelling. ‘National Reset’ sounds urgent. ‘Transition Charter’ sounds reassuring. Yet democratic governance cannot rest on terminology. The real test is whether the proposal can survive constitutional scrutiny, political bargaining, institutional reality and the unpredictable behaviour of politicians once they acquire power.

Nigeria should therefore neither reject the idea because it comes from opposition parties nor accept it because it promises a reset. The proponents should show Nigerians the blueprint, the constitutional pathway, the safeguards and the measurable destination. Four years may be enough to begin a national reset. It will not be enough to repair another political experiment built on promises that were never designed to survive power.

The Local Organising Committee (LOC) of the maiden National Intermediate Games, says the upcoming competition will drive the development of school sports.

It added that the Games would create a sustainable pathway for young talents, noting that it would go beyond the competition arena by strengthening links between school sports, grassroots participation and elite competition.

This was contained in a statement by Gbenga Omotoso, Chairman, Media and Publicity sub-committee.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the Games, tagged EKO 2026, will hold in Lagos from Oct. 1 to Oct. 15, with about 15,000 athletes expected from the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

The LOC is chaired by Sam Egube, Deputy Chief of Staff to Gov. Babajide Sanwo-Olu, while Lekan Fatodu, Director-General, Lagos State Sports Commission and Mobolaji Ogunlende, Commissioner for Youth and Social Development are co-chairmen.

According to Egube, the Games will not be treated as a one-off sporting event.

He said EKO 2026 would serve as a sustainable platform for talent identification, monitoring and development.

‘This is a commitment to human development and to encouraging our sporting system.

‘Immediately after the event, athletes will benefit from tangible incentives, opportunities for support and training.

‘As we build new schools, modern sporting facilities are integrated, ensuring that talents are nurtured within school programmes,’ Egube said. (NAN)

Three years after a devastating ginger blight outbreak crippled production, farmers in parts of Kaduna State are once again battling a fungal disease that is destroying their crops and threatening their livelihoods.

Many farmers are spending heavily on chemicals to save their crops from the latest outbreak, with some resorting to premature harvesting to minimise losses.

The farmers told Daily Trust that the disease had become increasingly severe this farming season, making ginger production more expensive, as some growers now have to spray their farms as frequently as once a week.

In 2023, more than 100,000 farmers suffered severe financial setbacks after the blight destroyed between 80 and 90 per cent of their crops, with losses estimated at N12 billion.

The damage was particularly severe in major ginger-producing local government areas of Kaduna State, including Kachia, Kagarko and Jaba, where crop losses reportedly reached 95 per cent.

Farmers share experiences

For Haruna Kago, the signs appeared when he least expected them.

On August 1, the ginger farmer in Kubacha, Kagarko Local Government Area of Kaduna State, noticed dark spots, yellowing leaves, blight and drying tips on his farm.

At first, the problem appeared limited. But within 14 days, the disease had spread across his entire two-hectare farm.

Kago said he had invested about N12 million in the farm and expected a harvest worth approximately N30 million.

He estimated that one hectare had already been lost, while he had spent about N1.2 million on chemicals to contain the disease.

His experience captures a fresh wave of anxiety among ginger farmers barely three years after a devastating disease outbreak crippled production.

Kago told Daily Trust that the first symptoms he noticed were blight, dark spots, yellowing leaves and the death of plant tips.

‘Within 14 days, all the two hectares of the farm were affected,’ he said, adding that the damage was not limited to what could be seen above the ground.

‘I observed maggots in the ginger seed. It stopped sprouting, leading to decay of the ginger rhizomes,’ he said.

With about half of his farm already affected, Kago said he expected to lose approximately N15 million worth of ginger.

But the financial burden does not end there. He said he had already spent about N1.2 million trying to control the disease.

The farmer rated the effectiveness of the treatment at only three out of 10.

He has not yet resorted to premature harvesting, choosing instead to monitor the effect of the latest treatment.

For Kago, the combined value of the destroyed crop and money spent fighting the disease could put his losses at about N17.5 million.

Another affected farmer, Sani Simon, who farms in Kurumusa, Southern Kaduna, said the cost of producing ginger had become unbearable, particularly for farmers cultivating large areas of land.

He said his five-hectare farm required repeated applications of chemicals to control the disease, warning that the situation could result in huge financial losses if the outbreak persisted.

‘Honestly speaking, it will affect me a lot. Farming ginger is not easy. The one we will farm next year, we are preparing it this year,’ Simon said.

He said the financial burden became even more difficult when the disease attacked the crop, as farmers were forced to buy additional chemicals and spray repeatedly.

Another farmer and agrochemical dealer, Monday Jonah, said the disease had become so serious that normal fungicide applications were often insufficient to completely control it.

Jonah, who manages and works with nearly 300 ginger farmers, said growers were spending huge amounts of money on agrochemicals, with the cost varying according to the size of their farms and frequency of application.

He said some farmers cultivating about two hectares could spend between N222,000 and N250,000 on a single application, while repeated spraying every few days could push the cost significantly higher.

Jonah said some specialised fungicides were particularly expensive, with a litre of one of the products selling for between N135,000 and N150,000. He added that availability had also become a challenge.

He warned that the rising cost of inputs could wipe out farmers’ profits if ginger prices fell or yields declined because of the disease.

‘If the ginger is sold at a low price, there will not be profit. When you calculate how many millions are spent on agrochemicals and the ginger does not yield well, there will not be a good return,’ he said.

The farmers also expressed disappointment over what they described as inadequate access to government intervention.

Simon alleged that although government authorities were previously aware of the challenges facing ginger farmers and assistance had reportedly been provided, many farmers at the grassroots did not benefit.

He appealed to government agencies and other stakeholders to visit farming communities directly, assess the extent of the problem and provide assistance to genuine farmers.

‘We are pleading with the government to come directly to the grassroots and take the records so they can assist us. Without that, honestly speaking, we will be in a mess,’ he said.

He said ginger remained the major source of income for many families, including graduates who had turned to farming because of the difficulty of securing formal employment.

According to him, the impact of the disease went beyond farming, as families dependent on ginger sales were struggling to pay school fees, complete building projects and repay loans.

He disclosed that he personally obtained a N3 million loan to invest in ginger production during an earlier crisis but was only able to repay about N1 million after suffering losses.

Jonah, who also farms in areas including Jaba and Kafanchan, said he had records of hundreds of farmers under his supervision and was willing to provide government authorities with information that could help identify genuine ginger farmers and target assistance appropriately.

The farmers warned that without intervention, continued disease attacks and rising production costs could discourage growers from planting ginger, threaten household incomes and worsen food production challenges in the affected communities.

‘We fear ginger may disappear’

In Jema’a Local Government Area, Alhaji Ibrahim Koli has a similar but more painful story.

Koli told Daily Trust that he lost more than N30 million from his farm despite repeatedly applying chemicals and insecticides.

What troubles him most, he said, was that the problem had continued to reappear on his farms year after year.

‘My fear is that if caution and precautions are not taken, the ginger species will become extinct from Southern Kaduna, the region that produces the largest amount of ginger, both in quality and quantity, in the country,’ he said.

Koli said he had tried recycling ginger seeds from one farm to another and had also purchased different planting materials, but the disease continued to affect his farms.

His losses have also forced him to make difficult decisions.

Between July and August, he said, he harvested some ginger prematurely and sold it for about N100,000 per bag, despite having spent about N600,000 to produce each bag.

‘This is a total loss as you can see,’ he said.

Koli believes changing climatic conditions may be contributing to the problem, although this remains his assessment and not an established scientific finding.

‘I believe this has to do with climate change because I used a very active insecticide, Caprodew, which is sold at N150,000 per litre, but it did not work,’ he said.

He also said he lost more than N33 million to the disease on his farm last year.

‘I wrote to the government and Kaduna SEMA, but nothing yet has happened. We are appealing to the government to come to our aid with different kinds of interventions,’ he said.

With his ginger continuing to die, Koli said he had started planting beans on the farm.

FG’s intervention

The Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Senator Abubakar Kyari, said the Federal Government had established a four-committee task force to combat the ginger blight crisis.

According to Kyari, the Technical and Research Committee would study the disease and develop control measures to prevent future outbreaks.

The Emergency and Recovery Committee would support farmers affected by the failed season through comprehensive assessments and targeted relief, while the Capacity and Productivity Committee would provide farmers with training, quality seeds and proven methods for combating the fungus and promoting good agronomic practices.

Kyari also said a N1.6 billion recovery programme for affected farmers, using the National Agriculture Development Fund (NADFund), had been launched as part of efforts to address the crisis.

Despite the Federal Government’s intervention, many farmers who spoke with Daily Trust said they were still waiting for assistance, which they said had yet to reach them.

The Energy Commission of Nigeria says it is partnering with global solar giant LONGi to set up local manufacturing in the country.

The Director-General of the ECN, Dr. Musa Abdullahi, disclosed this on Wednesday during a familiarisation visit to his office by the Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology, Dr. Mukhtar Yawale Muhammad

He explained that the development would help reduce the cost of renewable energy technology and make solar solutions more affordable for Nigerians.

According to him, the ECN was collaborating with state governments to build their capacity and scale renewable energy generation as electricity generation and distribution become increasingly decentralised.

He said the Commission has sealed deals with states to support capacity development and attract financing for renewable energy projects.

The ECN, he added, was also working with Energy China to deploy five-megawatt mini-grid projects across states.

He disclosed that the initiatives align with the Federal Government’s ambition to expand Nigeria’s electricity generation capacity to 30,000 megawatts by 2030, with 30 per cent expected to come from renewable energy sources.

He also said the commission had, since his appointment in October 2023, undertaken several initiatives aimed at demonstrating Nigeria’s capacity to deploy sustainable energy solutions.

He said the highlight of the projects was the installation of the 0.5MW solar hybrid system, which has completely taken the commission off the national grid.

He added that the Commission now generates its electricity from solar energy, reducing dependence on the national grid and demonstrating the viability of sustainable energy solutions.

He hinted that the Commission has an electricity load requirement of about 350 kilowatts, while the newly installed system has a capacity of 500 kilowatts.

He said the excess capacity could potentially support neighbouring facilities, adding that the project was designed as a pilot that could be replicated across the country.

‘We are demonstrating capacity, we are demonstrating sustainability and we are showing Nigerians that it is possible,’ he stated.

The Permanent Secretary said he was impressed by the performance of the ECN management and the projects delivered by the Commission.

‘I am impressed by the performance of the DG and what I have seen in terms of projects that have been delivered by the commission,’ he said, pledging to work closely with the Director-General to ensure that the ECN received the support required from the ministry.

The Permanent Secretary particularly commended the commission’s renewable energy project, describing it as a model that could be replicated across government agencies, ministries and communities.

‘This is the way to go,’ he said, adding, ‘Nigeria is blessed in so many ways. One of our blessings is actually the abundant sunlight.’

It has been nearly a decade since the vision of a transcontinental gas pipeline linking Nigeria’s vast reserves to Morocco and, ultimately, European markets were conceived. What began as a historic diplomatic overture by King Mohammed VI of Morocco in 2016 has now been rebranded as the African Atlantic Gas Pipeline (AAGP), secured the endorsement of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)how, and accumulated a staggering price tag exceeding $25 billion. Yet, for all the fanfare, the project remains stubbornly lodged in the realm of aspiration, a victim of bureaucratic lethargy, geopolitical complexity, and an alarming absence of presidential urgency.

In the original plan, Morocco is set to host over 1,600 kilometres of the project, which spans approximately 6,900 kilometres, combining onshore and offshore segments.

The pipelines are engineered for a throughput of 30 billion cubic metres (bcm) of natural gas per year. Up to 15 bcm is allocated to meet domestic and industrial energy demands across West Africa, while the remaining half is targeted for export to Europe via Morocco.

It is designed to transport up to 30 billion cubic metres of natural gas yearly from Nigeria through 13 West African countries to Morocco.

Over time, there have been several projected timelines and target dates as the project evolved since the signing of the initial agreement in December 2016. In 2017, the NNPC and Morocco’s Office National des Hydrocarbures et des Mines (ONHYM) began the feasibility work.

Nigeria and Morocco signed a further agreement, and the Nigerian government said the feasibility study was expected to be concluded by July 2018.

According to energycircle.org, the feasibility study was subsequently completed in 2019, after which the project moved into Front-End Engineering Design (FEED).

Between 2021 and 2022, the project reportedly entered more detailed engineering and financing studies. By 2022, the expectation was that the Final Investment Decision (FID) could be reached in 2023, but this was not achieved, meedprojects.com said.

The timeline subsequently shifted, with later project information pointing to 2024 and then 2025 as possible FID dates.

A 2025 project database gave December 2029 as a projected completion date for one phase/package, but its later 2026 update moved the completion date for that profile to June 2031.

Evidently, the project has repeatedly missed or shifted its intermediate deadlines, especially the Final Investment Decision (FID).

But the most immediate and glaring obstacle is the palpable inertia emanating from the highest levels of Nigerian authority. A decade of diplomatic brainstorming has yielded more name changes than tangible progress, with the recent ECOWAS endorsement ironically complicating matters by introducing a multiplicity of interests rather than streamlining the path forward. While Vice President Kashim Shettima represented Nigeria at the signing ceremony, the conspicuous absence of a reciprocal visit by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to Morocco, despite a personal invitation from the King, speaks volumes about the priority this administration assigns to the project.

It said that self-serving government officials are frustrating the process, focusing on personal enrichment rather than national benefit. This is an unacceptable indictment. President Tinubu must urgently demonstrate the same level of personal commitment shown by the Moroccan monarch, travelling to Rabat to sign the final intergovernmental agreement and signaling to all stakeholders-domestic and international-that Nigeria is fully invested in this project as a cornerstone of its ‘Decade of Gas’ strategy.

As Nigeria stands at this critical crossroads, it is imperative to state unequivocally that this project is not merely a Moroccan ambition but a strategic Nigerian imperative. However, for it to succeed, President Tinubu must shed his administration’s passive posture and assume the mantle of proactive leadership, all while confronting the fundamental contradictions that threaten to make this pipeline a conduit for foreign energy while leaving Nigerians in the dark.

The African Atlantic Gas Pipeline is a project of immense potential. President Tinubu has the opportunity to turn this ‘dream’ into a reality that serves both Nigeria and the continent.

For a country which is said to have more gas than petrol, Daily Trust sees this as an opportunity to exploit Nigeria’s vast reserves, boost our foreign exchange and extend more diplomatic clout in the international arena.

This can only be achieved if those who stand in the way of this important project are shown the way out. Let Nigeria’s prosperity be the ultimate winner.

Former spokesman for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the South-East, Denge Josef Onoh, has called for an independent investigation into the recurring flooding in Abuja, insisting that the controversy between Senator Ireti Kingibe and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, must not be allowed to obscure the deeper failures of urban planning, land administration and enforcement in the nation’s capital.

Onoh said the recent flooding, particularly the devastating rainfall witnessed in parts of Abuja, should serve as a wake-up call to the Federal Capital Territory Administration and all institutions responsible for planning and development control.

Onoh said he speaks from vast experience in urban planning and enforcement having been a two time executive chairman of Enugu State Capital Territory Development Authority (ECTDA) which ranks as a top-tier urban management agency in Nigeria, and under his tenure in office was widely recognized for transforming Enugu into one of the country’s most structurally organized and economically resilient capital territories.

‘And during my two term appointment in office, verifiable data from the BudgIT’s State of States Report, Enugu State capital territory leads Nigeria in the ability to fund its operating expenses internally. ECTDA’s digitization of property enforcement and building approvals directly drove Enugu state’s ranking as Nigeria’s least dependent on FAAC allocations.’

‘So I have the professional first hand experience and knowledge of the environmental erosion disaster happening in Abuja and I warned the government many months ago that Abuja residents will soon start using boats and my warning has come to pass.’

He said Abuja was deliberately designed with drainage corridors, waterways, floodplains, green areas and environmental buffers to protect the city from uncontrolled flooding and preserve the natural movement of stormwater.

According to him, the rapid expansion of Abuja, coupled with questionable developments, encroachment on environmentally sensitive areas, blocked drainage channels and inadequate enforcement of planning regulations, requires an urgent institutional response.

‘The argument over whether Wike or Kingibe is right is secondary. The fundamental question Nigerians are asking is: who approved these buildings on waterways, floodplains and drainage corridors, and who allowed them to remain there?’

‘If the structures are illegal today, they did not appear overnight. Somebody allocated the land, somebody processed the plans, somebody inspected the construction and somebody failed to stop it.

‘Demolition is necessary where structures are obstructing waterways, but demolition alone cannot constitute accountability. Nigerians deserve to know how these structures received approval in the first place and whether those responsible will face sanctions.’

Onoh’s position follows Senator Ireti Kingibe’s criticism of the FCT Administration over what she described as failures to adequately address warnings concerning blocked drainage channels and developments on green areas, floodplains and waterways.

Kingibe has argued that the destruction or conversion of areas originally designed to accommodate floodwater has contributed to Abuja’s vulnerability.

Minister Wike, however, has rejected responsibility for the flooding, pointing to illegal construction on waterways, indiscriminate dumping of refuse and the effects of climate change.

Onoh said both positions contain elements that deserve consideration but cautioned against turning a serious environmental and urban-planning crisis into a political blame game.

‘Residents who throw refuse into drains must stop. There is no justification for indiscriminate dumping of waste. But government cannot transfer its responsibility for land administration, building approvals, drainage infrastructure and enforcement to ordinary residents.

‘Likewise, climate change is a reality. But climate change does not issue building approvals. Climate change does not allocate land on waterways. Climate change does not construct buildings inside drainage corridors.

‘Those are human decisions, and where human decisions create avoidable risks, there must be accountability.’

Onoh therefore called on the FCT Administration to commission an independent and comprehensive flood-risk audit of Abuja, involving qualified hydrologists, environmental experts, urban planners, engineers and other relevant professionals.

He said the exercise should produce a publicly accessible map identifying major floodplains, waterways, drainage corridors, green areas and locations where development has obstructed natural water channels.

He also called for a comprehensive review of land allocations and building approvals in flood-prone locations.

‘Every approval for development on or around a waterway should be examined. Where an official acted improperly, that official should be held accountable. Where a developer violated planning regulations, the law should take its course.

‘Accountability cannot stop at the bulldozer. It must extend to the desk where the approval was signed.’

Onoh further urged the FCT Administration to: Immediately identify and clear major drainage channels and waterways obstructed by illegal structures and refuse; Conduct a comprehensive audit of land allocations and building approvals in flood-prone areas; Investigate officials involved in approving developments on waterways and drainage corridors.

He also asked the authority to protect Abuja’s remaining green spaces, floodplains and environmental buffers from further encroachment; Expand and modernise drainage infrastructure to correspond with Abuja’s population growth and rapid urbanisation; Strengthen waste-management systems and enforce existing laws against indiscriminate dumping.

He also asked for the develop a long-term Abuja Flood Resilience Plan based on scientific flood modelling and climate projections.

The former presidential spokesman said Abuja’s original master plan must not become merely a historical document referenced whenever flooding occurs.

Kaduna State Governor, Senator Uba Sani, has pledged his administration’s support for the Office of the Tax Ombud in aligning state tax administration with ongoing national tax reforms, with a view to strengthening revenue mobilisation, protecting taxpayer rights and boosting investor confidence in the state.

Governor Sani gave the assurance on Tuesday when he received the Tax Ombud/Chief Executive, Dr. John Nwabueze, who paid a courtesy visit to the Kaduna State Government House.

The Governor said building a strong and sustainable national tax system capable of mobilising adequate revenue for development could not be achieved in silos, stressing the need for effective collaboration among federal and state institutions.

He described the role of the Office of the Tax Ombud as critical to fostering taxpayers’ confidence, particularly at the subnational level, noting that a fair, efficient and transparent tax system was essential to Kaduna State’s economic competitiveness and investment drive.

Governor Sani commended Nwabueze for his ongoing stakeholder engagements aimed at deepening public understanding of the free mediation and alternative dispute resolution mechanisms available to taxpayers through the Office of the Tax Ombud.

He said greater awareness of taxpayers’ rights and available channels for resolving legitimate grievances would help strengthen trust in the tax system and encourage voluntary compliance.

Speaking earlier, Nwabueze assured the Governor of the Office of the Tax Ombud’s commitment to working with Kaduna State to strengthen public confidence in tax administration, resolve legitimate taxpayer grievances and promote an environment where businesses can operate with greater certainty.

He said the Office of the Tax Ombud complements the efforts of state governments to strengthen their fiscal positions through improved tax compliance by providing an independent mechanism for addressing complaints from taxpayers who believe they have been unfairly treated by tax and revenue authorities.

‘Tax compliance and taxpayer rights must go hand in hand if we are to achieve the increased tax-to-GDP growth that Nigeria needs,’ Dr. Nwabueze said.

The Tax Ombud noted that the quality of tax administration at the state level directly influences citizens’ perception of taxation and, ultimately, their willingness to comply with their tax obligations.

He described Kaduna State as a critical partner in the success of the ongoing tax reforms being championed under the Renewed Hope Agenda of His Excellency, Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, President and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Nwabueze underscored the need for subnational governments to work closely with the Joint Revenue Board and the Office of the Tax Ombud to build a tax system that Nigerians can trust-one that mobilises adequate resources for development, encourages investment and protects the rights and dignity of every taxpayer.

‘We believe that Kaduna State can serve as an important example of how efficient revenue administration can support economic growth while protecting taxpayers,’ he said.

‘The Office of the Tax Ombud is committed to working with Kaduna State to strengthen public confidence in the tax system, resolve legitimate taxpayer grievances and promote an environment where businesses can operate with greater certainty.’

Nwabueze further appealed for the Governor’s support in promoting taxpayer education, voluntary compliance, fairness and constructive engagement among the Kaduna State Internal Revenue Service, taxpayers and the Office of the Tax Ombud.

The out-going Vice-Chancellor, Lagos State University (LASU), Professor Ibiyemi Olatunji-Bello has urged the Senate to sustain the university’s mission and institutional continuity.

She stated this during her valedictory address, expressing gratitude to God, the state government and the University community during her five-year tenure scheduled to end on 19 September 2026.

While emphasising the role of collective leadership in advancing LASU, She highlighted key achievements of her administration in academic accreditation, research and innovation, infrastructure, financial sustainability, staff and student welfare.

She added the establishment of LASU as a TETFund Centre of Excellence and the promotion of 127 academic staff to the rank of Professor as part of the milestone during her tenure.

In the area of academic excellence and accreditation, she cited the systematic accreditation of programmes, strengthened quality assurance processes and the expansion of degree offerings in response to emerging academic and professional demands.

The university’s registrar, Emmanuel Fanu recalled that distinguished professor Olatunji-Bello was appointed Vice-Chancellor in September 2021 upon the recommendation of the 11th Governing Council, and assumed office on Monday, 20 September 2021.

According to him, the out-going VC presided over 55 statutory Senate meetings, beginning with her inaugural session on 20 October 2021, in addition to several extraordinary meetings held during her tenure.

The University also hosted 47 inaugural lectures under her administration, reflecting sustained academic and intellectual engagement across the institution.

The Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academic), Professor Oseni Afisi FISI acknowledged the occasion as a celebration of the institutional transformation recorded under Professor Olatunji-Bello’ s leadership.

‘We are not merely marking the conclusion of your tenure as Chairman of Senate; we are celebrating a lasting transformation.

‘Under your stewardship, academic programmes were strengthened, research output expanded, and quality assurance institutionalised. You taught us that leadership is service, and you leave Lagos State University significantly stronger, better positioned, and globally respected,’ he said.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has expressed sorrow over the passing of the Emir of Zurmi, Sarkin Zamfaran Zurmi, His Royal Highness, Alhaji Bello Sulaiman.

The Emir died on Monday, five years after he ascended the throne.

Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, conveyed the message in a statement on Wednesday.

The President extended his condolences to the family of the late traditional ruler, the Zurmi Emirate Council, the government and people of Zamfara State, and the entire traditional institution in Nigeria.

President Tinubu described the departed Sarkin Zamfaran Zurmi as a highly respected monarch who led his people with wisdom, dignity and unwavering commitment at a most challenging time.

The President noted that Alhaji Sulaiman, who spent five years on the throne, demonstrated exemplary courage and leadership in guiding the Zurmi Emirate through tough security challenges while fostering peace, unity and resilience among his people despite difficult circumstances.

‘His Royal Highness was a stabilising figure whose wise counsel and dedication to peace-building were invaluable not only to Zurmi Emirate but to Zamfara State and our nation’s efforts to restore lasting peace in the North-West,’ Tinubu said.

President Tinubu prayed that Almighty Allah would forgive the departed traditional ruler’s shortcomings, reward his good deeds, and grant him Aljannah Firdaus.

He also prayed for comfort and fortitude for all who mourn him.

at happened to the attacks that were carried out?

I’ll first draw your attention to the fact that, all over the world, no one can completely root out crimes one hundred per cent. But we owe it to this generation and those unborn to reduce crimes to the barest minimum.

If we go by those who even started the intelligence business before us, here we are talking of 40 years. You can imagine the global threat levels and how even the most powerful nations on earth are currently grappling with various forms of internal insurgencies, heightened violent crimes, among others. Thus, intelligence all over the world can’t be perfect. I won’t tell you it’s 100 per cent. Secondly, where we get a good percentage of it, there are issues such as capability, terrain, and the need for strategic decision-making. Hence, the presidential action on State Police and forest guards are strategic solutions to enable vulnerable communities to defend themselves.

Imagine our closeness to the Sahel and the difficult terrain around Lake Chad. Imagine the Niger Delta militancy and the challenge of navigating the creeks by regular forces. We have such peculiar problems that require strategic solutions. Take the example of a state with difficult terrain with its own Police; they know how to deploy. The Federal authority cannot do it fully. So, intelligence is here; difficulties in curbing threats stemming from certain issues also exist.

Just a follow-up: will you say that those factors you’ve listed contribute to the inability to provide a swift response? People complain that the response isn’t swift enough. For instance, the Oriire attack in Oyo and the fact that the victims were held for weeks before eventually being rescued. Are the above reasons why that has not been achieved?

What I’d tell you is that immediately the incident happened, based on credible intelligence, troops chased them immediately, and sadly, a vigilante and a policeman were killed. During the second raid, more were killed, making a total of nine fatalities, four civilians and five security personnel. It was a complex operation involving a two-and-a-half-year-old infant who cannot run much if we invaded the place.

As expected, the rescue operation attracted a lot of social media disinformation; you have to sieve the information there. I give you an example: while that incident lasted, they were posting deepfake videos of children beaten with lacerations on their bodies. They were actually footage from a particular country on witchcraft-related incidents passed off as real-time crude events here. Recall the victims recounted how well treated they were by the criminals.

One of the things I’d like you to do in the media is fact-finding and separating facts from fiction. Some patriotic Nigerians understood that a soldier was killed, and other lives were lost during the rescue operation, and they empathised, having learnt about the nature of the kidnap group – an international terrorist group with links to Al-Qaeda.

Citizens ought to know that the incarcerated leaders of the kidnap group who were requested in exchange for the victims were arrested last year by the Service; their arrest helped to prevent high-profile attacks.

These are people found complicit in the Abuja/Kaduna train attack and were planning more kidnappings of foreigners, students, women and their children on a large scale to demand state recognition and freedom to practise their religion somewhere, hence the arrest of their leaders, proving proactiveness. The kingpins are the ones now sentenced to life imprisonment; the three other collaborators earned life imprisonment, which the Service will push for a stiffer penalty.

Let me ask you, because we are talking about working with other agencies. How will you assess the working relationship between your Agency and other sister agencies in Nigeria and with foreign intelligence partners? Where are there gaps, and where is cooperation strongest?

Locally, our information/intel sharing is great. Over the decades, we have collaborated with our allies in the US, the UK, France, and many other European countries. After we share our intelligence, we determine where we want the joint boots on the ground. Don’t forget that sometimes around 2000, US soldiers came to join us to deal with some threats. So, it’s very useful.

One of our strengths is that we are very open with ourselves and get support when we need it; we also support them. So, it’s the openness and frankness that are our greatest strengths. Can it be better? Yes. We will achieve many more feats with the liaison we now share.

Our citizens often misunderstand it, and we must keep educating them.

There is another side to my question, especially about inter-agency rivalry. So, how are you navigating that?

For me, that has to do with leadership. Anytime you see it happen, it is because a leader encourages it. My operatives know I encourage collaboration and joint operations. I must commend the leadership of all the agencies; we have an excellent working relationship. In fact, it was demonstrated in Oriire, Oyo State; no single agency could claim supreme credit for it. It was jointly achieved, and you saw the GOC when he was giving his brief; he called out every other agency that participated – DSS, Navy, Air Force, Police, NSCDC, vigilante, everybody. When you see rivalry thrive, the leaders encourage that. This crop of leaders, no!

You made a comment earlier about sentencing and obviously about the recent case that the Ansaru leaders were given life imprisonment and you are pushing for the death sentence. But I think the problem with capital sentencing is in the carrying out of the executions; we’ve not had one in close to 20 years. Is there an effort to get Mr President to sign the execution of these death sentences?

A nation evolves with its realities. Years ago, when we did not face this level of violence and terrorism, hesitation over signing death warrants may have reflected a different context. Today, with terrorists attacking innocent people in public, the reality has changed. I doubt any responsible authority faced with that level of brutality would refuse to sign.

Okay, so you’ve been getting a lot of convictions. Some life sentences and some death sentences. What are you doing differently that you are getting massive convictions across the country?

Diligent prosecution. It is not enough to allege that someone committed a crime; you must prove it. We are strengthening our investigations, evidence gathering, and understanding of offences because justice depends on the facts presented before the court. Even a strong case can fail without convincing facts.

We hear of massive infrastructural developments you have carried out since assuming office, and Today, we are privileged to see them. Such great changes. How did you achieve this feat in just two years in office?

From the very first day I assumed office as Director-General, one of my priorities was to provide a befitting and functional working environment for our officers and men. We have completed construction of a new modern office building by Julius Berger to accommodate the expanded Service organogram, requiring additional office space for staff, including the execution of several other welfare and capacity-building projects across the Service.

How has the DSS fared in its 40 years of existence?

To summarise how we have fared as a Service, Nigeria still exists; no President has been assassinated again in the last 40 years; and we have practised 29 years of unbroken democracy. Our Intelligence inputs into achieving these are known to you. However, I must add quickly that we still have a lot to do, in view of the current security challenges, especially terrorism and other violent crimes.

There should not be ethnic colouration to crime; we cannot criminalise a race or paint a whole ethnic group with one brush. Between 2003 and 2007, we had kidnappings in the South-East and South-South. Even recently, there was this viral case of Evans (aka the Billionaire Kidnapper). At a time in Nigeria, there was a problem of armed robbery. Remember Ishola Oyenusi, popularly called ‘Dr. Oyenusi,’ was a very notorious armed robber.

After Oyenusi’s execution, Lawrence Anini appeared on the stage. General IBB had to ask the then IGP, ‘My friend, where is Anini?’ With him was Monday Osunbor. The point I’m making is that we met crises in this world. Apart from robbery, there was Maitatsine, Kalakato, etc. One of the problems we hope to solve is ethnic colouration/politicisation of insecurity. A criminal should be treated as one, irrespective of his colour, race or religion.

Boko Haram started around 1998, but their Jihad started during the administration of late President Umaru Yar’Adua. The problems in Benue and Plateau States are age-long. It started as a dispute over access to land resources between native farmers, most of whom are Christians, and their Fulani neighbours, the majority of whom incidentally are Muslims. Over time, local criminal groups, including terrorists who pledged allegiance to international terrorist organisations, got involved, mainly to further their sinister agenda.

In your overview, you said something fundamental, that we all seem to forget that we all live among each other. As we have Yoruba and Igbo who were born and live in Sokoto, Plateau, and other parts of the North, likewise Ebira, Kanuri, and Fulani people born and living among Yoruba, Igbo, etc., in the South. It seems that at a point there was a paradigm shift, especially under the last administration. A particular tribe was perceived to be the most involved in crimes, especially kidnapping for ransom, in addition to land-grabbing. When and how did they become audacious?

A country should institutionalise its justice system to the extent that we fish out criminals and punish them in accordance with the laws of the land.

I agree that the attention should always be on solving problems. I’m from Oyo North, and I grew up there. I remember there were Fulanis around us. So, what radicalised them? What has changed?

What has changed is the loss of our values. I am happy you said we all grew up together. You said you were living with them in those villages, in the bush. At that time, some form of governance was extended to those remote areas: ‘Native Authorities,’ the Regional Forest Guard Law of 1956, then the State Controlled Land Use Act and Forests Act of 1978. However, Today there is no presence of governance in those places, leaving them as ungoverned spaces for criminals to keep victims of kidnapping. Hence the resuscitation of Forest Guards.

Let me tell you one of our findings during an investigation of herders’ and local farmers’ clashes: a group of community youths had offered some nomads a piece of land to graze their livestock for a fee of N70,000, only for the real owners of the land to appear and attack the nomads, who managed to escape and abandoned their herds, which were slaughtered and shared across the community. You can’t believe that the irrational and evil-minded nomads, in turn, returned to invade the community and killed human beings in retaliation for ‘animals.’

See what we have degenerated into! On a lighter note, let me reiterate how bad it has become. As a young officer, while haggling for potatoes in Jos, I chose and paid for a big basket, not knowing that there were stones tucked underneath – half of the size. In a situation where every facet of our lives has degenerated – security, hospitals, schools, markets, etc. – we need attitudinal change and a total rebirth. Can you imagine one of our own operatives pursuing an ethnic agenda? That’s why we are purging ourselves and publishing the names of dismissed staff, because they still defraud innocent citizens who do not know they are no longer with us. You, too, be an investigative journalist instead of one-sided sensational storytelling.

As for Sunday Igboho, you know I have been a strong advocate of community policing, but you need Government approval, training, and supervision; otherwise, it would amount to taking the law into your own hands.

Now, you also said someone has 30 GPMGs. That’s all over the country: North and South. Over decades, we have allowed this, including disarming security agencies and even outright stealing from Government security agencies’ armouries by unscrupulous operatives. So, what Government needs for rebirth is strict law enforcement: that is why we, as a Service, are now focused on convictions rather than mere arraignments. We have seven death sentences – four in the Owo case, as well as one each in Kogi, Katsina and Sokoto – as well as those jailed for between 20 and 40 years. There must be accountability.

We are also disrupting their supply chains, and you must have seen the interceptions/recoveries of 676 sophisticated firearms and 332,874 rounds of different calibres of ammunition from May 29, 2023, to date. The military, Police and other sister agencies have also made significant recoveries, but we need to do more.

As your tenure advances, what are the top priorities citizens should expect from you to consolidate on the ongoing reforms and successes?

I quote the President again: ‘Nigerians are in a hurry to celebrate peace.’ What they should expect from us is that the fight against terror, especially with strict enforcement of the law, would be strengthened. The turning point will be when we agree to face our common enemies, criminalise them, demonise them. The media must also strengthen its trust in the Government and ensure reportage that projects hope and effort, rather than fall into the temptation to serve as mouthpieces for terror elements.