Category: Sunday Standard

Sandfire Resources is deepening its push toward lower-carbon mining with the construction of a 21 megawatt solar power plant at its Motheo Copper Mine in Botswana’s Kalahari Copper Belt, as the company moves to reduce operating costs and improve energy security.

The project is being delivered through Sandfire’s Botswana subsidiary, Tshukudu Metals, in partnership with Release, a renewable energy platform backed by Norwegian group Scatec ASA. Once completed, the plant is expected to generate approximately 40 gigawatt hours of electricity annually, supplying around 30 per cent of Motheo’s total power demand.

Construction commenced in February 2026, with commercial operations targeted before year-end. The installation is designed to reduce reliance on diesel generation and mitigate grid constraints in the Gantsi region, while lowering the mine’s carbon intensity.

A key feature of the development is its lease-to-own financing structure, which enables Sandfire to deploy large-scale solar infrastructure without significant upfront capital expenditure. The model incorporates redeployable solar photovoltaic and battery systems, offering flexibility while supporting the mine’s long-term decarbonisation goals.

The Botswana Energy Regulatory Authority has approved the project, and discussions with Botswana Power Corporation are under way regarding potential future renewable integration.

The solar investment coincides with Motheo nearing full commissioning, with equipment installation more than 92 per cent complete to support an initial processing capacity of 3.2 million tonnes per annum.

With copper prices holding above US$8,000 per tonne and the Kalahari Copper Belt still relatively underexplored, Sandfire’s renewable integration signals confidence in Botswana’s emerging copper sector and highlights how new mining projects are embedding sustainability into their operating models from the outset.

The High Court has interdicted the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS) from proceeding with a disciplinary hearing against its agent Pulane Kgoadi, pending the filing of substantive proceedings to challenge the process.

The interim interdict was granted by Judge President Reiner Busang this week. Kgoadi had approached the court on an urgent basis following a directive that her disciplinary hearing would proceed on 24 October 2025 ‘with or without’ her, despite the fact that the charge sheet against her had been withdrawn earlier in the month.

The court found that it was ‘common cause’ that the disciplinary board withdrew the charge sheet on 6 October 2025 and that no substitute charge sheet had been issued or served thereafter. Despite this, DIS directed that the disciplinary hearing should continue.

In assessing urgency, the court stated that ‘the fundamental objectives of urgent applications is to avert or minimize the impact of harm which cannot be repaired after the fact.’ Judge Busang found that the insistence by DIS that the hearing should proceed in the absence of a charge sheet justified urgent court intervention.

‘This court finds that the application is urgent having regard to the board’s insistence to proceed with the disciplinary hearing with or without the Applicant in the absence of a charge sheet,’ Busang found.

The court accepted Kgoadi’s submission that the withdrawal of the charge sheet meant that ‘there existed no valid, extant or legally operative charges’ against her. In this context, the court held that the jurisdiction of a disciplinary board is dependent on the existence of a charge sheet.

‘In my view the board’s jurisdiction to convene a disciplinary hearing is derived from the charge sheet and in its absence there is no basis for the existence of the board because it would be seized with nothing,’ the court held.

DIS had argued that the matter was not urgent, that the urgency was self-created, and that Kgoadi had alternative remedies available to her. These submissions were rejected. The court found that the application was based on a ‘new set of facts in relation to events of October 2025,’ including the service and withdrawal of the charge sheet and the scheduling of the hearing dates.

The court also took note of Kgoadi’s complaint that, while on suspension, she was prohibited from contacting DIS employees, including potential witnesses and colleagues who could assist her at the disciplinary hearing. The suspension letter expressly forbade her from contacting any DIS employee, despite the applicable disciplinary code providing that an accused officer ‘should be accompanied and assisted at the disciplinary hearing by a fellow employee.’

‘The suspension letter rendered that impossible and the board did not deem it fit to ensure compliance with the code,’ the court noted.

In addressing the scope of relief, the court expressly stated that it would not grant final orders. ‘I shall confine this judgment to interim orders because there is no legal basis for granting final order on the facts of this case,’ Busang said, adding that it would be ‘wrong and legally untenable’ to grant final relief while disciplinary proceedings were still pending.

The court then turned to the requirements for an interim interdict, namely ‘a clear right, and injury actually committed or reasonably apprehended, the absence of a sufficient protection and the balance of convenience.’

On the issue of rights, the court held: ‘The Applicant’s clear or prima facie right is not contested by the DIS and I am satisfied that a case has been made in that regard.’

The court found that Kgoadi had demonstrated a reasonable apprehension of injury arising from being subjected to a disciplinary hearing without a charge sheet and without compliance with the disciplinary code. It rejected DIS’s argument that Kgoadi could simply challenge the outcome of the disciplinary process later.

‘The submission is untenable because the board has already directed that disciplinary proceedings should go ahead without a charge sheet and the assistance of a colleague contrary to the provisions of the code,’ the court ruled.

The court further held that allowing the process to continue could result in harm that could not be adequately remedied after the fact. ‘If the process were to be allowed to go ahead and she is found guilty and dismissed from employment she would be left without a sufficient legal protection, because no legal remedy would compensate her or remedy the stigma that is associated with dismissal even if the dismissal was to be reversed on review.’

On the balance of convenience, the court found in favour of Kgoadi, noting the history of the matter and the length of her suspension. ‘It is the Applicant whose suspension has adversely affected her professional standing and integrity for a period of almost two years whilst the DIS on the other hand shall suffer no prejudice if the status quo is maintained,’ the court said.

In conclusion, the court granted an interim interdict restraining DIS from proceeding with the disciplinary hearing against Kgoadi ‘pending the filing of the substantive action to set the hearing aside as a nullity upon the expiry of thirty (30) days of this order.’

Botswana’s universal Old Age Pension (OAP) which has long been regarded as a vital safety net for the elderly is now under severe pressure as poverty, unemployment and limited social protection force pensioners to support entire households.

This is according to a newly released study by Family Care giving Programme for Older Persons in Southern Africa titled ‘Older Persons and Community Care in Botswana.’

The study notes that despite an increase of the universal old age pension for all Botswana citizens aged 65 and above from P830 to P1,400 per month in 2025 following ascendancy to power by the Umbrella for Democratic Change, challenges and hardships still persist.

It states that older person households rely heavily on the OAP and ‘given the fact that more than one in two older person households has no income from employment.’

Highlighting the growing financial burden placed on pensioners, the study says’In such instances, the OAP is often stretched across more family members.’

Botswana’s elderly population, defined as those aged 60 and above, stood at 189,522 in 2022, representing eight percent of the national population. The study noted that lowering the pension eligibility age to 60 would bring in nearly 58,899 additional beneficiaries, a 30 percent increase further intensifying pressure on the system.

The findings paint a stark picture of hardship. Just over 20 percent of older persons still rely on public taps or rivers for water, while 18 percent have no access to toilet facilities. ‘Given the poor access to basic services, many older persons will need assistance in managing everyday activities such as collecting water, cooking, or walking outside to go to the toilet. This increases the care need,’ the report says.

Energy poverty is another major challenge, with 64 percent of older persons relying on wood for cooking and 42 percent for heating.

‘The over reliance on wood for cooking, heating, and lighting makes it more challenging for older persons to carry out everyday activities such as eating and walking and leaves them exposed to greater risks,’ the study warns.

Health and disability further compound the situation. The report found that visual impairment affects one in three older persons, while one in four suffer leg impairments. Nearly five percent cannot perform basic daily activities without assistance.

Despite the availability of health facilities, access remains difficult.

‘Services at the health facility are challenging due to the shortage of staff which result in long waiting times,’ the study says, adding that many elderly people cannot endure long queues without assistance.

Social protection beyond the OAP remains limited. Only 26 percent of elderly households benefit from school feeding schemes, 15 percent from destitute programmes, and 14 percent from the Ipelegeng initiative.

The study argues that Botswana’s ageing population is increasingly vulnerable and warns that without expanded support the pension system will continue to carry a burden far beyond its intended purpose.

President Duma Boko has an immeasurable faith in his own power of persuasion.

He has a total belief in his ability to use language to get people to see things from his perspective.

He has many times before managed to climb and reclaim the narrative from what looked like insurmountable heights.

He also has an appetite for risk. And this is the reason behind his often grandiose ambitions and big pronouncements.

His biggest strength has always been his unpredictability.

He likes setting tight and seemingly unattainable deadlines.

But events of this past week must be difficult for him to justify even by his excessively risky habits.

First it was the comments attributed to minister Ignatius Mswaane during the ongoing charm offensive to sell the Constitutional Court.

Moswaane said something to the effect that capital punishment if it continues, presumably under the UDC, will scare potential investors.

This is the last thing that Botswana Government wanted.

Then it was a failure by parliament to form a quorum.

Moswaane has since apologized for his irrational comments, which is a good thing.

But the issue of a parliament that fails to sit because a majority of members are not there will for a long time to come stalk the president and his team – not because it affects them directly, but because it exposes weaknesses of his team; from top to bottom.

It might seem innocuous. It is not. It goes to the heart of UDC ability to run the country.

It is important because it might signal a break in communication within the top UDC team.

Are they even talking to each other? Are they meeting to strategise? Do they ever hold evaluation and postmortem meetings?

If answer to any of the questions above is in the negative, then the ship is headed for choppy waters.

During the budget speech by the Minister of Finance Ndaba Gaolathe, at least six cabinet ministers were not present.

A budget speech is a considered a sacred moment for any government.

It is scheduled over twelve months.

And members are given prior notice, first to allow themselves to diarise it, but also to prepare themselves so as to respond.

That notice is even more acute for members of parliament who are cabinet ministers because it is the budget that ultimately makes their ministries, the government and indeed the country to tick.

But there we were – with six ministers absent.

It says something about the quality of our ministers.

We have people who we have given power but who have refused to assume responsibility.

There can be no excuse that six cabinet ministers are not present.

Attending to parliamentary business is not your most entertaining part of being a politician.

It can be dull and boring. But it is still immensely important for the country and nation.

But it certainly is one of the most important for it is here where laws are made – and the most elementary job of a member of parliament is to make laws.

Attending parliament requires and demands discipline.

It also requires dedication and commitment to public duty.

It is for that reason that the public expressed revulsion when it turned out that the Speaker of parliament had to call off a sitting of the House on account of the fact that the MPs present were too few to form a quorum.

This is a sign of failure on the part of Whips.

It is also difficult to see how the Leader of the Houses can be absolved from the circus.

With almost thirty cabinet ministers, Botswana Parliament is cabinet heavy.

This puts a lot of responsibility on the Leader of the House to manage coordination between government business and parliament.

For a while that coordination has been found wanting. And last week that failure became unbearable to the public.

Now the president has to do that which only the president can do.

He has to call his front bench and backbench to order. And tell them that the nation is closely following their conduct.

The presence of live television inside parliament makes it harder for MPs to hide the truth.

Live television has empowered the voter.

The accusations and counter accusations that followed the collapsed of quorum are what have turned out to be the true measure of where we are as a nation. There is a visceral contempt between the UDC and the opposition BCP. That contempt for one another has recently gotten worse as each stepped up attacks on each other.

At each other’s throat, each is vying for the pulse of the nation.

For a while, in fact since elections of 2024 the UDC has always been on a backfoot, struggling to find a rhythm against an ever agitated BCP.

Recently things have been perceptibly changing somewhat.

UDC has been fighting back. Clearly they want to win the narrative back.

And incidents like failing to meet the quorum reverses all progress made.

And it lends momentum and impetus back to the opposition.

In the meantime the clock is turning.

Over time such small mishaps like failing to form a quorum incrementally lead to the public reaching a conclusion that the UDC cannot be trusted.

And that is where the danger begins.

It happened to the previous administration of the BDP.

They had become too arrogant to see it coming.

Hopefully the UDC has not reached that stage of arrogance yet.

Botswana’s opposition has called for a fundamental overhaul of the country’s budget architecture, arguing that tax justice rather than incremental spending tweaks should anchor the next fiscal cycle.

Delivering a keynote address at a pre-budget consultative meeting hosted by the Youth for Tax Justice Network, Opposition Leader Dumelang Saleshando said the budget must be recast through the lens of intergenerational equity and youth inclusion .

Saleshando framed tax justice as the foundation of the social contract, posing four core questions: who pays, how much they pay relative to their means, what they receive in return, and where the money goes . When that contract is perceived as unfair or opaque, he warned, compliance erodes and disengagement deepens, particularly among young people.

The intervention comes as Botswana faces youth unemployment of 38.4 per cent, a national jobless rate of 28 per cent and a Gini coefficient of 53.3, underscoring high income inequality . Despite upper middle-income status, 17.2 per cent of citizens remain in multidimensional poverty, rising to 32.9 per cent in rural areas .

He criticised the country’s heavy reliance on indirect taxes, which fall disproportionately on young and low-income households, while tax incentives and procurement practices often escape rigorous scrutiny .

Saleshando urged domestication of the SADC Model Law on Public Finance Management to strengthen parliamentary oversight and institutionalise public participation throughout the budget cycle . With public procurement accounting for an estimated 20 to 25 per cent of GDP, he said tighter governance could unlock jobs and curb waste .

‘A youth-responsive budget,’ he said, ‘is where the decision about our demographic dividend is made.’

On a quite afternoon, Robert Masitara leans back in his chair and smiles at a memory that still moves him. Years ago, he watched a mother clutching hospital paperwork dissolve into tears of relief, after learning her child’s operation would be funded. It is these moments, he says, that remind him why he began giving in the first place. ‘My greatest joy in life is to put a smile on someone’s face’ he reflects, the words carrying both warmth and the weight of experience.

Masitara’s journey into philanthropy began formally in 2003 with the establishment of Masitara Foundation with a primary mission to provide medical assistance and social support to underprivileged children and the elderly.

The foundation quickly became a lifeline for families facing impossible choices between healthcare and survival. A fortune, amassed from his own business, Masitara Investment Services (Pty) Ltd, started flowing into charity projects. He spent hundreds of thousands of Pula – money that could have gone to flashy cars, expensive holidays or other accoutrements of the rich – just to put smiles on underprivileged children and their families.

‘I am blessed to have what I have’, he says, attributing his fortune to God’s grace, Botswana’s welfare system and the sacrifices of family and friends. ‘I feel I have to share this fortune with others. However, I do not give out of gratitude alone. I also hope to make a definable difference in the lives of Batswana.’

For years, this philosophy defined his public identity: a generous benefactor operating above the fray of politics, focused purely on alleviating suffering. ‘I believed that philanthropy was an area where politics were left at the door’, he says.

Yet as requests for help multiplied, Masitara began noticing a troubling pattern. The same types of cases kept returning, families trapped in cycles of poverty, institutions failing to deliver, systemic gaps that no amount of individual giving could permanently close. He began to see charity, in his own words as ‘palliative care’, necessary and compassionate, but ultimately unable to solve the underlying systemic problems. The giving addressed the symptoms of injustices while leaving their causes to fester, he says.

This realization reshaped his worldview. ‘No amount of charity can fix what bad governance and political impunity continue to destroy’, he says. For Masitara, the conclusion was unavoidable, lasting change required transforming the policies and laws that shape institutions. To articulate this shift, he cites philosopher Brian Leiter of the University of Chicago who argues that human misery often has systemic causes that only political reform can address. For Masitara, the insight was not theoretical, it was practical, born from years of frontline exposure to hardship.

Around 2005, Masitara took the leap from philanthropy into mainstream politics. He stepped down as Chairman of Masitara Foundation and ran as a parliamentary candidate for the Botswana Democratic Party in the Gaborone West North by-election. He would later serve as Member of Parliament for Gaborone West South.

With his academic credentials and experience, most political observers believed he was the best candidate in Parliament to head the Ministry of Finance, the government enclave bully pulpit which would provide an ideal platform to realise his agenda.

He was the only sitting MP with an MSc in Accounting and Finance, Securities and Investments, Corporate Finance, Auditing and Investigations and Quantitative Analysis. He was also a member of the Institute of Forensic Accountants, Institute of Certified Financial Consultants.

He also holds a Professional Doctorate in Forensic Auditing, Financial Management, and Governance Management, complemented by advanced training in Econometrics, Quantitative Methods/Business Mathematics, and curriculum development.

His resume also included lecturing roles at the University of Botswana, KBL Training Centre and Botswana Technology Centre in the fields of Audit and Investigation, Accounting, Finance Quantitative Analysis, Business Mathematics (Statistics), ACCA, AAT, and Corporate Finance.

On paper, he seemed ideally positioned to influence fiscal governance. But politics, Masitara soon discovered, rarely unfolds according to expectation. He was never appointed to Cabinet. Spending his entire parliamentary tenure as a backbencher.

In that role, he chaired parliamentary committees providing oversight to the Office of President and its agencies, including the Directorate of Intelligence and Security, the Ombudsman and the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime, as well as state owned enterprises through the Public Accounts Committee.

He also served on parliamentary committees overseeing budget administration and compliance. The work was important, he says, but ultimately insufficient to drive the structural reforms he believed were necessary.

He explains that, unlike government ministers, who have access to the civil service and parliamentary counsel to draft legally sound legislation, Botswana backbenchers have few resources. Even if he had wished to deploy his own resources, he was hamstrung because as a ruling party MP, he was expected to follow the party line which was determined by the front-bench and to support the government’s legislative agenda.

After five years, Masitara left Parliament with his ambitions for systemic reform largely unrealized. Refusing to abandon his quest for impact, Masitara turned to another toolset, forensic auditing. Drawing on his academic training and professional expertise, he founded R4 Forensics, a firm dedicated to investigating financial irregularities and governance failures. Through R4 Forensics, he has worked on investigations involving several state-owned enterprises, probing issues ranging from mismanagement to suspected corruption. The work reinforced his belief that governance challenges are deeply entrenched and difficult to resolve once they reach crisis stage. ‘trying to fight the problem downstream’ he says ‘often means you are dealing with the consequences rather than causes.’

The experience has pushed him to think again about where he can be most effective – inside the system shaping policy or outside it exposing flaws.

Today, Masitara’s outlook blends pragmatism with idealism. He remains proud of his philanthropic legacy and the thousands of lives he touched through the foundation’s work. Yet he speaks with equal conviction about the limits of charity and the necessity of structural reform.

His career arc from donor to politician to forensic investigator, reflects a restless search for leverage points where effort translates into lasting change.

Asked whether he might return to politics, he pauses. The answer, he says, is still forming. ‘I am weighing my options’, he admits, suggesting both caution and possibility.

What emerges from Masitara’s story is not just a chronology of roles, but a portrait of a man grappling with a fundamental question: how best to serve.

At heart, he remains the philanthropist moved by individual stories od struggle and resilience. But experience has layered that compassion with a systems-level perspective, one that sees policy, governance and accountability as the levers capable of reshaping lives at scale.

His journey mirrors a broader debate within development circles, whether immediate relief or institutional reform offers the most effective path to social progression. Masitara’s answer, forged through lived experience, is that both are necessary, but only one can change the trajectory of a nation.

As Botswana continues to navigate the complexities of governance, inequality and economic transformation, voices like Masitara’s carry a particular resonance. He speaks the language of both compassion and accountability, of empathy grounded in numbers and audits.

Whether he ultimately returns to the political stage or continues to work through forensic investigations and philanthropy, one thing seems certain, his motivation remains unchanged from that moment in the hospital corridor years ago. The smile of a relieved parent still matters. But so, he has learned, does building a system where such relief is no longer an exception granted by generosity, but a guarantee delivered by justice.

Botswana’s pledge to rein in spending is colliding with the arithmetic of its own payroll.

In the 2026/27 financial year, the public service wage bill is projected to rise to P40.7 billion from P36.6 billion, an 11.4 per cent increase that will absorb more than half of the recurrent budget. At that level, salaries alone will account for 50.6 per cent of recurrent spending of P80.3 billion and roughly 40 per cent of total expenditure of P103.6 billion.

The jump reflects both structural pressures and policy choices. From April 1 2026, 490 temporary cleaners, gardeners and nightwatchmen will be absorbed into permanent and pensionable posts under an insourcing drive led by the Directorate of Public Service Management. The workers will earn a minimum of P4,000 a month, with access to pension and medical benefits – modest individually, but cumulatively material in a fiscus already under strain.

Pension costs are rising even faster. Allocations for pensions, gratuities and compensation are set to almost double to P8.7 billion from P4.7 billion. Of that, P8.3 billion represents government contributions to the Botswana Public Officers Pension Fund. The state pays 15 per cent of salary toward retirement savings, with employees contributing 5 per cent – a formula that magnifies the fiscal impact of every expansion in headcount or wage adjustment.

All this is unfolding against a backdrop of weak diamond revenues and a projected record deficit of P26.4 billion. While the government has imposed travel restrictions and procurement controls, it has opted for gradual consolidation rather than deep cuts.

The result is a budget increasingly locked into wages and social transfers, narrowing room for manoeuvre just as borrowing requirements intensify.

When Moabi Keaikitse died, many who knew him spoke quietly about an unassuming young man who rarely sought the spotlight. Yet in the days that followed, his passing ignited a national conversation far louder than anything he might have imagined, one centered on dignity at work and the hidden toll of bullying.

Across Botswana, social media feeds filled with tributes, personal testimonies and calls for change. Strangers shared stories of silent struggles in offices, turning grief into a collective moment of reckoning. In death, Keaikitse became a symbol, not of activism in life, but of the urgent need to confront workplace cruelty.

The groundswell of emotion was striking for another reason, its scale. The wave of solidarity eclipsed the public response to last year’s campaign promoting ratification of international standards on workplace violence and harassment. That effort, backed by unions and government, had sought to build momentum around global protections, yet it was the personal story of one man that ultimately stirred the deepest national reflection.

On 1st May 2025, labour bodies including the Botswana Federation of Trade Unions and the Botswana Federation of Public Sector Unions joined government ministries to promote the ratification of ILO Convention No. 190 (C190) on violence and harassment in the world of work.

Adopted in 2019, C190 is the first international labour standard to recognise the right of everyone to a world of work free from violence and harassment, including gender-based violence. It applies to all workers in all sectors – formal or informal, public or private – and promotes an inclusive and gender-responsive approach. C190 provides the first international definition that includes bullying and ‘mobbing’ under the umbrella of ‘violence and harassment.’ Its harm -based approach focuses on the effect on the victim (psychological, physical, or economic harm) rather than requiring proof of the perpetrator’s intent. It clarifies that even a single occurrence of unacceptable behavior can constitute harassment; it does not always have to be a repeated pattern to be illegal.

Thay 2025 unions’ May Day campaign was organized purposeful and policy driven, yet its message resonated most powerfully only now, refracted through the human story unfolding this week.

For many, the contrast is telling. Policies and conventions may set the framework for safer workplaces, but it is lived experience, and loss that moves hearts. Keaikitse’s name has become shorthand for conversations families are having at dinner tables, colleagues are having on corridors and leaders are being pressed to address.

In the quite after the funeral, the question lingering in the national mood should be whether this moment of unity can translate into lasting change. If it does, the legacy of a man who never set out to lead a movement may be measured not in the attention his death drew, but in the workplaces that become kinder because of it.

As of February 2026, Botswana had not yetratified the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Violence and Harassment Convention, 2019 (No. 190). However, the government has recently prioritized its ratification and is actively working with stakeholders to complete the process.

The government has included protections against workplace violence and harassment-aligned with C190-in recent legislative efforts, such as a new Bill aimed at protecting fundamental worker rights.

Botswana’s cattle farmers are facing deepening financial strain as the continued closure of the Botswana Meat Commission (BMC) plant, triggered by a foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) outbreak, disrupts exports and depresses domestic cattle prices.

The Botswana National Beef Producers Union (BNBPU) says producers have been left with few marketing options following the suspension of exports and tight livestock movement controls. With limited access to formal slaughter facilities, farmers are increasingly reliant on local buyers, a situation the union says has weakened their bargaining power.

‘Farmers invest heavily in their livestock,’ said union representative Setletso. ‘Offering very low prices in these circumstances is unfair and exploitative.’

Government revised FMD movement restrictions effective February 17 to contain the outbreak. Movement of live cloven-hoofed animals remains prohibited into and out of Zone 7, except for direct slaughter within the zone. Zones 3b, 3c, 6a and 6b remain under strict controls, with fresh meat transit allowed only under veterinary permits and sealed transport.

The situation has been compounded by the United Kingdom’s temporary suspension of fresh bovine meat imports from Botswana. UK authorities imposed restrictions on beef processed on or after December 30, 2025, following confirmation of an outbreak in Zone 6b and suspected cases in Zone 3c.

The UK is a key premium export destination for Botswana’s beef industry, and the suspension narrows already constrained market access.

Farmers remain hopeful that vaccination and containment measures will allow BMC operations to resume. Until then, the sector faces sustained pressure, with livelihoods across the cattle value chain increasingly vulnerable to prolonged market disruption.

The National Development Bank (NDB) has posted a net profit of P13.1 million for the 2024/25 financial year, marking its second consecutive year of profitability as the state-owned lender positions itself for expansion under a new five-year strategy.

At the launch of its 2025-2030 roadmap, branded Motlhala Wa Pula, Modi wa Isago (Path of Rain, Path of Hope), chief executive Ogone Madisa said the bank aims to evolve into a hybrid institution combining its developmental mandate with stronger commercial banking capabilities.

The strategy prioritises agriculture value chains, green finance, infrastructure and other high-impact sectors aligned with Botswana’s economic diversification agenda. Management plans to accelerate digitalisation, mobilise alternative funding sources, strengthen governance and embed environmental, social and governance standards across its operations.

NDB also intends to introduce differentiated financial products targeting start-ups, small and medium enterprises, corporates and emerging farmers, while expanding partnerships to scale lending capacity.

The bank’s return to profit comes against the backdrop of heightened scrutiny of state-owned enterprises, many of which have struggled with persistent losses. President Duma Boko has pledged to improve the performance of parastatals following concerns over mismanagement and inefficiencies.

Although modest, NDB’s profit signals improved operational stability after years of restructuring. The challenge will be sustaining financial performance while extending credit into sectors often perceived as high risk.

If executed effectively, the strategy could strengthen NDB’s role as a financing vehicle for agriculture, climate-aligned investments and enterprise development, key pillars of Botswana’s long-term growth ambitions.