Category: Sunday Standard

Fewer Batswana are buying cars this year, with industry estimates indicating that 2026 local car sales will drop more than 12 percent below the country’s pre-pandemic norm.

With car sales believed to be a window into the country’s economic health, the steep slide may be a worrying sign of the times. According to global research firm Business Monitor International (BMI),vehicle sales in Botswana are forecast to slip in 2026, reversing earlier expectations of a rebound and underscoring the squeeze facing consumers as inflation rises, and the Pula weakens.

The slide is particularly stark, coming only two years after Botswana achieved the highest ever recorded annual volume for first-time motor vehicle registrations in 2024, with a total of 47,175 units, breaking a decade-long record previously held by 2015, of 46,045 units.

The motor vehicle sector is not usually the catalyst for business cycle downturns, but it is believed to be a leading indicator of recessions and a pro-cyclical sector that amplifies economic swings. Aside from housing, motor vehicles are the most expensive durable item consumers purchase. Data indicate that most vehicle purchases are financed making motor vehicle demand sensitive to interest rates and credit conditions, as well as to labor market conditions and consumer sentiment.

Vehicle sales are projected to fall by 0.3 percent year-on-year to about 45,300 units, according to revised industry estimates, more than 12 percent below the country’s pre-pandemic norm. The downgrade reflects a confluence of pressures that began to take shape in 2025 and are set to linger. Inflation, while still within the Bank of Botswana’s official target range of 3 to 6 percent, is expected to accelerate sharply, averaging roughly 5.6 percent in 2026. In response, the central bank raised its policy rate late last year by a striking 160 basis points, lifting borrowing costs for car buyers already grappling with higher fuel, electricity and water prices.

For a market heavily dependent on imports, currency movements are compounding the problem. Nearly two-thirds of vehicles sold in Botswana come from Japan, and a strengthening yen combined with a forecast depreciation of the pula is expected to push sticker prices higher. Financing those purchases will also become more expensive, dulling demand even further.

Passenger vehicles are bearing the brunt. Sales in that segment are now expected to contract by 0.8 percent in 2026, rather than grow as previously forecast, with volumes still well below pre-Covid levels. Dealers say households are delaying big-ticket purchases as disposable incomes come under pressure and credit conditions tighten.

For commercial vehicles, sales overall are still expected to grow modestly, led by light commercial vehicles such as vans and pickups used in urban logistics and last-mile delivery. As household spending recovers later in 2026, demand for these vehicles is expected to rise, reflecting the steady expansion of retail and distribution networks in Botswana’s cities.

But heavier trucks are another matter. Sales of heavy commercial vehicles are forecast to decline again, held back by subdued activity in diamond mining – long a backbone of the economy. Diamond output has fallen steeply since 2024 and is expected to remain well below pre-pandemic levels for years, limiting fleet expansion by mining firms and their suppliers. Rising utility costs are also squeezing margins for small and medium-sized businesses, prompting many to postpone vehicle upgrades.

Yet beneath the near-term weakness, analysts see reasons for cautious optimism. Over the longer run, Botswana’s push to diversify its economy away from mining – toward agriculture, tourism, logistics and higher-value diamond activities – is expected to restore growth in vehicle demand. Passenger vehicle sales are projected to return to pre-pandemic levels by the end of the decade, supported by improving consumer confidence and gradually easier credit conditions.

Electric vehicles remain a curiosity rather than a catalyst, with only a few dozen on the road and fewer than five public charging stations nationwide. Still, early signals are emerging. Tourism operators have begun experimenting with electric game-drive vehicles, and interest is growing in electric motorcycles and three-wheelers for deliveries. The acquisition in 2023 of a local vehicle conversion firm by the British automaker Ineos has also raised hopes that Botswana could carve out a small role in the electric vehicle supply chain.

More than 200, 000 Batswana are at risk of losing access to healthcare as Botswana’s biggest medical aid scheme buckles under the weight of government financial distress.

Hundreds of private health providers also face financial ruin in what industry insiders warn is a fast spreading healthcare sector crisis

The cash-strapped Botswana Public Officers Medical Aid Scheme (BPOMAS) – which provides cover to more than 40% of the country’s private medical aid members, has not paid healthcare providers’ claims since November 2025, and there is no end in sight. The scheme has formally admitted it does not know when it will have money to pay, raising alarm across an already fragile health system. Nerves are getting frayed as service providers brace for increased pain in the days ahead.

In a letter dated 29 January 2026, BPOMAS informed service providers that its financial position remains unchanged despite months of engagement with stakeholders. Acting CEO Linda Keloneilwe wrote that the scheme would only make incremental payments when funds become available, but could not provide definitive timelines for settling arrears.

‘We regret to inform you that the situation remains unchanged, ‘Keloneilwe stated. ‘While engagements are ongoing, no definitive timelines have been confirmed at this stage.’

She further stated: ‘We fully appreciate the operational strain this prolonged delay may cause and sincerely regret the inconvenience experienced. Please be assured that resolving the non-payment issues remain an urgent priority for the Scheme, and we are committed to keeping you updated as developments occur. To enhance transparency, the Scheme will provide weekly updates on the status of these engagements with effect from 6 February 2026. ‘

The admission has sent shockwaves through Botswana’s healthcare industry. BPOMAS commands a dominant 43% market share, with 85, 961 principal members and 202, 397 (about 10% of Botswana’s total population) total lives covered as of 2023. As a closed scheme serving public officers, parastatal employees and their dependent, its financial crisis threatens not just patients, but the entire private healthcare ecosystem.

BPOMAS and government together underpin Botswana’s private healthcare economy. BPOMAS brings in P1.02 billion annually, while government injects another P300 million through outsourced patient care – over half of all institutional spending in the sector. With bot now defaulting on payments, the sector’s financial stability is rapidly unravelling.

Since April 2025, BPOMAS has struggled to pay service providers due to delayed remittances of medical aid subscriptions by government. By May

2025, BPOMAS issued warning letters to its members, demanding arrears payments to avoid benefit suspensions. In letters to some of its members, BPOMAS stated: ‘According to the Scheme’s records, your contributions amounting to .. is outstanding due to short-payment from your employer. Kindly request your employer to make the necessary adjustments with regards to your contributions in order to avoid suspension of your benefits.’

Ten months later, the crisis has deepened into what health economists now describe as an industry-wide emergency. Because BPOMAS covers more than 200, 000 lives, many private practices rely on the scheme for a substantial share of their revenue. With payments frozen, clinics are struggling to pay staff, suppliers and landlords.

The situation is further worsened by the fact that many of these same private providers are already owed hundreds of millions of pula by the Ministry of Health – double financial blow that threatens to wipe out large sections of Botswana’s private healthcare sector.

The looming provider fallout comes at the worst possible time. Botswana’s public healthcare system is already under severe strain, plagued by medicine shortages, staff burnout and failing infrastructure. If private facilities collapse under BPOMAS and government debt, patients could be left with nowhere to go. Industry insiders warn that without urgent interventions, the crisis could trigger mass benefit suspensions, clinic closures and reduced access to care for chronic patients, turning a financial failure into a full blown public health disaster.

As BPOMAS promises weekly updates, starting February 2026, providers and patients alike are asking the same question: How long can Botswana’s health system survive without cash, confidence and care?

Former President and Bangwato Paramount Chief, Kgosi Ian Khama IV last week mounted a sustained challenge against the Directorate of Intelligence and Security (DIS) and its Director General Peter Magosi, using the floor of the Ntlo ya Dikgosi to press government on allegations of impropriety, abuse of office and accountability failures within the intelligence agency.

Through a series of questions directed to the Minister for State President, Defense and Security, Moeti Mohwasa, Khama raised concerns ranging from alleged conflict of interest in promotions at DIS, the handling of the high-profile ‘Butterfly’ matter, the treatment of a senior DIS officer placed on prolonged garden leave, and the use of covertly deployed intelligence officers who do not report to conventional offices.

Khama asked whether a DIS officer had received accelerated promotion from C-scale to E-scale, benefited from overseas study, and was married to the appointing authority at the Directorate, and called for an immediate, thorough and transparent investigation with findings presented to the Ntlo ya Dikgosi.

In response, Mohwasa said appointments and promotions at DIS fall under the authority of the Director General, not the minister. He outlined existing oversight mechanisms, including the Intelligence and Security Council, the Parliamentary Committee on Intelligence and Security, and a statutory Tribunal that receives complaints from aggrieved persons.

These structures, he said, are intended to safeguard the sensitivity of the organisation and provide appropriate accountability, urging members to appreciate the legislative framework governing the security sector.

Khama also revisited the controversial ‘Butterfly’ case, pressing government to explain whether Welheminah Maswabi would be compensated or apologised to, following the public apology and retraction previously issued to Ambassador Bridgette Motsepe over false allegations contained in a 2019 affidavit. He further questioned what steps would be taken to address the impact of Maswabi’s prolonged interdiction on her career and when those involved in fabricating allegations would be prosecuted.

Mohwasa told the House that Maswabi had pursued her own defamation claim against the State and several institutions, which was fully heard and dismissed by the High Court in Lobatse, with costs. The court, he said, found that the statements complained of were made in the course of official investigations and judicial proceedings and did not amount to defamation in law. As a result, government would not compensate or apologise to her, as there was no finding of wrongdoing by the State or its agencies.

The former president further questioned the handling of a case involving a senior DIS officer who, in 2018, was instructed to stay home on full pay for more than a year before being transferred to the Ministry of Transport and Communications. Khama alleged the officer was later unlawfully downgraded, subjected to arbitrary changes to his conditions of service, and denied benefits, logistical support and post-retirement obligations, resulting in personal losses.

Responding, Mohwasa said it is established government practice that an officer who is officially directed to stay away from duty remains entitled to remuneration unless lawfully dismissed or sanctioned through due process. He declined to provide details on the specific matter, citing employee-employer confidentiality.

Khama also pressed the minister to elaborate on DIS’s use of covert deployments, asking whether officers who do not report to conventional offices raise audit and value-for-money concerns, what tangible outputs demonstrate their productivity, and whether an independent review should be instituted.

Mohwasa maintained that all DIS officers report through established command structures to the Director General, even when operating outside traditional office environments. He said such deployments are lawful, authorised and supervised, and that the number of officers involved cannot be disclosed publicly due to the sensitive nature of intelligence work. He rejected suggestions of audit or value-for-money risks and said government saw no need to institute an inquiry or independent review.

Khama’s interventions amounted to one of the most sustained public critiques of the DIS since his departure from the presidency, once again placing the spotlight on intelligence oversight, accountability and the balance between national security secrecy and public transparency in Botswana.

The Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organizations (BOCONGO) has sharply criticized the timing the consultations on the proposed Constitutional Court, accusing the process of being a potential ‘procedural formality’ that puts the cart before the horse.

The consultations focus on the Constitution (Amendment) Bill No. 14 of 2025, a piece of legislation that seeks to establish a dedicated Constitutional Court. The proposed court would be tasked with the exclusive jurisdiction to hear and decide matters pertaining to the interpretation, protection, and enforcement of the Constitution. Its creation is seen by supporters as a significant step in strengthening the judiciary’s role as the guardian of the supreme law.

In a statement, BOCONGO welcomed the government’s efforts to create space for public participation, calling it ‘a cornerstone of democracy’ and ‘an important step toward inclusive constitutional review.’ The organization also praised the ‘multisectoral approach,’ which includes engagements with council leadership, civil society, trade unions, and the business community.

However, BOCONGO raised substantial concerns about the integrity of the process. The primary critique centers on the fact that the Bill has already been drafted, published, and debated in Parliament before the launch of nationwide public consultations. ‘This timing. raises questions about whether input will meaningfully influence the proposed Constitutional Court and the broader Constitutional Review Process,’ the statement reads. BOCONGO argues that true consultation should be a ‘genuine opportunity for citizens and stakeholders to shape outcomes,’ not a box-ticking exercise held after key decisions appear to have been made.

To ensure the process is credible, BOCONGO made several demands of the government. They insist that public input must be properly documented, addressed, and reflected in the final legislative outcome. The council called for the government to publicly share the outcomes of the consultations to demonstrate how they informed the process and to show a clear willingness to revisit and amend the bill, or re-start the process, based on public submissions. Furthermore, BOCONGO urged a shift from a ‘piecemeal approach’ to initiating a comprehensive, People-Centred Review of the Constitution, supported by widespread civic education and a published roadmap as guided by the Constitution Review Act.

The council also urged for more accessible consultations, suggesting flexible timings and varied platforms beyond the kgotla to ensure broader participation from all segments of society. BOCONGO reiterated its commitment to promoting civic education on the Constitution and urged all Batswana to actively participate in the ongoing consultations.

A government spokesperson has claimed ignorance of any attempt to weaponize the public media towards engineer public approval or manufacturing consent for the Constitutional Court, although Mass Media Complex reporters insist that there is coordinated political messaging across all public media platforms, on the Constitutional Court and healthcare crisis debates.

The Ministry stated this week that, it ‘respects the independence of media institutions and does not issue directives that undermine these constitutional principles..

No directive has been issued to suspend phone-in programmes on Radio Botswana. Decisions relating to programme formats and scheduling are managed internally by the broadcaster in accordance with its operational and editorial guidelines.’

The ministry was responding to claims from public media reporters that government has set out to regiment the public media, and for the whole of last week, call-in segments of all RB1 and RB2 programmes were suspended in a bid to control the public debate on the controversial Constitutional Court and national drug shortage.

The journalists stated that RB 1 broadcaster Letumile Lets Montsosa was removed from the Masa -a-sele morning programme and later reinstated, after letting slip that there are official instructions to ‘manage’ the callers. Montsosa’s aborted re-deployment is reported to be part of a bigger plan to co – opt the Mass Media Complex newsrooms. Government was however forced to climbdown on its plans following public backlash.

Following the incident, all call-in segment of Radio Botswana programmes were suspended for the whole of last week. The reporters claimed that, even the selection of guests invited to discuss both the Constitutional Court and drug shortages has been tightly controlled to stack the card in favour of the Constitutional Court.

Responding Sunday Standard queries, the Ministry of State, Defence and Security said it is not aware of any such instructions having been issued. ‘Editorial content and programming decisions within government media institutions fall under the operational mandate of the Department of Broadcasting Services and established editorial structures.’

The Ministry also insisted that ‘No directive has been issued to suspend phone-in programmes on Radio Botswana. Decisions relating to programme formats and scheduling are managed internally by the broadcaster in accordance with its operational and editorial guidelines.’

The government spokesperson further stated that, the Ministry ‘does not manage or oversee the selection of guests for programmes aired on state media platforms,’ adding that ‘Guest selection is an editorial function undertaken by programme producers in line with established broadcasting standards and principles of balanced reporting.’ The government official was responding to journalist reports that guest selection for RB1, RB2 and Btv programmes are not editorial decisions, but part of government’s play to saturate the public media information space with its narrative.

The Ministry further denied reports that BTv content on President Duma Boko’s tour of government hospitals is not generated by journalists, but by government enclave boosters who have been deployed to come up with massaged positive messages.

It has emerged that (Btv) reporters are not assigned to cover President Duma Boko’s hospital tours. Instead, the channel given ready-to-air footage choreographed by government officials limiting on-the-ground reporting.

Government journalists spoke of coordinated state-driven efforts to control information, by prioritizing government enclave narrative over the watchdog function of the public media. President Boko and Health Minister Stephen Modise are currently touring several hospitals following the release of a damning Ombudsman report that highlighted serious deficiencies in healthcare delivery and drug procurement.

Government ministers have also been dispatched to lead public consultations on the proposed Constitutional Court, an initiative that has stirred public debate. Some citizens have expressed strong opposition to the perceived rush to establish the court, arguing that the government should first prioritise securing essential medications for public hospitals.

The government spokesperson argued that BTV reporters have not been barred from independently covering presidential activities.

‘Where pooled or shared footage is utilised, this is generally for logistical or coordination purposes and does not preclude independent reporting by media practitioners.’

The Botswana Government has been operating out of touch with the realities facing public health facilities across the country. In its newly released report, the Ombudsman has exposed what it describes as a profound disconnect between government policy-making and the grim realities inside Botswana’s public health facilities revealing that the Ministry of Health was largely unaware of the depth and scale of the crisis unfolding on the ground.

According to the Ombudsman’s investigation, there are ‘significant deficiencies in the Ministry’s awareness of, and effective oversight over, conditions prevailing within public health facilities,’ exposing what the report also describes as a ‘marked disconnection between policy-level governance and operational realities on the ground.’

Information reaching Sunday Standard suggesting that President Duma Boko and the Minister of Health Stephen Modise’s recent nationwide tour of some public hospitals was triggered by the release of the damning investigation. Sources within the government enclave say the report’s findings jolted the leadership into action after it became clear that senior decision-makers had been operating in the dark while conditions in hospitals deteriorated.

The report paints a bleak picture of systemic dysfunction. Among the most alarming findings was the operation of an X-ray machine at Hukuntsi Primary Hospital that was emitting unsafe radiation levels, exposing patients and staff to serious health risks. In other facilities, laboratory analysers acquired outside formal procurement processes were abruptly withdrawn following ministry directives, in the absence of any policy governing donations. This left hospitals routinely referring patients to distant facilities for basic laboratory tests due to chronic shortages of equipment and reagents.

Infection control has also been severely compromised. The Ombudsman found a ‘widespread absence of functional autoclaves’, forcing hospitals to transport surgical instruments over long distances for sterilisation. The report notes that this practice not only undermined efficiency but also heightened the risk of infection. Compounding these failures, medical personnel frequently advised patients especially in urgent cases to purchase essential medicines and non-medical supplies out of their own pockets.

‘These realities highlight a stark disconnect between the Ministry’s oversight responsibilities, the duty to provide medicines, and the lived realities of service delivery within public healthcare facilities,’ the report states.

The investigation found that through a series of administrative actions and omissions, Botswana has ‘to a certain extent failed in her obligations regarding the right to health, particularly the duty to respect this right.’ This failure is linked to inadequate ambulance services, limited hospital bed space, shortages of demoralised staff, weak patient complaints mechanisms, chronic medicine stockouts, and budgetary mismanagement.

Across the country, investigators encountered overcrowded wards, lack of privacy, inadequate bedding, and delayed emergency responses conditions described as ‘incompatible with human dignity’. The Ombudsman warns that these shortcomings disproportionately affect low-income and rural populations who depend exclusively on public healthcare, thereby undermining the constitutional principles of equality and non-discrimination.

Princess Marina Hospital (PMH) emerged as the epicentre of the crisis. Allegations previously reported in the media were substantiated with the report stating that the hospital is operating beyond its functional limits and is ‘effectively at a breaking point’. the report says hospital management likened PMH to ‘an old, heavily worn vehicle, overloaded with passengers and packages, yet still expected to transport the entire population of Botswana safely to its destination.’

Emergency medical services were found to be equally fragile. At the time of the report, the Ministry of Health was operating 101 active ambulances alongside 87 inactive ones. Many of the active vehicles are over five years old and fail to meet roadworthiness standards, forcing government to spend heavily on repairs. The Ministry also lacked any policy framework to determine the optimal number of ambulances needed nationally, resulting in ad hoc procurement and escalating inefficiencies.

The report says the government spends an estimated P12 million annually on private emergency medical services, a move the Ombudsman describes as ‘reactive’ and lacking long-term sustainability. Matters were worsened by the Government Purchase Office moratorium, which restricted fuel procurement for ambulances, directly delaying patient transfers and, in some cases, leading to adverse outcomes.

Laboratory services have also been crippled. Persistent reagent shortages and obsolete equipment have left most public laboratories without accreditation. Only five government laboratories currently meet accreditation standards, while Scottish Livingstone Hospital’s accreditation was suspended in November 2025.

The Ombudsman warns that these systemic failures not only endanger patients but also significantly increase government exposure to legal liability. ‘Each failure undermines patient well-being and places the state at risk through breaches of non-delegable duties and vicarious liability,’ the report notes.

The investigation says that unless these barriers are urgently addressed, Botswana’s public health system will continue to erode public trust, deepen inequality, and fall short of safeguarding the fundamental right to health and life.

Botswana Development Corporation (BDC) has approved a seven-year US$10 million (P131 million) term loan to Letshego Africa Holdings, positioning the facility as part of a broader push to expand lending into social-impact sectors while supporting one of the country’s most active non-bank lenders.

BDC said the funding will support programmatic lending in areas such as affordable housing, education, healthcare and micro- and small-enterprise finance. The deal falls under the state-owned investor’s impact investment strategy, which seeks to combine financial returns with measurable social outcomes.

‘This facility is more than a funding agreement; it is an investment in the resilience of the African household,’ BDC managing director Oteng Keabetswe said. He added that the corporation is prioritising partnerships capable of delivering ‘double-bottom-line’ returns – financial sustainability alongside developmental impact.

For Letshego, the funding arrives at a time when local capital markets have become more expensive and less liquid. Chief executive Reinette van der Merwe said the loan improves liquidity flexibility ‘at an important phase of the Group’s growth and recovery’ and strengthens its ability to absorb macroeconomic volatility.

The contrast with recent market funding is stark. In November, Letshego raised P89.5 million under its amended P3.5 billion medium-term note programme at yields ranging between 18 percent and 18.5 percent – among the highest borrowing costs the group has faced in recent years. BDC said the structure of the loan is intended to help sustain lending within Letshego’s lower-risk payroll-deduction portfolios and other programmatic products, where access to affordable funding has tightened.

For BDC, the transaction also reflects a more active balance-sheet strategy, following recent portfolio restructuring. The corporation returned to profitability in the year ended June 2025, though liquidity pressures remain evident.

For decades, absence defined marriage in much of rural Botswana. Husbands left for the mines of South Africa, sometimes for years, sometimes for a lifetime of contracts stitched together by brief homecomings. In their absence, women quietly rebuilt the meaning of family, running homesteads, raising children, managing cattle, starting small businesses, and making decisions once reserved for men. What happens, then, when the husbands come back?

The return is often imagined as a restoration, a family reunited, authority neatly reclaimed, order resumed. But for many Batswana women, the homecoming marked the beginning of a more complicated chapter, one filled with negotiation, loss, and, at times, rupture.

What happened when those men finally came home is the subject of a new historical study by Unaludo Sechele, a postdoctoral fellow at the University of the Free State. Drawing on interviews conducted across Botswana’s North-East and Central districts, the research titled: The return of husbands: of male labour returnees and women in Botswana, c.1970-2023, traces how women who had quietly become heads of households were forced to renegotiate power when husbands returned after years, and sometimes decades, away.

During the years of absence, women stepped into roles traditionally reserved for men in a deeply patriarchal society. ‘When husbands were absent,’ the paper notes, ‘wives took over as family heads in most cases,’ managing finances, farming, and child-rearing without daily male authority.

That autonomy, however, proved fragile. As South Africa retrenched mine workers in the late 1980s and Botswana’s economy stabilised after independence, thousands of men returned home. Many sought to reclaim their status as heads of families, often clashing with wives who had built lives and livelihoods in their absence.

For some women, the return marked the beginning of violence. ‘My husband was already at the mines when we got married,’ said Julia Keneetswe, who was interviewed for the study. ‘Since he came home after being fired for fighting with a colleague at the mine, there hasn’t been any peace.’ She described being stabbed by her husband in 2018, leaving her disabled. ‘I will just stay here and mind my own business. just hoping he won’t kill me,’ she said.

Others described subtler but equally destabilising shifts. Mary Mojadi, whose husband retired after 32 years of migrant labour, said his return upended a household she had run alone for decades. ‘He treated us like the people he supervised at the mine,’ she said. ‘He brought his work mentality home.’ Their marriage eventually collapsed.

Not all reunions ended in conflict. Some couples adapted, sharing work and income after years apart. But the study makes clear that the return of husbands was not a simple restoration of family life. Instead, it often reopened unresolved tensions about authority, money and gender.

In many cases, men returned without the steady wages that once justified their authority. Women, meanwhile, had learned to survive without remittances by starting businesses, farming commercially, or entering professional careers. ‘Women could earn more money than their husbands,’ the paper notes, ‘but it was not culturally acceptable. and it was viewed as threatening the husband’s authority’.

The result, Sechele argues, was a reckoning delayed by migration itself. Labour migration had quietly reshaped family power structures. For some women, the conclusion was stark. ‘Now, when I look back,’ said Lotlhe Sedibe, whose husband took control of property she had built during his absence, ‘I realise my life was wonderful without him’.

The long absence, it turns out, did not merely separate families. It transformed them in ways that could not easily be undone.

Francistown-based Premier League giants TAFIC have landed a multimillion-pula sponsorship deal, a significant boost that is expected to ease the club’s financial pressures. The partnership, set to begin in January 2026, will be backed by a leading local bank and is being widely viewed as a potential turning point in TAFIC’s fortunes.

One of northern Botswana’s most popular and historic football clubs, TAFIC commands a loyal following and strong regional identity. The alliance with a reputable local bank is expected to deliver mutual gains including long-term financial stability, operational support for the club, and high-profile brand exposure for the sponsor through one of the north’s most recognisable sporting institutions. Beyond the balance sheet, the deal is also poised to deepen community engagement, reflecting the shared roots and influence of both partners in the region.

The sponsorship arrives at a critical time for TAFIC, which has faced serious financial challenges in recent months. The club struggled at times to meet obligations, including player salaries, disrupting preparations and creating uncertainty within the squad. The new deal is expected to stabilise finances and provide a solid foundation for the future.

Immediate benefits include improved player welfare. With financial backing in place, salaries and bonuses are anticipated to be paid promptly, easing anxiety among players and technical staff. This stability is likely to translate into better on-field performances, as players can focus fully on football without financial distractions.

Supporters have welcomed the announcement, describing it as a major morale booster for both team and fan base. Many believe the sponsorship restores confidence in the club’s future.

‘The sponsorship has come at the right time,’ said one supporter. ‘Even though it is coming midway through the season, it will help keep the players motivated and focused. They will now play knowing that their welfare is not in jeopardy.’

The financial injection is also expected to play a key role when the transfer window opens in January. TAFIC will be in a stronger position to retain top players, who have previously been targeted by rival clubs. Additionally, the club is likely to invest in new signings to strengthen key areas of the squad, improving competition within the team and boosting overall performance.

TAFIC will aim to build on last season’s strong showing, where they finished second in the league behind champions Gaborone United. That campaign highlighted the club’s potential to compete at the highest level despite financial constraints. With improved resources and stability, expectations are high that TAFIC can mount another serious title challenge.

Beyond the pitch, the sponsorship is expected to enhance fan engagement and match-day experiences. Supporters can anticipate better organised home games, stronger branding, and community initiatives linked to the partnership, further cementing TAFIC’s reputation as a leading football institution in northern Botswana.

Club officials believe the partnership signals a new chapter focused on consistency, professionalism, and competitiveness. With renewed optimism, solid financial backing, and strong fan support, TAFIC will hope the sponsorship propels the club back to its rightful place of playing good football and making supporters proud.

‘Always late.’ ‘Leaves before lunch.’ ‘Not committed to his work.’ These are some of the accusations levelled by shareholders against Botswana Football League Chief Executive Officer (BFL CEO) Billy Sekgororoane.

Barely three months into his contract, BFL shareholders say they are not happy with how he is running the league. The frustration has now reached a point where some shareholders want the CEO and the entire board removed from office.

They say the league is failing, and the leadership is to blame. According to several shareholders, the main problem is the way the CEO handles his responsibilities. They allege that he is not running the office properly and does not show commitment to the job.

Some allege that he is often not available at the office and that staff members sometimes have to take documents to his home for signing. They further claim that he arrives late at work and leaves before lunchtime on many days. For them, this is clear evidence that the CEO is not taking his duties seriously.

Worse still, the shareholders allege that the CEO does not have adequate knowledge to run a professional football league. One chairperson said the CEO has no understanding of what is happening in the league and does not know what interventions are needed to solve the financial crisis the league is facing. They believe the league needs a leader who understands football administration and can manage the growing challenges.

Another issue that has caused tension is the distribution of broadcasting rights money. The league received P5 million from TV rights, but the shareholders say they want 80% of that money to go to the clubs and only 20% to the office. They argue that the clubs are the ones carrying the financial burden of running teams every week, yet they receive the smaller share of the funds.

Shareholders have also accused the CEO of failing to meet them to resolve pending operational issues. They feel ignored and say he does not treat their concerns with urgency. This has created mistrust between the league office and the clubs.

One of the most serious allegations is that the CEO terminated the Betway sponsorship without consulting the shareholders. They say such major decisions should not be taken by CEO and board without consulting them, especially when the league is already struggling financially. They insist that they should have been involved before the sponsorship was cancelled.

Due to all these concerns, some shareholders now want the CEO position removed completely from the Botswana Football League structure. They propose replacing it with a General Manager position, which they believe will be more effective and easier to hold accountable.

The league has also struggled to secure new sponsorships since the current leadership took office. Shareholders say they expected the Top 8 tournament to return this season, but that now seems unlikely because no sponsor has been secured. They feel the league office has failed to market the league strongly enough to attract corporate partners.

On Tuesday, the league shareholders held a meeting to discuss several issues. These included the operational and financial challenges facing the league, the possible removal of the CEO position from the BFL organogram, and replacing it with a General Manager. They also discussed reviewing the league’s budget and cutting down on expenses to save costs.

Another topic discussed was the salary structure at the BFL. Shareholders believe the office is spending too much on salaries while the league is struggling to pay clubs and cover match operations. They proposed new cost-saving measures and a review of how the league uses its money.

The income distribution from sponsorships was also a major point of discussion. Clubs want a bigger share of sponsorship money because they feel they are the ones keeping the league alive. They say without clubs, there is no league, and therefore they deserve a fairer share of the funds.

For now, the future of the CEO and the board remains uncertain. But what is clear is that the relationship between the league office and the shareholders is at its lowest point, and major changes may soon happen.