Category: Sunday Standard

The High Court has sentenced Tapologo Makwatse to death after finding no extenuating circumstances to justify a lesser penalty. The sentence brought to a close a murder case that tested the limits of mitigation arguments centered on intoxication and alleged provocation. Tapologo was convicted of hacking his ex-girlfriend Dipuo Ramalepa, to death with an axe.

In his judgment delivered this week, outgoing Judge Dr. Zein Kebonang said the court had been compelled to interrogate the evidence more closely than usual after identifying inconsistencies between the agreed statement of facts and the accused’s subsequent testimony in mitigation.

Makwatse had earlier been convicted of murder under Section 202 of Botswana’s Penal Code after entering a guilty plea. The conviction followed a formal statement of agreed facts submitted jointly by the prosecution and the defence in July 2023. At the time, the accused confirmed before the court that the contents of the document were true, voluntary and accurately reflected the events leading to the killing.

However, the sentencing phase took a more complex turn when Makwatse appeared to depart from that agreed version during his oral submissions in mitigation. According to the court, the accused introduced elements that suggested diminished responsibility, including intoxication and emotional provocation, which had not been clearly borne out in the original agreed facts.

Kebonang noted that such contradictions could not be ignored, particularly in a case where the ultimate sentence depended on whether extenuating circumstances existed. ‘The court cannot lightly accept mitigation that is inconsistent with facts previously admitted by the accused,’ Kebonang said, arguing that the integrity of the judicial process depended on consistency and credibility.

Central to the court’s analysis was whether the accused’s state of intoxication at the time of the offence could reduce his moral blameworthiness. Kebonang ruled that self-induced intoxication, without more, does not meet the legal threshold required to establish extenuation. The court further held that while emotional distress or provocation can, in certain circumstances, be relevant, the evidence presented did not support a finding that Makwatse acted under such overwhelming influence as to significantly impair his judgment.

‘The burden rests on the accused to prove, on a balance of probabilities, that extenuating circumstances exist,’ Kebonang said. ‘In this case, that burden has not been discharged.’

The judge also pointed to the deliberate nature of the conduct described in the agreed facts, which suggested a level of intent incompatible with the defence’s later attempt to portray the act as impulsive or driven by diminished capacity. The court found that the version initially accepted by the accused remained the most reliable account of events.

With no extenuating circumstances established, the court was bound by law to impose the mandatory sentence for murder. Kebonang accordingly sentenced Makwatse to death, in line with the law, which prescribes capital punishment in such cases. Makwatse now joins the ranks of inmates on death row.

The government is battling rising panic after an explosive national risk report confirmed fears first exposed by the Sunday Standard that some Botswana community trusts have become unwitting vehicles for international wildlife crime syndicates linked to money laundering and fraud.

A copy of the Money Laundering/Terrorist Financing National Risk Assessment Report Botswana seen by Sunday Standard paints a picture of how criminal networks are infiltrating Botswana’s prized wildlife economy through community-based organisations created to empower rural citizens.

The report directly makes reference to a Sunday Standard investigation report titled ‘Community Trusts in Global Mafia Network’ which was published in 2024. The Money Laundering/Terrorist Financing National Risk Assessment report cites Sunday Standard investigations and details how local communities are being used as ‘grey nodes’ or legal players unknowingly participating in illegal wildlife schemes.

‘It is through this programme that potential investors and partners invest financially with the organisations. Mostly these investors are safari hunting companies,’ the report states.

But it warns that the citizen empowerment model is now vulnerable to abuse.

‘Often, this citizen economic empowerment initiative is abused by investors,’ the report says.

The report shows that the findings will deepen concern within government which now fears that trusts established under the Community Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) programme may have become soft targets for foreign syndicates seeking legal access to wildlife quotas, hunting concessions and community resources.

The report says a community trust entered into an agreement with ‘a notorious rhino poaching syndicate and an international trafficker,’ raising fears of criminal infiltration.

It further states that one syndicate member, who allegedly entered Botswana in 2017, is facing more than 1,000 counts of racketeering, money laundering, fraud, intimidation and illegal hunting in foreign jurisdictions.

‘This presents a high risk to money laundering activities in the wildlife sector in Botswana,’ the report warns.

The report states that although the suspect has not been charged in Botswana, authorities believe he has used a Botswana-registered company through suspected fronting arrangements to gain access to community wildlife resources.

The reports suggests that revelations strike at the heart of Botswana’s conservation and tourism economy.

It says Botswana hosts one of Africa’s largest elephant populations which is estimated at over 130,000, nearly one-third of the continent’s total. Wildlife tourism remains a major economic pillar, contributing around 5 percent of GDP in 2023, while pre-Covid levels had reached as high as 13 to 14 percent.

The report indicates that for many rural communities, wildlife-based enterprises such as trophy hunting, photographic safaris and eco-tourism are lifelines.

But the report says environmental crime now threatens not only biodiversity, but governance itself.

‘Environmental crime has potential to fuel organised crime networks involved in the illegal harvesting and trafficking of wildlife resources and this ultimately weakens the rule of law,’ it states.

It also warns that declining wildlife populations destroy jobs and livelihoods for communities dependent on tourism and sustainable hunting revenues.

The report cites global concerns raised by Prince William during the 2022 Global Summit, where he said the illegal wildlife trade worth up to $20 billion annually fuels violent crime, corruption and strips nations of natural resources.

In the third week of April, I was contacted by the editorial team of the Sunday Standard newspaper asking if I could consider writing them a story about the relationship between the Botswana National Front (BNF), Kgosi Linchwe II and former Speaker of National Assembly, Ray Molomo. For me it was not going to be a difficult task requiring me to travel here and there conducting a series of interviews. The necessary material needed for such a story was already readily available in my old diaries, files as well as in memory.

In view of that I immediately responded to the request asking myself the question, ‘who am I to refuse an assignment from the newspaper editor?’ I considered the request an honour on my part. Such requests are rare, especially coming from credible newspaper such as this one. I had been writing to them until illness interrupted my services some months ago. The idea of such a story was apparently triggered by news suggesting that this year marks the BNF’s 60 years. It is said that the BNF recently held its 60th anniversary gala dinner where its leader, President Duma Bolo spoke.

It is debatable as to whether this year is the party’s 60 years or not. Others say the party’s 60th birthday was last October. We will see as the story progresses. In his book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana’, Ray Molomo states that the BNF was launched on October 10th 1966. If this is correct, then indeed the party will be 60 years old this year. Although I did not verify this with him, I am reliably informed that even former BNF leader, Otsweletse Moupo believes that the party was launched in 1966. It is said that Moupo believes that if the launch was in 1965, the founders of the party would have called it Bechuanaland National Front instead of Botswana National Front.

The real story of the BNF began at Serowe Teachers’ Training College (TTC) and ended in Mochudi. One day Dr. Kenneth Koma unexpectedly arrived at the college visiting his sister-in-law, Mable Koma who was the wife of former Member of Parliament for Mahalapye, Gaolese Koma. The sister-in-law was a matron at the college and she and Dr. Koma had not seen each other for many years as the latter was studying abroad. He had just returned to the country to start a new life. Ray Molomo was lecturing at the college and was introduced to the visitor to their school. That visit to the college, is well captured in the book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana’. It is in that book that the author, Ray Molomo recalls that Kenneth Koma appeared in Serowe like a ‘bold from the blue’ meaning that he arrived unexpectedly.

By that time, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) was still enjoying their great victory over Bechuanaland People’s Party (BPP) and Bechuanaland Independence Party (BIP) in the general elections which had been held on March 1. The election date for that election is reflected in the Daily News of February 1st, 1965. It came by way of the Bechuanaland Constitution Order made by the Privy Council in London and immediately passed by the British Parliament. The two gentlemen, Dr. Koma and Ray Molomo discussed politics at the highest level and engaged each other meaningfully on any issue they raised because their field of experience overlapped.

Dr. Koma had studied for an arts degree with the University of Cape Town in South Africa, before going to the University of Nottingham in England where he obtained a law degree. He had also studied political science at the Charles University in Czechoslovakia and a doctoral degree in political economy at the African Institute, Academy of Sciences of Moscow in Russia. Ray Molomo had returned to the country from Canada a year earlier. He had been studying educational psychology at the University of Ottawa. Within a short time of knowing each other, the two men agreed that there was the need to found a political party with a completely different ideology from that of the BDP.

It was at that stage that Kenneth Koma started scouting for allies among the young progressive minds that had been labelled radical or communist in the country. Dr. Koma’s visits took him to Mochudi where he paid courtesy call on Kgosi Linchwe II. He had been installed as Kgosi of Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela in April 1963, almost a year after his return from England where he had been studying. He and Kenneth Koma had not met before but because a lot had been written about the Bakgatla Kgosi and his people in the British newspapers by Lady Mitchison, a British author of many books he probably had an idea of the animal called Kgosi Linchwe II. Lady Mitchison was Kgosi Linchwe’s ‘adopted mother’. It would appear that Kenneth Koma had read some of her writings while still abroad.

Furthermore, Ray Molomo might have told him about the Kgosi in their Serowe meeting. Ray Molomo was a relative of Linchwe II and were very close to each other. It is therefore unlikely that Ray Molomo would hold political discussions with Dr. Koma without the latter making reference to Linchwe II. When Dr. Koma met Linchwe II in Mochudi, he also raised the idea of forming a new political party in place of the People’s Party and the Independence Party. In Linchwe, Dr. Koma found a person who was resourceful on national and international issues. Linchwe II and Dr. Koma agreed that the first thing would be to try to dissolve the BPP and BIP and come up with a strong united party. Kgosi Linchwe agreed to chair the peace conference.

After weeks of deliberating, talks culminated with the launch of the BNF in Mochudi. In his book, ‘Democratic Deficit in the Parliament of Botswana,’ Ray Molomo says the BNF was born on 10th October 1966 when he was elected party leader in absentia. However, he did not accept the position because as a civil servant, he was not allowed to take active part in politics. After I had read his book and realizing that the date of birth he had mentioned contradicted the date mentioned in Tlhoiwe’s letter, I went to his home where I showed it to him. He was surprised and asked me where I got the letter from. But he was quick to concede that the date in his book was wrong. He even said Tlhoiwe could not be mistaken because he was present at the launch, became the party’s first secretary-general and stayed active in the party longer.

Similarly, former BNF leader, Otsweletse Moupo is also said to be one of those who believe that the party was launched in 1966. I did not verify this with him but I am reliably informed that he believes that if indeed the party was launched in 1965, it would have been named Bechuanaland National Front instead of Botswana National Front as is the case now. . Writing from his home in Ramotswa to Kgosi Linchwe in Mochudi on October 6th 1965, BNF’s first secretary-general, Henderson Moatlhodi Tlhoiwe states that the party was launched on October 3rd 1965. That letter is one of the documents given to me by Kgosi Linchwe in 1994 after my return from Harare where I studied mass communication.

He gave me the letter and other documents knowing that at some stage, I will make good use of them. The letter was written three days after the launch when the event was still fresh in Tlhoiwe’s mind. Tlhoiwe, who had completed degree in political economy at the Charles University in Czechoslovakia, had participated in all the meetings including the launch. The reason for writing that letter was to apologize to Kgosi Linchwe because the launch took place in his absence even though he had asked that it be postponed since the date of the launch coincided with his engagement outside Mochudi. Tlhoiwe said it was not due to indifference that his request was not adhered to. He said the launch went ahead because Kgosi Linchwe’s request for postponement was received when majority of delegates had already arrived in Mochudi for the launch and many others due to arrive.

Tlhoiwe’s letter was preceded by one written by Leetile Raditladi to the leader of BIP, Motsamai Mpho. Raditladi was the founder of what is generally believed to be the first political party in this country, Bechuanaland Federal Party. Delegates were further up with Motsamai Mpho who had appeared to be playing hide-and-seek game by either not attending talks or attending with no mandate from his party. In the letter, Raditladi tells Mpho that time was running out for him to contribute to the talks otherwise he would be left behind. Mpho also kept on asking who the leader of the new party would be despite being told that the important thing was to unite the people first before thinking of who would occupy what.

It was made clear to Mpho by Raditladi that with or without the BIP, the Front would be launched in the next meeting which was due to be held on October 3rd 1965. In the eyes of delegates, Mpho was concerned about the stiff competition he would face when election for leadership positions was held. He feared competition. There were the likes of Dr. Koma, Leetile Raditladi, Daniel Kwele and of course Henderson Tlhoiwe who would give him a challenge if they were to contest for positions. It was generally accepted that if it were not for Kgosi Linchwe’s strengths, Motsamai Mpho would have succeeded in derailing the talks.

I first met Dr. Koma, in 1979 when I was stationed in Mahalapye. He was with retired journalist, Mmolotsi Sekgoma and Gorden Dlale. Mmolotsi Sekgoma had previously been my supervisor at Information Services. They had come to our office in Mahalapye to discuss with me a story idea about Mahalapye as a village. Mmolotsi Sekgoma introduced me to Dr. Koma telling him that I was from Mochudi and that I was Kgosi Linchwe’s close associate. Indeed I was Kgosi Linchwe’s favourite. Dr. Koma was excited and asked ‘monna o kae Morena, o modumedise thata’, adding that ‘we formed the Front because he guided our deliberations superbly’.

By that time, Dr. Koma was still of the view that Kgosi Linchwe was so skillful that he prevented Motsamai Mpho from derailing the talks. Dr. Koma expressed the wish that Kgosi Linchwe could one day participate in partisan politics where his talents could be fully utilized. Kgosi Linchwe was one of the high profile individuals who contributed funds to help finance the BNF’s legal costs when its officials were on trial facing sedition charges. Two other dikgosi, Bathoen II of Bangwaketse and Niel Sechele of Bakwena contributed for the defence of the party.

Tlhoiwe was accused NO.1while Dr. Koma was accused NO, 2 and the rest followed when the trial opened in Mahalapye. They had written a seditious material in their party’s ‘Puopha’ news letter. Common sense dictates that when you solve a mathematical problem, arriving at two different answers, one of them is wrong and you should start again. This means that BNF leaders debate these dates and remain with one.

Botswana is starring down a massive economic hit as soaring global fuel prices threaten to burn a P8.5 billion hole in the country’s finances.

A fresh warning from Econsult Botswana reveals that if international fuel prices jump by 50% and stay there for a year, Botswana could be forced to cough up an extra P8.5 billion just to keep the lights on and vehicles on the road. That is a staggering 3% of the entire economy wiped out by fuel costs alone.

The latest quarterly review by Econsult Botswana underscores the scale of exposure. ‘In Botswana’s case, fuel represents the largest single category of imports reported by Statistics Botswana, with total fuel imports valued at P16.9 billion in 2025, or around 6% of GDP. If global fuel prices rise by 50% and this is maintained for a full year, the cost to Botswana would be huge, around P8.5 billion, or some 3% of GDP,’ the report notes.

If the shock hits, ordinary Batswana will feel it immediately. Transport costs could surge, food prices could climb, and daily life could become far more expensive. From combi fares to supermarket shelves, nothing will be spared.

As a landlocked economy with no domestic refining capacity, Botswana is acutely vulnerable to supply disruptions and price swings. The report warns that ‘fuel prices will feed through to inflation, reduced real incomes and a likely growth slowdown,’ a transmission mechanism that has repeatedly strained consumers and fiscal planning.

Even before the dreaded 50% jump in fuel prices, the country is already suffering the ravages of the global fuel crisis.

The Bank of Botswana hiked its monetary policy rate by 200 basis points on Thursday, saying inflation was expected to breach its target band mainly due to fuel price hikes linked to the Iran war. The central bank raised the rate to 5.5% from 3.5%.

Inflation is projected to breach the bank’s preferred 3%-6% target band in the second quarter of this year and average 8.7% in 2026 before easing to 5.6% in 2027, Bank Governor Lesego Moseki told a press conference.

Botswana’s vulnerability to global fuel shocks is prompting renewed focus on electrification of transport as both an economic buffer and a climate-aligned policy shift. Electric vehicles (EVs), still nascent in Botswana’s market, offer a pathway to decouple mobility from imported petroleum. ‘Botswana needs to reduce its dependence on imported fuels, in part by developing an electric mobility strategy that result in reduced usage of petrol and diesel,’ states the Econsult report.

Reduced fuel imports would ease pressure on foreign reserves while insulating the economy from global oil shocks.

Globally, investment is accelerating into ‘energy industries, electric vehicle manufacturing and other industries,’ the report observes, signalling a broader structural transition that Botswana risks missing if it remains anchored to fossil fuel imports.

For policymakers, the challenge lies in expanding grid capacity, incentivising EV adoption and building charging networks. Fuel price shocks have already demonstrated their reach across the economy, from transport and logistics to food prices. With fuel embedded in the consumer price index, even modest increases ripple widely. ‘The impact will be largest on fuel importing countries such as Botswana,’ the report states, reinforcing the asymmetry faced by economies without domestic energy buffers.

Transitioning to EVs would not eliminate all vulnerabilities, particularly given electricity generation constraints and reliance on imported power at times. But it would diversify the energy mix and gradually reduce one of the country’s largest import bills. ‘Botswana needs to develop an EV strategy, particularly the provision of charging infrastructure. The country

also needs a proper urban public transport strategy, based around EVs,’ states the report.

The shift also aligns with regional and global trends as governments tighten emissions standards and automakers pivot production lines toward electric fleets.

Amnesty International has raised concerns over Botswana’s human rights record in its latest global assessment, citing a public health crisis, shrinking civic freedoms and persistent gender-based violence as key issues in 2025.

In its latest report titled The State of the World’s Human Rights, the organization paints a troubling picture of a country grappling with systemic challenges despite a historic political transition following the 2024 general elections.

Botswana ushered in a new era when the Umbrella for Democratic Change, led by President Duma Boko, ended decades of rule by the Botswana Democratic Party. However, Amnesty International notes that the political shift has yet to translate into tangible human rights improvements.

At the centre of the report is a severe public health emergency declared in August 2025 after the collapse of the country’s medical supply chain. Public hospitals and clinics were left without essential medicines, including drugs for cancer, diabetes and tuberculosis. The crisis, attributed to government arrears owed to private suppliers and economic strain linked to a downturn in the diamond sector, forced authorities to postpone non-urgent surgeries.

Although government injected P250 million in emergency funding and deployed the military to assist with distribution, shortages reportedly persisted, exposing deep vulnerabilities in Botswana’s healthcare system.

The report also criticises new legislation, the Digital Services Act 2025 and the Cybersecurity Act 2025 warning that both laws risk expanding state control over online activity without adequate safeguards for privacy and freedom of expression. Amnesty argues that these laws could be used to stifle dissent in an increasingly digital public sphere.

Concerns over press freedom were echoed by Reporters Without Borders, which ranked Botswana 81st out of 180 countries in its 2025 World Press Freedom Index. While noting a decline in outright attacks on journalists, the watchdog said structural barriers continue to hinder media operations.

Freedom of assembly also came under scrutiny. Police in Gaborone blocked planned student protests in August, preventing members of the Student Power Botswana movement from delivering a petition demanding increased allowances. Authorities cited scheduling conflicts, but Amnesty described the actions as arbitrary restrictions on peaceful protest.

Gender-based violence remains a major concern, with UN agencies reportedly declaring it a national emergency. Amnesty highlighted the continued absence of legislation criminalising marital rape, leaving significant gaps in legal protection for women and girls.

On the issue of capital punishment, Botswana continues to retain the death penalty, although no executions have been carried out for four consecutive years. Human rights groups have renewed calls for an official moratorium as a step toward abolition.

The report further noted the relocation of rejected asylum seekers from a detention facility in Francistown to the Dukwi Refugee Camp, where access to employment and essential services remains limited.

Amnesty International says that while Botswana has long been viewed as a stable democracy, the latest findings highlight mounting pressure on fundamental rights, calling on authorities to urgently address systemic weaknesses and uphold constitutional freedoms.

Botswana’s public debt trajectory is edging toward a critical threshold, with analysts warning that persistent fiscal deficits and rising borrowing costs could push the country’s debt load beyond 100% of GDP sooner than expected.

Econsult’s latest quarterly review highlights a widening disconnect between the government’s stated commitment to fiscal discipline and the reality of continued high spending, weak revenues and increasingly expensive financing, a mix that is accelerating debt accumulation.

At the centre of the concern is a structurally imbalanced budget. The 2026/27 fiscal plan projects expenditure at around 35% of GDP, with revenues covering only about 75% of that spending, leaving a large and sustained financing gap. The report is blunt about the implications. ‘The budget as presented envisages a continued high level of spending… and a huge budget deficit,’ adding that key assumptions may understate the true scale of the imbalance due to ‘implausibly low budget figures for debt interest payments.’

While Botswana’s debt has historically been moderate, the current trajectory suggests a sharp and potentially destabilising shift. With deficits running near 9% of GDP and no immediate correction in sight, debt is set to rise rapidly with the 100% threshold increasingly within reach.

‘Nevertheless the trend is unsustainable, and it would not take long for debt to reach crisis levels at this rate of increase. With continued budget deficits of this magnitude, after a decade debt would exceed 100% of GDP – perhaps even sooner if government’s borrowing costs continue to rise,’ states the Review.

Econsult warns that the central challenge is to halt, or at least significantly slow, the rise in public debt. ‘This can only be done by reducing the budget deficit. With little expectation of a significant increase in revenues, this can only be achieved by a reduction in spending,’ states the report.

Yet despite repeated commitments, there is little evidence of restraint as spending is projected to remain at about 35% of GDP in 2026/27, virtually unchanged from the previous year. The review notes that this raises fundamental questions about sustainability as the government prepares to lift statutory borrowing limits.

The government itself has acknowledged the scale of the problem. The finance ministry described the situation as a ‘structurally overstretched fiscal framework,’ where ‘expenditure commitments persistently exceed available and realistic realisable resources.’ Such a mismatch, the minister warned, ‘is fiscally unsustainable over the medium to long term and underscores the urgent need for more credible, disciplined and prudent fiscal planning.’

Yet despite this recognition, the review finds little evidence of immediate corrective action. Planned fiscal consolidation is pushed into the outer years of the Medium-Term Fiscal Framework, a pattern that has repeatedly failed in the past. ‘Commitments made for 2-3 years into the future are never realised, but are perpetually postponed,’ the report notes.

The convergence of large deficits, rising yields and slowing growth is narrowing the window for policy adjustment. Without a credible shift toward fiscal consolidation, either through spending restraint or stronger revenue mobilisation, Botswana risks breaching the 100% debt-to-GDP threshold and entering a far more constrained fiscal environment.

A forensic audit by R4 Forensics has uncovered a web of gross financial misconduct at the Civil Aviation Authority of Botswana (CAAB).

Preliminary findings from the audit suggest that CAAB systematically misrepresented its financial position. Government subventions were allegedly recorded as revenue, enabling the authority to declare profits that did not exist.

The practice concealed sustained losses, with investigators estimating that between P50 million and P70 million may have been lost over the past four years. The authority is now understood to be operating at a deficit, contradicting earlier financial presentations that suggested stability.

The investigation was initially triggered by CAAB’s internal audit unit, which identified irregularities in the payroll system, including payments amounting to roughly P6 million into so called ghost accounts, fictitious or inactive accounts used to divert funds. What began as a targeted probe into payroll controls was subsequently broadened after newly appointed chief executive Thuto Toise ordered that the scope be expanded to include all financial and operational areas of the authority and an independent auditor,R4 Forensics commissioned to conduct a forensic audit.

That decision appears to have exposed a far wider pattern of alleged abuse. The forensic audit details a payroll fraud scheme involving more than 50 ghost employee accounts used to siphon funds over an extended period. The findings suggest that the mechanism may not have been isolated, with claims that senior officials channeled bonus payments through proxy accounts linked to these ghost employees, potentially to avoid tax liabilities and bypass standard payroll reporting systems.

The revelations echo an earlier case involving a suspended payroll officer at CAAB, who was accused of orchestrating the diversion of more than P6 million through ghost accounts. According to media reports at the time, the officer allegedly indicated that he would not act alone and threatened to implicate members of executive management.

He was suspected internally of having close links to executive management and was believed to have facilitated the routing of bonus payments, including the so called 13th Cheque, through ghost accounts to obscure income and evade taxation. The forensic audit’s findings appear to lend weight to those earlier allegations, suggesting that the misuse of payroll systems may have been embedded at multiple levels within the organisation.

Procurement practices have also come under scrutiny. The audit, carried by Robert Masitara’s R4 Forensics, flagged repeated use of direct contractor appointments, bypassing competitive tender processes. In some cases, companies linked to individuals within CAAB were allegedly awarded contracts. Cost escalations appear significant. A refurbishment project at Maun airport, initially budgeted at P50,000, reportedly increased to P3.7 million, with no clear justification provided in the audit findings.

Revenue collection systems were found to be similarly vulnerable. Aeronautical charges collected manually at airports could not be fully accounted for. The absence of robust tracking mechanisms appears to have created opportunities for revenue diversion, further compounding the authority’s financial difficulties.

The audit also highlights alleged abuse of employee benefits and allowances. Investigators cite instances of fraudulent overtime claims as well as travel per diem payments claimed for trips that did not occur. These practices, while individually smaller in scale, contribute to what the report characterizes as a broader pattern of financial indiscipline.

Beyond financial misconduct, the findings raise operational and regulatory concerns. Critical navigational equipment has reportedly remained unserviceable for extended periods despite maintenance contracts being awarded. At Maun airport, radar systems have allegedly been non-functional since December 2025.

The audit further points to the alleged issuance of air operator certificates under irregular circumstances, a finding that could have implications for regulatory compliance within the local aviation sector.

Governance failures emerge as a central theme. According to the audit, these issues were not escalated to the previous board, with management allegedly presenting an overly favourable account of the authority’s performance.

In a related development, CAAB has placed several senior officials on administrative leave as part of ongoing internal processes linked to the investigation. Those affected include Director Human Capital and Administration Services Ontibile Radira, Director Finance and Procurement Kebagaise Segakise, Director Airport Services Isaac Mabote, Director Airport Engineering and Maintenance Christopher Diswai, as well as Manager of Projects. The authority has described the leave as administrative and precautionary, stating that it does not constitute a finding of misconduct or guilt, and that the affected individuals are restricted from performing official duties or engaging staff on work related matters unless authorised.

The preliminary findings from R4 Forensics depict an organization where financial controls, procurement discipline and operational accountability may have been systematically undermined. The scale of the alleged irregularities, spanning accounting practices, payroll systems, procurement processes and regulatory functions, points to challenges that extend beyond isolated incidents.

Construction of the 500MW solar PV plant and battery storage project in Maun has taken off, with Botswana Power Corporation (BPC) expecting the development to cut electricity costs and reduce reliance on imports.

The project, launched last week, is also expected to enhance security of supply, reduce the country’s carbon footprint and lower generation costs by displacing expensive imported power. It forms part of broader efforts to position Botswana as a net electricity exporter in the region.

The plant will be developed under an Independent Power Producer model by O-Green, a company owned by the Sultanate of Oman. During the ground-breaking ceremony, BPC and Okavango Solar, a subsidiary of O-Green, signed a 30-year power purchase agreement.

The development includes a 500MW solar PV plant and a 500MWh Battery Energy Storage System, with construction expected to be completed by the first quarter of 2029. A 2km 400kV transmission line will link the plant to the existing Mawana Substation.

BPC chief executive David Kgoboko said the project comes at a time when the utility is grappling with rising electricity costs, particularly during peak demand periods when power is imported from South Africa and Mozambique.

The battery storage system will allow energy generated during the day to be stored and used during evening and early morning peaks, easing pressure on imports and improving grid stability. The project aligns with government’s Integrated Resource Plan, which targets adding 1.3GW of renewable energy to the grid before 2030.

Botswana’s economy is set for a rebound in 2026, but the recovery may prove short-lived as global shocks weigh on momentum across Southern Africa.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) projects Botswana’s growth to swing from a contraction of 0.9 percent in 2025 to 4.7 percent in 2026, before slowing to 2.2 percent in 2027, reflecting a fragile recovery tied to external demand, particularly in diamonds. The outlook mirrors a broader regional pattern where gains remain vulnerable to global disruptions.

Across Sub-Saharan Africa, growth is expected to ease slightly to 4.3 percent in 2026 from 4.5 percent in 2025, as higher oil, fertilizer and shipping costs filter through economies following geopolitical tensions.

For Botswana, the challenge is familiar: dependence on a narrow export base. While improved global conditions could lift diamond sales in the near term, the IMF warns that commodity-dependent economies remain exposed to volatility and shifting demand patterns.

Elsewhere in Southern Africa, growth is subdued. Namibia is projected to hold steady at 2.4 percent in 2026, while South Africa, Botswana’s largest trading partner is expected to expand by just 1.0 percent, underscoring weak regional demand. Zimbabwe, though still growing faster at 5.0 percent, is also set to slow.

The divergence with faster-growing economies is stark. Ethiopia, for instance, is forecast to maintain growth above 9 percent, highlighting the gap between reform-driven economies and those reliant on commodities.

The IMF cautions that risks remain tilted to the downside. A prolonged global shock could raise inflation, tighten financial conditions and erode demand for exports, particularly for smaller, open economies like Botswana.

In a sporting calendar often defined by competition and trophies, an upcoming golf day in Gaborone is aiming for something far more meaningful – changing lives.

On Thursday, April 30, 2026, the fairways of Stanbic Bank Gaborone Golf Club will host the Play with Purpose – Autism Awareness Charity Golf Day. The event blends sport with advocacy, and is driven by one mother’s deeply personal journey.

Melissa Modise, a businesswoman, wife, and mother of two, is the force behind the initiative. Her inspiration comes from her six-year-old son, who was diagnosed with autism at the age of three – a moment that reshaped her family’s life.

‘What began as fear, shock, and confusion has become acceptance and determination,’ Modise shares. ‘We have been fortunate to access early intervention, therapies, and strong support. But that is not the reality for most families.’

Across Botswana, many parents raising children on the autism spectrum face are faced with a lack of adequate resources, information, or support. Early intervention, widely known to improve developmental outcomes, remains out of reach for many due to financial constraints, limited services, and a lack of awareness.

For Modise, the weight of the journey is undeniable. ‘It is mental exhaustion. It is financial strain. It is relationships tested to their core. And it’s often carried in silence, in a society that still does not fully understand autism.’

The upcoming golf day is designed to change this status quo. Play with Purpose is a call to action. It seeks to move beyond surface-level awareness toward meaningful understanding. It seeks to challenge misconceptions, break stigma, and create inclusive spaces where children on the spectrum are fully accepted.

‘We want children on the spectrum to be seen as part of everyday life, not exceptions. Inclusion is not kindness – it’s a necessity,’ Modise emphasizes.

Funds raised from the event will support Autism Botswana, a local organization dedicated to advocating for individuals on the autism spectrum and assisting their families. Autism Botswana works to raise awareness, provide resources, and push for a more inclusive society. And like many in the sector, it faces growing demand with limited resources.

The event also carries an educational message. Modise highlights that autism is not one-size-fits-all. Each child is unique, and communication is not always verbal. Understanding and meeting children where they are, she says, is key to true inclusion.

As golfers prepare to tee off, the message behind the event remains clear: this is about more than sport.

‘This is bigger than a golf day. ‘It is about changing mindsets, showing up for families who feel unseen, and giving children the chance not just to exist, but to thrive,’ she says.

Businesses and individuals are being called upon to support the initiative through sponsorships and participation, helping turn a day on the course into lasting impact beyond it.

Sometimes the most important victories aren’t recorded on a scorecard – but in the lives changed along the way.