Category: The Bangkok Post

The commerce minister held discussions with the Chinese ambassador on enhancing exports of Thai agricultural products to China and fostering sustainable and firm bilateral trade.

Commerce Minister Suphajee Suthumpun said she had discussions with Zhang Jianwei, Chinese ambassador to Thailand, last Wednesday to explore measures to improve economic collaboration between the two nations. Thailand sought China’s support in facilitating exports of Thai agricultural products to China, including rice, longan and beef cattle.

During the meeting, she asked the ambassador to communicate with the Chinese government about easing the import process for Thai longan and expediting the consideration to open the Chinese market for Thai beef cattle.

Mrs Suphajee also requested the Chinese government purchase more Thai rice, citing its quality and competitive prices.

She is planning to lead a delegation of 60 Thai businesses to the China International Import Expo in Shanghai in November, allowing Thai businesses to showcase their quality products and promote exports to China.

The two nations are slated to sign an agreement on upgrading the Asean-China Free Trade Area agreement at the Asean-China Summit later this month.

China is Thailand’s largest trade partner. In 2024, bilateral trade tallied US$116 billion, a 10.4% year-on-year increase, with Thailand’s exports totalling $35.3 billion and imports $80.6 billion.

For the first 10 months this year, bilateral trade amounted to $96.3 billion, up 28% year-on-year, with exports at $27.7 billion and imports $68.5 billion.

Key export products are fresh, chilled, frozen and dried fruit; rubber products; computers and peripherals; plastic pellets; and cassava products. Major imports include electric machinery and peripherals; electric appliances; computers and peripherals; and iron and steel products.

Former Pheu Thai leader Sompong Amornwiwat yesterday announced his resignation from the party, saying internal conflicts and his inability to voice certain opinions left him with no other choice.

Mr Sompong, 84, who automatically loses his party-list seat in parliament as a result of his resignation, said he had already notified the Election Commission (EC).

He insisted that his decision was unrelated to Pheu Thai’s current position as the opposition or to any decline in its popularity. He said he decided to quit due to his frustration with management issues dating back prior to the 2023 general election, as well as the party’s relatively unimpressive record in local and national elections.

Mr Sompong pointed to the party’s poor performance in the upper northern provinces as an example, noting that Chiang Mai, perceived as a Pheu Thai stronghold, secured only two constituency wins in the last polls.

He said he had been responsible for winning more support in the upper North but had seen his influence there steadily decline. The final straw came in the form of candidate selection in Lamphun’s Constituency 1 when the party picked another candidate without considering Mr Sompong’s recommendation, despite the latter having won a strong support base, he said.

Mr Sompong accused senior figures of intervening without proper consultation or polling, saying that when the party’s popularity was in decline, it must be even more thorough in selecting candidates.

He expressed gratitude to former prime ministers Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra, who are siblings, and Khunying Potjaman na Pombejra and other party members, saying he would step back from frontline politics but was still willing to advise younger politicians if asked.

In high school, Artyasit Srisuwan saw his friends bring erotic books to class. Teachers confiscated the material and scolded them, but Artyasit did not take the genre seriously until over a decade ago when he got to know Luang Vilaspariwat, known as Kru Liam, a pioneer of erotic literature in the early 20th century, and wanted to write a thesis about it. Due to the lack of primary sources, his adviser convinced him to change the topic.

But it was already engraved in his mind. In 2013, Artyasit proposed it again for his master’s degree and his adviser gave him the green light.

“That was the beginning of an exciting journey. Historical studies require primary sources. It is a huge challenge. I had to search for old pornographic books. It was believed that libraries don’t keep them. Five years later, I discovered that they are hidden,” he said.

Artyasit, an expert in modern Thai literature, shared his research in a seminar, titled “Siamese Pornography: Breaking The Taboo Of Sex In Thai Society, 1910s-1960s”, at Pridi Banomyong International College, Thammasat University, on Oct 10. He is a historian, columnist and winner of Fan Pan Tae, a televised competition for the most diehard fan of a certain subject, on the topic of Thailand’s SEA Write books.

Artyasit initially contacted Suchart Sawadsri, but the veteran editor did not know much about the topic. One day, a newspaper reported that Thongchai Likhitpornsawan discovered Kru Liam’s erotic novel Klom Khan. He contacted the old book collector and had the opportunity to see it for the first time. A personal connection led him to interview a number of experts in the book industry, however, they requested anonymity due to the topic.

“I know that pornographic books are private and treasured possession. It can be uncomfortable for owners [to share],” he said.

Artyasit started to buy erotica himself. He found it at a second-hand bookstore in Yaowarat’s Tamarind Alley. However, they were hidden and expensive. A single palm-sized book cost around 800-1,200 baht. Due to a limited budget, he could buy only a small number. In 2015, he received a grant from the Thailand Research Fund which allowed him to buy more for his research.

Artyasit disagrees with most scholars who contend that Phra Tamrap Yoni, literally translated as vagina manual, was the first erotica in Siam. In his view, Kru Liam, a teacher who received a royal scholarship for further study in England in the 1890s, penned four novels — Klom Khan, Phananchom, Phromajari and Daruni Prawat — that constitute the first pornography in Siam.

At 14, Artyasit got to read Kru Liam’s earliest work Khwam Mai Phayabat (No Vendetta), the first known novel by a Siamese author. It is a parody of Khwam Phayabat, a translation of Marie Corelli’s Vendetta by Mae Wan, a pseudonym of Phraya Surinracha. Since then, it opened the door to more of Kru Liam’s works.

Klom Khan is the tale of an innocent woman in Victorian England who has an extramarital affair and seeks an abortion from a fake doctor. However, he makes an appointment with her in the barn, duping her into believing that sexual intercourse is the procedure. On the third night, the woman falls from a broken bed and loses her baby, but she thanks the doctor because she believes he helped her.

“Unlike many scholars, I think Kru Liam did not translate but wrote Klom Khan,” he said.

According to his research, Kru Liam thought Khwam Mai Phayabat was a commercial failure because local characters and settings did not appeal to readers. In his second novel Nang Neramit (The Divine Nymphs), he recounts an adventurous, suspenseful tale in Egypt, in the style of H. Rider Haggard’s King Solomon’s Mines and She. The use of exotic scenes paved the way for other racy novels, including Klom Khan.

Artyasit said Klom Khan inspired the production of erotica in the 1920s. At the time, sex was not a taboo subject until the government sought control of obscenity. During World War II, shortage of paper and an economic downturn forced publishers to adapt. Erotica was printed on mulberry paper and circulated underground, which gave rise to Wannakam Pim Deed, or type-written literature. After World War II, it was replaced with Wannakam Choh Chae, or erotic literature that makes readers get wet.

“It is known as Nangsue Pok Khao, literally translated as the white-covered book. It contained racy words and explicit material, for example Sao Hong Kong Jai Ded, with reference to politicians,” he said.

Artyasit explained that erotica surprisingly provided a platform for post-war lower-class women, especially those migrating to the city, to express their voice. For example, masters often complained that water was not running in their houses because too many people were flocking to the city, while servants talked back and asked if they are better at sex than ladies. Women slept with masters in exchange for better living conditions.

A new genre also emerged in the mid-century. Arthit Jiamrattanyoo, a history lecturer at Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Arts, conducted research on life and society magazines. They covered society at large, high society and social gatherings, featuring photos of women in casual attire, evening dresses, swimsuits or in the nude. Most images, however, came from porn magazines and did not relate to the stories. Household names included Chat Thai Athit, Puangpayom and Thai Pim Piset.

These magazines presented various types of writing. Interviews allowed women to express their views and impart or challenge values. Society columns followed development, enabling readers and writers to expand their reference group and create parasocial interaction with women. Above all, behind-society literature was an exposé of corrupt practice, including underage sex, debauchery and seduction, of which socialite women were victims and perpetrators.

“It might be seen as an adaptation of erotic literature. Going overground, writers toned down raunchiness but could present more engaging ideas,” said Artyasit.

Still, it is difficult to ascertain the identity of erotic writers. Rumpa, a pseudonym in Nangsue Pok Khao, is a case in point. Although it was revealed that Rumpa was female, readers remained doubtful about the author’s identity.

Some writers were male, but adopted female voice in the belief that they would sell more copies, for example, Mae Wan. Some famous authors also wrote erotica under pseudonyms to make more money.

Thailand’s Sarit Suwannarut, armed with a new swing, putter and shafts, marched into the lead at the Macao Open on Friday, looking every bit the golfer who has won two of the biggest titles on the Asian Tour.

The 26-year-old took charge of the US$1million (approx 32 million baht) event by making a brilliant 20-foot eagle putt on the par-five 18th to shoot a third-round seven-under-par 63.

It is the joint-lowest round of the week and saw the Thai take the lead on 12-under 128, three shots ahead of Ye Wocheng, the unsung Chinese golfer, who carded a 66.

Ye’s compatriot and former college-mate Bobby Bai (67), Australians Jack Thompson (68) and Brett Rankin (66), Germany’s Dominic Foos (68) and Siddikur Rahman (66) of Bangladesh are another stroke back.

China’s Ding Wenyi, the joint first-round leader with Gunn Charoenkul from Thailand, is also in that group after a 69. Gunn fell back after a 71 and is six under.

Sarit, winner of the Indonesian Masters in 2022 and China Open the following year, has had a relatively quiet season.

He is currently 34th on the Asian Tour Order of Merit — principally thanks to two top-12 finishes in his last two events. These have been the highlights of his season so far — the result of adjustments to his swing and equipment that appear to have got him back on track.

“I have done a few things. I was just swinging my arms and not turning my body, and I changed to softer shafts so I can hit a cut more easily plus I have a different putter — that’s been important and it’s working well,” Sarit said.

His eagle on the last hole was a result of a giant 8-iron second shot on a hole that is 576 yards.

“I think it was all about putting today,” he added.

“Even though I had two three-putts, I still made a lot of birdie putts. I missed one three-footer, but other than that I made everything, so it’s the putter that kept the momentum going.

“For sure, I never change my plan. If I have a chance to be aggressive, I will always be aggressive. You have to commit to the shot and then hit. A bad shot is still a bad shot, so I’m going to stick to my plan.”

Sarit is one of the strongest drivers on Tour, an attribute not a necessity at the Macau Golf and Country Club, where accuracy is key. However, the man nicknamed ‘Safe’ was long and straight yesterday on his way to making an eagle, seven birdies and two bogeys. Surprisingly, he three-putted the 16th for a bogey from 30 feet.

Hong Kong’s Taichi Kho came in with a 69 and is four-under 136, along with Korea’s Im Sung-Jae, who fired a 71.

Defending champion Rattanon Wannasrichan of Thailand is also tied with them after a 68.

Kho found himself in one of the strangest situations on a golf course when his father, who had been following his group, stepped in to caddie for John Catlin, one of his playing partners, whose caddie was unable to carry on due to heatstroke.

China’s Haotong Li is one stroke back after a 67, while England’s Lee Westwood, winner of this event 26 years ago, bounced back with a 68 after an opening 74, but missed the cut by three.

Former prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has returned as leader of the Democrat Party, winning the position unopposed with an overwhelming majority of votes during the party’s extraordinary general assembly in Bangkok on Saturday.

‘I thank everyone who attended the meeting in unison and entrusted me once again,’ Mr Abhisit said in his victory speech.

The meeting, held at the Miracle Grand Convention Hotel in Lak Si district, also chose a new executive committee. It was attended by current and former members of parliament, ex-ministers and party members.

Former deputy leader Therdpong Chaiyanan nominated Mr Abhisit for the top post. No other candidates were proposed.

Voting followed Election Commission (EC) procedures, with ballots cast by three groups: current MPs (40%), former MPs (40%) and general party members (20%).

Oxford-educated Mr Abhisit won with 96.2% of the vote, drawing applause from party members in the convention hall. (Story continues below)

Mr Abhisit, 61, served as the Democrats’ seventh leader from March 2005 to March 2019. He returns as the party’s 10th leader, two years after resigning as a member during a stormy meeting that led to the selection of Chalermchai Sri-on as leader.

It was speculated that his exit was linked to the possibility that under a new leader, the party would move from the opposition benches to join the Pheu Thai-led government coalition, which it ultimately did.

‘My heart never left’

At the time Mr Abhisit pledged he would not join another political party and would return to the Democrats if they needed him. ‘My heart never left,’ he said this week.

He added that after being urged to seek the leadership, he spent time recruiting new members, and expressed hope that younger and older generations can work together.

Before the meeting started, Mr Abhisit was greeted warmly by party members and allies, including former finance minister Korn Chatikavanij, Satit Wongnongtaey, Sakoltee Phattiyakul and Nipit Intarasombat. Inside, members held placards supporting him as the next leader.

Also present was Democrat list-MP Chuan Leekpai, an 87-year-old former leader and prime minister. He was accompanied by his son and former MP Surabot Leekpai. They visited an exhibition titled ‘Democrat People’, featuring drawings by Mr Chuan.

The party leadership position has been vacant since Mr Chalermchai resigned last month, citing health reasons. He did not attend Saturday’s meeting, though acting secretary-general Dech-it Khanthong was present.

Several former members who served under Mr Abhisit have also rejoined the 79-year-old political institution, the oldest party in Thailand.

Following Mr Abhisit’s speech, the party approved eight deputy leaders based on key portfolios: Korn Chatikavanij (policy), Gardee Liaopairoj (digital economy), Juree Numkaew (communications), Rudklao Intawong Suwankiri (women, youth and sustainability), Werapong Prapha (international economy), Satit Wongnongtaey (strategy), Isra Sunthornvut (foreign affairs), and Amporn Pinasa (education). Chaiwut Bannawat, 66, was appointed party secretary.

The atmosphere on Saturday was energetic, reflecting renewed enthusiasm among members.

Unity crucial

Political analyst Stithorn Thananithichot said earlier that Mr Abhisit was widely expected to reclaim the leadership unopposed, a move seen as crucial for the party’s preparation for the general election, expected to be held on March 29, 2026.

The Democrats currently have only 25 seats in the 500-member House of Representatives, but Mr Abhisit’s return is expected to boost the party’s proportional representation, giving it more list-MPs, noted Mr Stithorn, a political science lecturer at Chulalongkorn University (CU).

Mr Abhisit first entered politics as an MP for Bangkok in March 1992. He was Thailand’s 27th prime minister from December 2008 to August 2011.

His prime ministership included the turbulent period of the red-shirt protests in 2010, which ended with a military crackdown that killed more than 90 people.

Mr Abhisit resigned as the Democrats’ leader to take responsibility for a major electoral setback in 2019. After winning 100 seats or more in elections going back to 1996, the Democrats managed just 53 seats in the 2019 poll. Their seat total fell to 25 in the 2023 election.

Mr Chuan said he hoped Mr Abhisit would restore the party’s stature, noting its sharp decline in popularity. He said regaining public trust would take time and effort.

‘[Mr Abhisit] is a politician by experience, not a businessperson in politics. He does not seek personal gain or have hidden interests,’ Mr Chuan said, adding that the Democrat Party, nearing 80 years, endures through legitimacy and integrity.

Earlier in October, Somtow Sucharitkul informed this reviewer that he was about to conduct Gustav Mahler’s Titan with the Siam Sinfonietta.

“Mahler won’t be too pleased at you calling it that,” I told him. The Thai National Artist and the region’s most prominent Mahler conductor replied: “Oh, I am not doing Mahler’s First Symphony, which is often erroneously known by the nickname Titan. I’m actually going to perform Mahler’s real Titan.”

The “real Titan” was a major composition, a tone poem in five movements whose title was inspired by a very influential novel by Jean Paul — in his time a more well-known artist even than his contemporary Goethe.

Jean Paul was a pseudonym for Johannes Richter and Mahler, at the time, was having a passionate love for a woman, ironically, named Johanna Richter. The work was first performed in Hungary.

The movements had colourful titles and invoked a complex narrative, with elements of childhood, ironic references to Jewish culture and nursery rhymes and a trumpet solo lifted straight out of Mahler’s now lost music for a stage play, The Trumpeter Of Sackingen.

The music of Titan was greatly influenced by and used many themes directly quoted from Songs Of A Wanderer, a song cycle Mahler had written himself that was in turn inspired by a collection of folk poetry The Youth’s Magic Horn.

Mahler’s First Symphony is one of the most influential first symphonies by any composer. It challenges the boundaries of structure, propriety and social convention, and it tears down the idea that symphonies must be “pure music” and on a higher philosophical level than “telling stories”. But before it became that highly influential, it was Titan — a longer and arguably less disciplined work.

Somtow’s idea was to show everything that led up to that first symphony, but not to play the First Symphony in its final form.

The concert began with Songs Of A Wayfarer, dramatically interpreted by rising young mezzo Kridhima Siriwattanakamol. Many performances of this piece are “old artist’s” interpretations, viewing the lyrics about love, longing and bereavement through a nostalgic lens. Kridhima’s was a more immediate reading, full of intense feeling and drama, as youthful in tone as the work itself. It was operatic in tone.

This reviewer has, admittedly a problem with the extra movement, Blumine, which seems like an odd interpolation into the much more well-known first symphony. It is difficult to make it match up with the version one is used to. But there is a case for including it which Somtow makes, citing the fact that it is quoted in the last movement and that there’s no true slow movement in the symphony otherwise. The case is almost persuasive, though I think the first symphony is a lot more perfect as it stands today.

I listened to the 2012 recording by this conductor and this orchestra, made during its tour of Berlin, Dresden and Munich. The recording can be found on Spotify, Apple Music and YouTube. The Siam Sinfonietta is a youth orchestra, but the 2012 performance is so polished that it’s a very high bar to beat. As a youth orchestra, there’s a complete turnover every seven years, so the performance at the state-of-the-art Great Hall at King’s College International School in Bangkok had no players in common with the 2012 recording.

In many ways it sounded very different. Today’s Sinfonietta was perhaps not quite as technically precise, but it compensated with an abundance of passion and a truly deep understanding of the Mahlerian sensibility. The string section was powerful and committed and the “big sound” needed for late romantic music pours effortlessly from them.

The opening moments, arising out of the sounds of nature, had to battle a little with a loud air conditioning system, but this disjunction was soon forgotten. The off-stage trumpets, playing from an inner room, were suitably eerie.

The opening theme, led by the cellos, showcased deeply musical Pimchanok Ketmee as a section leader mature beyond her years. It was exciting and magical. The rare second movement featured the rich and sensitive trumpet solo from Surachai Audomrak, perhaps the most outstanding trumpet player in his generation. A vigorous rendition of the Ländler movement rounded off part one of Titan — the division into two parts does not occur in the symphonic version.

The next movement was notorious in its time. Starting with Frere Jacques in a minor key, skilfully played by Phumraphi Wong-Anusorn, interrupted by an outburst of beer hall music, the movement is savagely ironic. The plangent oboe of Nattapol Thongra-ar shone in this movement.

Finally, the 20-minute finale was thrilling, from its dark moments to the exaltation of its ending when the seven horns, a trumpet and a trombone are instructed by the composer to stand, lending an extra oomph to the overwhelming last moments.

Somtow’s interpretation of this symphony is noticeably darker and more ironic than that of ten years ago, and the humour of the klezmer music more bitter.

Doing this symphony in this way and pairing it with its source material in Songs Of A Wayfarer was a historic first for Southeast Asia and the audience response was thrilling.

The new “Great Hall” at King’s is perfect for concerts of this scale and Opera Siam has announced a whole season of upcoming events in co-operation with the school, including Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony in November, two performances of Somtow’s opera The Silent Prince in December, and much more next year.

The Siam Sinfonietta also plans to do Mahler’s monumental Symphony No.6 In A Minor in 2026.

Second-placed Bangkok United travel to Muang Thong United for a crucial clash at the Thunder Dome Stadium on Saturday night as Thai League 1 returns this weekend after a two-week international break.

The Angels, who have 16 points from seven games, have a chance to draw level with leaders Buriram United with an away victory on Saturday but will face a Muang Thong side desperate for three points at home after failing to win their last four matches.

Bangkok’s only loss this season was against the Thunder Castle last month and they head into today’s game on the back of two successive league wins against Ratchaburi and Nakhon Ratchasima.

Angels coach Totchtawan Sripan will return to his old stomping ground, where he was head coach of Muang Thong during the 2016-2018 seasons.

Also on Saturday, third-placed Ratchaburi host the Lamphun Warriors, Port visit Nakhon Ratchasima and BG Pathum United welcome promoted Ayutthaya United.

Rayong take on PT Prachuap, winless Chonburi host Chiang Rai, while Kanchanaburi meet bottom side Uthai Thani tomorrow.

Buriram have been given a weekend off as they prepare for the AFC Champions League Elite match against Melbourne City on Tuesday.

The anticipated return of former prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva as the prospective leader of the Democrat Party has sparked hopes of revitalising the 80-year-old political institution ahead of the next general election.

Stithorn Thananithichot, a political science lecturer at Chulalongkorn University, said all eyes are on whether Mr Abhisit can restore public trust and re-energise the party’s base. His comeback is expected to inspire confidence among veteran politicians long considered “outdated but experienced”, including Khunying Supatra Masdit, a former minister and multiple-term MP; former deputy prime minister Korbsak Sabhavasu; and former deputy health minister Satit Pitutecha.

“The return of these experienced figures provides a strong example for younger MPs on how to perform effectively in both party and constituency work,” Stithorn said.

The first extraordinary annual meeting of the Democrat Party this year will be held on Oct 18-19 at the Grand Ballroom of the Miracle Grand Convention Hotel in Bangkok to elect a new party leader and executive committee.

Mr Abhisit is expected to reclaim the leadership unopposed — a pivotal move in preparing the party for the upcoming election. His return is also widely expected to improve the party’s proportional representation, Mr Stithorn noted.

“Party-list MPs, currently numbering three, could rise to at least ten under his guidance,” he said.

At the same time, maintaining strong district-level representation remains crucial. Senior MPs may be encouraged to contest their traditional constituencies to reclaim lost seats from rival parties.

“If senior MPs strategically return to their constituencies, the party can maximise its district wins while giving space for capable newcomers on the party list,” Mr Stithorn said.

The strategy also opens opportunities for high-profile newcomers to join the party list, including Asst Prof Gardee Liaopairoj and Suvit Maesincee, former minister of higher education, science, research and innovation.

“Combining fresh talent with experienced politicians is seen as essential to strengthening the party’s appeal and preparing it for a competitive election,” he said. Mr Stithorn emphasised that internal restructuring should be efficient and not excessively drawn out, as prolonged adjustments risk alienating the public.

Yet uncertainties remain.

“At this stage, it is still impossible to gauge how much momentum Mr Abhisit can generate. The fact that he has not yet made any clear statements means current poll results are not particularly positive — especially compared with the surging ratings of Mr Anutin Charnvirakul. However, electoral victory depends on many factors and must be assessed closer to the election,” Mr Stithorn said.

The Bhumjaithai Party, under the leadership of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul, appears determined to spend its four months in power pursuing aggressive populist measures.

The underlying calculation is simple: the party cannot afford political missteps in the run-up to the next election. Instead, it must leave a strong impression with policies that appeal directly to the electorate, cementing a reputation as the ‘people’s party’ and building a foundation for its return to government.

This strategy is neither new nor surprising, said a political observer. Thai politics has long revolved around populism, with different administrations competing to deliver direct benefits to ordinary citizens in the form of subsidies, welfare and development schemes.

But for Bhumjaithai, the stakes are uniquely high. Having entered government in an unstable and fragmented political environment, the party is acutely aware that its survival beyond this brief stint depends on how effectively it can brand itself as indispensable to voters, said the observer.

The BJT’s embrace of populism serves not only as a way to win hearts but also as a political shield. The party has faced accusations of having engaged in dealmaking, opportunism in shifting alliances, and being a pragmatic but not particularly principled political actor.

Delivering tangible benefits to people allows the party to deflect those charges. If it can demonstrate that, despite the chaos of politics, it produces outcomes that improve daily lives, accusations of inconsistency may matter less at the ballot box.

In recent weeks, Bhumjaithai has doubled down on policies that resonate with lower- and middle-income voters. The much-touted Khon La Khrueng co-payment subsidy scheme has been highlighted as a signature move. The tone is clear: this is not about long-term reform or institutional restructuring, but immediate relief offered in the form of a spending stimulus. For a party seeking to maximise short-term political capital, such a choice is logical as well as mandatory, the observer said.

The challenge lies in the brevity of its current governing term, resulting from the Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) struck with the main opposition People’s Party in return for the latter’s vote in parliament that handed Mr Anutin the premiership.

With less than four months before calling the next general, there is limited room for the government to implement and demonstrate the impact of policies. This is why Bhumjaithai is opting for highly visible measures that can generate a ‘quick win’. The optics matter as much as the actual economic advantages, the observer said.

However, structural reforms – such as overhauling land laws, revamping the bureaucracy, or tackling systemic corruption – require time and often face entrenched resistance. They offer little immediate political payoff. For a party with not much time, they are an unaffordable luxury. Populism, in such a context, becomes not just a preference but a necessity.

There is a clear historical logic behind this strategy. Thaksin Shinawatra’s governments in the early 2000s, and later the Pheu Thai Party, successfully leveraged populist policies – universal healthcare, village funds, rice pledging schemes – to establish loyalty among large segments of the population.

While Bhumjaithai cannot replicate these policies wholesale, it can borrow from the playbook. By tying its name to policies with immediate impact, it hopes to create a reservoir of goodwill that lasts beyond this brief tenure.

What makes Bhumjaithai’s case different is that it does not command the same entrenched political machine as Pheu Thai, nor does it have as strong a base in the North or Northeast. Instead, its influence lies in the lower Northeast and some parts of the South, where populist measures could shift loyalties in its favour. Expanding such bases requires bold and highly publicised interventions that can sway undecided voters, the observer said.

Populism, however, carries risks. Critics argue that cash handouts and short-term subsidies may win votes but exacerbate fiscal burdens without addressing structural problems. Thailand’s economy remains sluggish, debt levels are rising, and inequality persists. Populism in the absence of reform can be likened to applying a plaster to a deep wound.

Moreover, BJT’s rivals are not standing still. Pheu Thai and the People’s Party are also competing on populist terrain, offering their own versions of debt relief, income support, and welfare expansion. The political arena could boil down to a contest of who can promise more, faster. In that context, Bhumjaithai may struggle to distinguish itself unless it delivers policies that are both unique and credible.

Another limitation is trust, according to a political source. Populist promises must be backed by effective execution. If voters perceive that Bhumjaithai’s policies are poorly implemented or lack follow-through, the strategy could backfire, reinforcing accusations that the party is opportunistic rather than reliable. Execution in just four months, under the glare of political opponents and the media, is a daunting challenge.

Despite these risks, the source said Bhumjaithai’s gamble is rational. The party cannot rely solely on elite dealmaking or coalition bargaining to secure its future; voter legitimacy is essential.

Populism provides a pathway to that legitimacy. By ensuring that people feel immediate benefits under its watch, the party hopes to embed itself in the electorate’s memory as a government that delivered when it had the chance.

Whether this strategy succeeds depends on two factors: the party’s ability to outcompete rivals in promising and delivering populist measures, and its capacity to withstand the fiscal and political scrutiny that will inevitably follow. In a crowded field of populist contenders, standing out is no easy task.

In the end, Bhumjaithai’s short-term populist push reflects both the opportunities and constraints of Thai politics today. The party knows that four months is too short to transform institutions but long enough to shape perceptions. It is betting that highly visible populist policies will overshadow criticism of opportunism and position it as a credible player at the next election.

If the strategy works, Bhumjaithai could emerge stronger, having turned a brief tenure into a springboard for long-term relevance. If it fails, the party risks being remembered not for delivering benefits but for overpromising and underdelivering in a fleeting moment of power.

Returning to the party fold

The Democrats gathered on Saturday to elect a new leader and executive board, in a vote that has stirred excitement among long-time supporters, many of whom have expressed strong support for the return of former party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva.

The meeting follows the resignation of Chalermchai Sri-on as party leader on Sept 12. Mr Chalermchai stepped down after four Democrat MPs defied a party resolution to abstain from the prime ministerial vote.

Mr Abhisit himself resigned as the Democrat leader in 2019 to take responsibility for the party’s poor performance in that year’s general election. The party won 52 seats in both the constituency and party-list systems.

Shortly after, he stepped down as an MP to avoid voting for former prime minister Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha, but remained a party member.

After keeping a low profile, Mr Abhisit vied for the party leadership in December 2023, but he withdrew from the race at the last minute and announced his resignation from the party. His departure was followed by that of long-serving members, including Sathit Pitutecha, Sathit Wongnongtoey and Orn-anong Kanchanachusak.

Mr Abhisit’s return has re-energised many veteran Democrats, such as Korbsak Sabhavasu and Khunying Supatra Masdit, who have already announced their return to the party.

Khunying Supatra wrote on her Facebook that her decision was motivated by the belief that it was time to help bring the Democrat Party ‘back to the hearts of the people who once supported it’ and ‘return the party to its true owners – Thais who have long shared its ideals’.

Chaichana Dechdecho, acting deputy party leader, also recently took a group of 20 provincial administrative organisation (PAO) members to apply for Democrat Party membership at a local meeting in Nakhon Si Thammarat’s Ron Phibun district.

Mr Chaichana confirmed that he and the group supported Mr Abhisit’s return to the party leadership, calling him ‘the right person’ to guide the party through renewal and help it regain public confidence.

Former deputy party leader Korn Chatikavanij also posted a picture with prominent figures, including economist Santitarn Sathirathai, business guru Karndee Leopairote, and former higher education, science and innovations minister Suvit Maesincee.

The social media post sparked talk that these individuals might support Mr Abhisit, either as outsiders or as potential party members. The former prime minister also emerged as the favourite to lead the Democrat Party into the next election, according to a National Institute of Development Administration (Nida) poll.

About 32.9% of respondents favoured Mr Abhisit’s return, highlighting his enduring recognition among voters, while Suvicha Pouaree, director of the Nida Poll centre, expressed belief that the Democrats could secure as much as 10% of the vote under Mr Abhisit’s leadership.

However, political observers question whether Mr Abhisit’s comeback can truly restore the party to its former glory, as Mr Abhisit’s qualifications alone may not help attract votes, especially among young voters.

Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political scientist at Burapha University, said he does not expect Mr Abhisit to cause a dramatic turnaround, and the best hope for the former Democrat leader is to revive the party’s support among middle-class voters in Bangkok who believe in the Democrats’ values.

‘Winning a significant number of seats now depends on constituency networks – the baan yai [political families](#) in the provinces,’ he said.

According to Mr Olarn, the party’s baan yai, such as the Pitutecha family in Rayong, the Wongnongtoey family in Trang, and the Issarasenarak family in Nakhon Nayok, were admired for their integrity and close ties with local communities.

These political families do not project the image of wayward political godfathers or business tycoons, which stands in stark contrast to the party’s current image, said the academic.

Mr Abhisit will have to manage the baan yai carefully so that they do not dominate the party and do not feel alienated or sidelined, he said.

‘Some of them won’t leave the party but will try to use Mr Abhisit’s reputation to benefit themselves. He has an image of honesty and credibility that remains widely respected,’ said Mr Olarn.

Given its long history as the country’s oldest political party, the analyst described the Democrats as ‘a party that never dies but never grows’, adding that this is the key challenge Mr Abhisit must confront.

‘It is his burden to persuade veteran members to return while guiding the younger MPs from political families to follow in the footsteps of their predecessors,’ he said.

‘At the same time, he must nurture a new generation of candidates for both constituency and party-list systems to lay a firm and steady foundation for long-term growth.

The record-breaking live-streaming by Ratchanok “Janey” Suwannaket represents a good example of successful digital marketing that follows the “4 A’s” of success, which refers to algorithm, attention, all together and audience collaboration, according to a marketing academic.

Asst Prof Ake Pattaratanakun, head of Chulalongkorn Business School’s Marketing Department, analysed the elements that contributed to the success of Ms Ratchanok’s live-stream and said TikTok’s algorithm prioritises the consistency of live-streamers, rather than focusing solely on sales performance.

The algorithm favours consistent live-streamers, rewarding those who produce engaging and creative content regularly, which is evident in Ms Ratchanok’s case.

Attention also plays a vital role, as before her live-stream marathon, Ms Ratchanok shared personal stories about her family, which drew significant public interest.

Her live-streams also took place close to the popular “double day” shopping event on Oct 10 (10.10), when consumers were in the mood to shop.

Timing, storytelling and a favourable algorithm helped boost her live-stream and sales to new heights, said Mr Ake.

According to a post by Ms Ratchanok on Facebook, total sales for the six-day (Oct 9-14) event tallied 557 million baht.

Mr Ake said in terms of the “all together” factor, many Asian cultures often embrace collectivism, unlike in Western societies. This leads to fear of missing out, the phenomenon where people take action because they are worried about being left out of social trends or not understanding what others are talking about.

When Ms Ratchanok’s live-streams began trending, many who never watched them before joined in to see what other people were talking about.

Regarding audience collaboration, Mr Ake said Ms Ratchanok successfully broadened her viewer base by partnering with other influencers and high-profile celebrities such as actress Patcharapa “Aum” Chaichua, attracting more viewers.

Many who had never heard of Ms Ratchanok before began tuning in to her live-streams, he said.

“All four factors together created a phenomenon,” said Mr Ake.

“While achieving such a phenomenon is possible, maintaining that level of success is much more difficult.”

SUSTAINING SUCCESS

He noted society has seen many influencers rise to fame quickly, then fade away shortly after.

“To sustain success, consistency, quality of products and services, content value and the creator’s good character are fundamental,” said Mr Ake.

To ensure sustainability, he suggested Thai brands could learn from global examples of artists and companies that turn audiences into loyal fanbases with strong emotional bonds.

For example, US singer, songwriter and actress Lady Gaga has a huge fan club called the “Little Monsters”, which has developed its own culture and activities, keeping them engaged over the years.

Mr Ake said maintaining fame requires more than just delivering quality work — people must also make positive contributions to society, such as through philanthropy.

IS IT FOR EVERYONE?

E-commerce live-streaming involves several costs, such as product costs, platform fees, delivery fees and collaboration fees.

If a large viewership generates significant promotional value, joining a high-viewership live-stream can serve as a powerful brand promotion opportunity, where direct profit may be secondary, he said.

However, large conglomerates may hesitate to place their flagship brands in real-time marketing campaigns as they must carefully assess the potential risks, said Mr Ake.

He said if a live-streamer’s personality aligns well with a brand’s image, big corporations could consider promoting brands that fall under their broader umbrella during these high-exposure marketing moments.