Prince Harry and Meghan Markle Support Serena Williams at Baby2Baby Event

Prince Harry and Meghan Markle had a big night out on Saturday, November 8.

The royals were spotted arriving at Kris Jenner’s James Bond-inspired 70th birthday party in Beverly Hills, but they also made time to show their support for Meghan’s BFF Serena Williams.

The same night they hit up Jenner’s bash, Harry, 41, and Meghan, 44, were seen at the annual Baby2Baby Gala in West Hollywood, posing alongside Williams. The tennis pro, 44, was one of the night’s honorees, receiving the Giving Tree Award for her “for her fierce commitment to uplifting children and families and her powerful advocacy for maternal health,” Baby2Baby said in an Instagram post on Sunday, November 9.

Harry looked dapper in a black tuxedo at the event, while Meghan wore a stylish black floor-length turtleneck gown with a thigh-high split. She paired her look with dangling earrings and her hair up in a bun. Williams was equally glamorous in a black and white off-the-shoulder dress.

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The royals appear to have hopped across town for Jenner’s big 70th birthday party after attending the Baby2Baby Gala, which was also attended by stars including Kerry Washington, Alicia Keys, Simu Liu, Paris Hilton, Nicole Richie, Jessica Alba and Demi Lovato.

Guests at Jenner’s birthday bash, meanwhile, included her daughters, Kourtney, Kim and Khloé Kardashian and Kendall and Kylie Jenner. Other guests included Mariah Carey, Adele, Oprah Winfrey, Kathy Hilton and more.

Prince Harry and Meghan Markle Support Serena Williams at Baby2Baby Event
Emma McIntyre/Getty Images

Jenner turned 70 on Wednesday, November 5, and her famous daughters celebrated their mom’s milestone birthday with social media tributes.

“HAPPY 70TH BIRTHDAY TO THE MOST BEAUTIFUL WOMAN ON THE PLANET! There is no one more special in this whole world than you!” Kim, 45, wrote via Instagram. “You are so blessed with the most amazing family surrounded by so much love! You truly are super woman and have been the absolute best role model just in the way you lead and live your life with such grace and compassion and joy! I Wannabe just like you when I grow up and have always said this my whole life! I love you so much mom!”

Khloé, 41, shared, “Mommy, seventy years of pure magic, grace, laughter, and best of all, love. Somehow, you just keep getting more radiant. More fabulous by the day. You are the heartbeat of our family, the light that guides us all, the one who created this beautiful, wild, loving universe that we call home. That is your superpower, your love; limitless, unconditional, eternal.”

“Mommy, you are my greatest inspiration. The example I look to every single day. You’ve shown me that strength can be soft, that kindness can be powerful, and that beauty has endless layers,” she continued. “You’ve built a kingdom rooted in compassion and joy and you’ve made each of us better, brighter souls just by you being ours.”

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“There will never be enough time to love you the way you deserve to be loved, to thank you for the way you’ve held us, guided us, and made us believe in ourselves. You are our Queen, our muse, our protector, our forever home,” Khloé wrote, concluding, “So today we celebrate you. The woman who defines love, laughter, and legacy. The woman who made magic out of motherhood. The woman who is the party, the prayer, and the peace all in one.”

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Diddy’s Rep Slams Report That Rapper Was Caught Drinking Alcohol in Prison

Sean “Diddy” Combs’ rep denied a report that the disgraced music mogul was caught drinking homemade alcohol in prison.

TMZ reported on Friday, November 7, that Diddy — who is incarcerated at Federal Correctional Institution (FCI) Fort Dix in New Jersey — was caught drinking a concoction of Fanta, sugar and apples left to ferment for two weeks.

However, Diddy’s official X account denied the claims in a since-deleted post on Saturday, November 8. “The rumors claiming Mr. Combs was caught with alcohol are completely false. His only focus is becoming the best version of himself and returning to his family,” the post read.

A spokesperson for Diddy added to People, “There have been several false and reckless reports circulating about Mr. Combs. He has not violated any prison rules. His sobriety and self-discipline are priorities, and he is taking them seriously.”

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“This is only his first week at FCI Fort Dix, and unfortunately, rumors will surface throughout his time there. We ask the public and the press to give him the benefit of the doubt, the privacy to focus on his personal growth, and the grace to move forward in peace,” the statement continued.

Us Weekly has reached out to Diddy’s representatives for further comment.

A spokesperson for the Federal Bureau of Prisons confirmed to Us on October 30 that Diddy, 55, had been transferred to FCI Fort Dix to complete the remainder of his four-year prison sentence on two charges of transportation to engagement in prostitution. FCI Fort Dix is a low-security prison for men and houses around 4,000 prisoners.

Diddy is scheduled to be released on May 8, 2028, per the Bureau of Prisons website. He could get out earlier with good behavior or after completing certain programs during his incarceration.

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The Bad Boy Records founder was previously incarcerated at the Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, New York, where he was remanded following his initial arrest on charges including sex trafficking in September 2024. He remained there through his trial, which began in May and concluded with a guilty verdict on the prostitution-related charges on July 2. (Diddy was cleared of two counts of trafficking and one count of racketeering conspiracy.) The music star has maintained his innocence and denied all charges against him.

Diddy was sentenced to 50 months in prison during a sentencing hearing on October 3, which is just over four years. The year he has spent behind bars already will count towards his sentence. Judge Arun Subramanian also ordered him to pay a $500,000 fine and complete five years of supervised release when he leaves prison.

During his sentencing, Subramanian encouraged Diddy to “make the most” of his “second chance.” The judge said, “There’s a true path to redemption here. What went wrong and what can be made right.”

In a letter to the judge prior to his sentencing, Diddy expressed remorse for his actions.

Sean ‘Diddy’ Combs’ Prison Release Date Revealed After 4-Year Sentence

He continued, “I take full responsibility and accountability for my past wrongs. This has been the hardest two years of my life, and I have no one to blame for my current reality and situation but myself,” he wrote in a letter obtained by Us on October 2. “In my life, I have made many mistakes, but I am no longer running from them. I am so sorry for the hurt that I caused, but I understand that the mere words ‘I’m sorry’ will never be good enough, as these words alone cannot erase the pain from the past.”

If you or someone you know has been sexually assaulted, contact the National Sexual Assault Hotline at 1-800-656-HOPE (4673). If you or someone you know is experiencing domestic violence, please call the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 1-800-799-7233 for confidential support. If you or someone you know is a human trafficking victim, contact the National Human Trafficking Hotline at 1-888-373-7888.

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Cardi B Shares Hilarious Reaction to Stefon Diggs Touchdown in Patriots Win

Cardi B was losing it watching her man Stefon Diggs hit the end zone for a pivotal touchdown … and her reaction says it all. Cardi posted a video from bed Sunday, filming her reaction as her boyfriend hauled in a clutch 4th-down pass in the New…

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Prophet Bushiri embraces expanded leadership role at Goshen Dedza Dynamos, vows to transform club

DEDZA-(MaraviPost)-Shepherd Bushiri has formally accepted the expanded leadership role at Goshen City Dedza Dynamos FC, saying he is ready to guide the club “in all departments” as it pushes for long term success on and off the pitch.

Bushiri made the announcement on November 9 2025 at Dedza Stadium, where he watched his team draw 1-1 with Mighty Tigers in TNM Super League clash.

He said the club’s decision to entrust him with broader leadership responsibilities had renewed his passion to see Dynamos evolve into one of the continent’s most competitive teams.

Bushiri acknowledged the team has gone through difficult stretches of form this season but insisted he has full confidence that results will turn around as the campaign reaches its final phase.

According to him, part of the reason he personally attended the match was to motivate players and demonstrate commitment at a crucial time.

He added that the presence of technical advisors he has engaged, including former Malawi national team coach Kinnah Phiri and several foreign consultants, signals a more structured and professional path forward.

Bushiri revealed that once the current season ends, the club will embark on an aggressive rebuilding program.

This will include signing top-quality players both local and international, as Goshen seeks to position itself among Africa’s elite.

He said the upcoming transfer window will be used strategically to raise the club’s competitive ceiling.

In a broader vision beyond football, Bushiri also disclosed that his partnership with Dedza Dynamos will soon introduce various community-focused programmes across the district.

Sunday’s match ended 1-1, with Goshen’s Chifuniro Mpinganjira and Mighty Tigers’ Greyson Msowoya finding the back of the net.

Mpinganjira was later voted man of the match for his commanding display.

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The Role of Government in Fostering Entrepreneurship

By Henry Kyambalesa

1.   Introductory Notes

Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are operated in environ­ments in which local and national govern­ments have a significant influence on the nature and scope of market, political, and social freedom. As such, no amount of ingenuity or business acumen among entrepreneurs can yield any better than marginal results unless the objec­tives, policies and activities of both national and local govern­ments provide an enabling environ­ment in which the entrepreneurs can deliver social and economic values to society at reason­able costs and prices.

Failure by municipal and national govern­ments in any given country to provide adequately for the needs of both small, medium and large business enterprises can significantly reduce the po­tential of economic units to contrib­ute meaningful­ly to the socioeconomic develop­ment pro­cess in the country.

Let us now proceed to examine important elements of a government-fostered program designed to facilitate the creation of a competitive business system for successful entrepreneurship. The article is organized in several sections as follows: (a) definitions of important terms used in the article; (b) the role of small business entities in society; and (c) the creation of an enabling business environment by local and national governments—an environment in which small and medium-sized enterprises can be guaranteed to thrive.

2.   Definitions of Important Terms

In this section, let us consider the definitions of the following terms as they are used in the article: (a) entrepreneurship; and (b) the ‘small business’ entity.

The term “entrepre­neur­ship” is used in this article to refer to any of the following aspects relating to small and medium-sized business enterprises: (a) the process of starting and/or operating a business entity by an individual or group of individuals; or (b) the state or spirit of readiness, as may be exhibited by an indi­vidual or group of individuals to engage in new and risky business undertak­ings, and which is usually expressed through such personal characteristics as creativity and innovation, readiness to take risks, self-confide­nce, and perseverance.

With respect to what constitutes a “small business” entity, there is apparently no established, widely accepted definition—official or otherwise—of the small business enterprise, according to J. Curran and R. A. Blackburn (2001:9).

There is, nevertheless, a need for a delineation of what constitutes a “small busi­ness” entity. The delineation is necessary if we are to clearly visualize the kind of economic unit whose success and survival in the 21st centu­ry is the primary concern of this article.

In general, the delineation is helpful to readers who have an interest in generating a universally accept­able definition of a small business undertaking that is essen­tial for the follow­ing important reasons, among others: (a) for research purposes; (b) for tax purposes; (c) for legisla­tive purpos­es; and/or (d) for appro­priately directing the efforts of government agencies and other institu­tions created to serve the financial and other needs of small and medium-sized business enterprises.

This, of course, is not to claim that the definition that is tendered hereafter will ade­quately serve all the purpos­es cited in the foregoing paragraph. Admitted­ly, the derivation of a definition that is of universal application is an insurmountable task, particu­larly due to the non-availabili­ty of a disti­nct or clear-cut measure or criterion for delin­eating business size.

Let us, for example, consider the following factors: (a) the size of a business enterpri­se’s work force; (b) independent owner­ship and manage­ment of a business entity; (c) a busine­ss undertakin­g’s total value of capital as­sets; (d) the size of a busines­s entity’s market; and (e) a business entity’s sales volume.

Clearly, none of these factors can function as an adeq­uate measure of the sizes of business entities in any given country all by itself.

In the United Kingdom, business entities, as J. Curran and R. A. Blackburn (2001:1&8–19) have noted, are classified in terms of only one measure—that is, the number of people employed in business entities—as follows: (a) micro firms: less than 10 employees; (b) small firms: 10-49 employees; (c) medium-sized firms: 50-249 employ­ees; and (d) large firms: 250 or more employees.

Sometimes, micro, small and medium-sized enterprises are combined and conveniently designa­ted as small and medium-sized entities, or SMEs.

In the United States, the Small Business Administration Act of 1953 defined a small business in qualitative terms as “one which is independently owned and operated and not dominant in its field of operation.”

In this article, a combination of different qualitative crite­ria is used in deriving a general definition that will hopefully provoke fewer objec­tions, if any. In consonance with definitions adopted by the U.S. Committee for Econom­ic Development (1947), the U.S. Small Business Adminis­tration (1953) and the Committee for Economic Development (1947), a bu­siness undertak­ing is, thus, conceived of as being “small” if it meets all the following three condi­tions:

(a)  Ownership:  If it is independently owned and man­aged by an indi­vidual entrepreneur, or a small group of entrepre­neurs or family mem­bers;

(b)  Domi­nance:  If it is relatively small in its field of operation when com­pared to other business undertakings in the same field or line of business; and

(c)  Area of operation:  If it is operated in a defi­nite location or local commu­nity, but with no re­striction regarding the extent of its potential or existing market.

3.   The Role of Small Business in Society

According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (1997), a growing body of empiri­cal evidence supports the widely held view that small business entities are instru­mental to socioeconomic develop­me­nt and can, therefore, play an enormous role in improving the socioeco­nomic welfare of a lot of people in a country.

The following are specific examples of ways in which small and medium-sized business undertakings make a positive contribution to the improvement of the socioecono­mic well-being of citizens and communities in countries where they are started and operated:

(a)  Economic empowerment:  They collectively func­tion as a vehicle through which a country’s govern­ment can economi­cally em­pow­er its people by enabling them to participate actively and directly in their country’s commer­cial and industrial activi­ties.

(b)  Creation of employment:  They create em­ploy­ment op­portunities in host com­munities, as well as provide incomes to entrepre­neurs and their fami­lies.

(c)  Economic backbone:  They function as the backbone of any given country’s economy if they are operated by citizens because they would be both “indigenous and permanent,” as Andrew Sardanis (2003) has noted.

(d)  Income distribution:  They facilitate the genera­tion of wealth for all sectors of a country’s economy and thereby re­duce any existing income dispari­ties. And

(e)  Goods and services:  They partici­pate in elevat­ing their host communities’ social and economic welfare through the provision of various kinds of goods and services.

4.   The Creation of an Enabling Environment

In this section, let us consider the need for the following in any given country’s quest to create an enabling environment for successful entrepreneurship: (a) adequate essential public services and facilities; (b) investment freedom; (c) investment incentives; (d) a sustained in-flow of foreign capital; (e) consumer protection; and (f) the need for pieces of legislation designed to protect emplo­yees from the potential for wanton practices by employer-organizations.

4.1   Services and Facilities:

There are a host of essential public services and facilities which national and municipal govern­ments need to provide in order to facilitate the emergence of a vibrant and competitive business system in which entrepreneurs can start and operate business entities. They include the following:

(a)  Material and financial assis­tance by local and national governments designed to nurture entrepreneurial, innovative and manage­rial skills;

(b)  A well-developed transportation infra­structure and ad­e­quate trans­porta­tion services to industrial, com­mercial, and residen­tial areas to ease or facilitate the distribu­tion of production inputs and finished products;

(c)  Adequate public ser­vices and facilities—including police protec­tion, fire protec­tion, utilities, and housing, as well educa­tion­al, vocation­al, healthcare, recreation­al, and posts and telecommunications facili­ties;

(d)  Equitable sales, corpo­rate, and other taxes, as well as tax conces­sions and inducements that are more attrac­tive than those provided for in alterna­tive countries or regions which inves­tors are likely to consi­der for invest­ment;

(e)  Stable econom­ic policies (including a formal assurance against nationaliza­tion and/or expropria­tion of privately owned business undertakings by the national gov­ern­ment), as well as political and civic leaders who are fair and honest in their dealings with private business institutions;

(f)  Less bureaucratic procedures relating to such issues as the granting of business licenses, registration of companies, importation of goods, and exportation of goods; and

(g)  Ade­quate informa­tion about invest­ment, market­ing, and other busi­ness-related problems and opportu­nities in the various sectors of a coun­try’s econo­my.

These essential public servic­es and facilities, if they are bolstered by a sup­portive socio-political environment, can enable economic units to operate more efficiently and ultimately deliver economic and social outputs to society at reason­able costs and prices.

4.2   Investment Freedom:

Business institutions cannot play a meaningful role in socioeconomic develop­ment in a country where there are government-induced restrictions on market entry and other forms of market hurdles. This is the principal reason why economic units in socialist coun­tries where restrictions on private investments are the norm are relatively not competitive enough and, as a result, cannot fully meet the expressed and potential needs and expectations of consumers in such countries.

To put it more succinct­ly, business entities cannot play a positive role in either a socialist or communist economy—an economy where the market forces of supply and demand are sup­pressed by monopolis­tic state policies and other hurdles to the proper operation and funct­ioning of economic units.

And since price is a function of the interaction of the market forces of supply and demand, not even the revoca­tion of price con­trols in an economic setting that is cap­tained by monopolistic state and/or ‘parastatal’ companies can result in any meaning­ful improve­ments in the supply of needed goods and services.

If anything, the monopo­listic suppliers are likely to resort to charging exorbi­tant prices in order to make a profit without having to make any improvements in product quality, varieties of products, outputs of products, or customer service.

4.3   Investment Incentives:

There is a need for local and national governments to provide for attractive incen­tives designed to stimulate commer­cial and industrial activities. Such incentives may consist of tax relief, low-interest loans, and any other forms of incen­tives which may be deemed neces­sary to induce certain types of local and foreign investment in a count­ry’s economy.

More than ever before, government leaders—particularly in less-industrialized countries—need to provide overly attractive incentives to commer­cial and industrial under­takings if they expect such undertak­ings to gain the level of compe­tence they need to be able to partici­pate prominent­ly in the highly competitive global market­place of the 21st century.

In this endeavor, a coun­try has to decide whether the provision of the various kinds of incentives should be activi­ty-based, organizat­ion-based, industry-based, sector-based, region-based, and/or general in nature. The various forms of incentives a country may decide to extend to investors may, there­fore, be defined in terms of the basis on which they may be given as follows:

(a)  Activity-based incen­tives, intended to encourage a particu­lar pro­ject or activity, such as research and development (R&D), use of local inputs, employ­ee training, contribu­tions to the needy, or creation of jobs for disadvan­taged citizens;

(b)  Organization-based incentives, targeted at selected institu­tions which provide certain essential goods and/or services;

(c)  Industry-based incen­tives, intended to facilitate the success and survival of, say, the publishing indus­try, the iron and steel industry, and/or any other industries which are critical to the overall perfor­mance of a country’s economy;

(d)  Sector-based incen­tives, aimed at re­vamping a particular sector of a country’s economy, such as the primary sector, the second­ary sector, or the tertiary sector;

(e)  Region-based incen­tives, designed to promote investments in a particular region or province of a coun­try that may be rela­tively under-devel­oped; and

(f)  General incentives, provided indiscrimi­nately to all busi­ness and non-business institutions in a coun­try, such as incentives intended to enhance productivity, stimulate innovation, or pro­mote economic di­versification and avoid what is referred to as the “Dutch disease”—that is, a dislocation in a country’s economy caused by a sudden or gradual shift of labor, capital and other resources to one booming sector of the country’s economy.

4.4   Foreign Direct Investment:

A sustained in-flow of foreign direct investment (FDI) is an impor­tant element in a coun­try’s quest to create a vibrant business system. Propo­nents of this form of investment particularly cite the potential benefits of the multination­al enterprise (MNE) to a host nation in discerning the necessi­ty of such invest­ment, since the MNE is generally regarded as the vector of FDI. They claim that MNEs:

(a)  Promote local business­ entities that would supply the inputs and/or render the servic­es such cross-border business entities need to support their opera­tions;

(b)  Contrib­ute to the develop­ment of manage­ri­al and entrepreneurial talent in host coun­tries;

(c)  Make it possible for countries to gain access to investment capital and advanced technolo­gy;

(d)  Contribute to the creation of employ­ment opportu­nities;

(e)  Introduce a diversity of new products in host countries, thereby affording consum­ers greater choice;

(f)  Contribute to the tax revenues of local and national governments;

(g)  Promote exports, thereby contribut­ing to the generation of foreign exchange; and

(h)  Boost competi­tion in host countries and, thus, prompt local busine­sses to seek greater efficien­cy in their opera­tions.

For these reasons, the inducement and promotion of foreign direct inve­stment have become one of the major components of the economic poli­cy regimes of apparently all countries of the world today. In fact, even countries which already have strong economies (such as Sweden, Australia, and G-7 nations) and have historically relied mainly on local investment have generated ambitious policies designed to attract foreign private investment in recent years.

A country’s ability to attract foreign capital is, therefore, one of the most important measures of how well its government is striving to create a strong national economy.

F. Vrazo (1997:9A), commenting on the landslide victory by Britain’s Labor Party (led by Tony Blair) in May 1997, illustrated this when he cited the fact that the country was “attracting a bigger share of outside investment than any of the 15 other European Union nations” as one of the significant accomplishments of the defeated Conservative Party during John Major’s leadership.

It is, therefore, important for less-developed nations which are generally in greater need of such inves­tment to be aware that they are competing for the investment not only with their likes but with both industrialized nations and newly industrialized countries (NICs) as well.

The operations of multinational companies are, of course, not without costs or disadvantages to host countries; critics of such companies often claim that they, among other things:

(a)  Contribute to the self-perpetu­ating dependence of host countries on foreign technology;

(b)  Cause disloca­tions in a host country’s balance of payments, such as when they import raw materials, repatriate profits, and/or engage in transfer pricing;

(c)  Subject local businesses which do not have the necessary material and financial resources to compete effective­ly with MNEs get subjec­ted to unfair competition in industri­al, consumer and labor markets;

(d)  Contribute to the degradation of the natural environ­ment through air, water, solid-waste, noise, and aesthetic pollution; and

(e)  Introduc­e foreign social values and/or consump­tion patterns that are likely to disrupt locally cherished cultural, ethical and customary practices.

For countries that are striving to break the bondage of their people to misery, want and destitu­tion, the potential benefits of foreign investment certainly out­weigh the potential costs and disad­vantages of such investment. In fact, the costs often associat­ed with FDI and the MNE are normal effects of a live economy which a host govern­ment should be in a position to reduce to acceptable levels through regulatory and administrative mecha­nisms.

However, countries and regions which have a quest for FDI shou­ld not expect such investment to flow into their economies like manna from heaven; a great deal of govern­mental effort is needed to lure foreign investors. It is, therefore, important for governments which need foreign participants in their national or regional economies to create a condu­cive investment environment if they are to succeed in their quest for foreign invest­ment.

Such an environ­ment needs to provide for attractive tax incen­tives, adequate skilled labor, a network of business support services and institu­tions, well-developed infrastruc­ture, and, among a host of other things, sound labor-management relations to spawn protracted indu­stri­al harmony.

4.5   Protection of Consum­ers:

In a liberalized and competitive economic setting, marginal and unscru­pulous businesses are likely to resort to decep­tive promo­tional activities (such as exaggerated product claims, misleading state­ments, and/or half-truths in promo­tional messages) in order to lure customers from competi­tors. To curb this possibil­ity, a govern­ment needs to ensure that the following basic rights of consum­ers are guaranteed by law:

(a)  The right to safety from product-related hazards.

(b)  The right to make choices from a variety of products in a market that is free from domina­tion by mono­polistic produc­ers or sellers. Logically, this should include the right to de­cide to buy, or not to buy, available goods and/or services without government coercion—such as mandatory auto-mobile insurance—or any other form of compulsion.

(c)  The right to be heard in govern­men­tal decision making that affects consum­ers.

(d)  The right to infor­mation about the nature and composition of products.

(e)  The right to redress, and to reject unsatisfactory product offerings.

(f)  The right to education regarding product usage.

(g)  The right to the satisfaction of basic needs through access to essential goods and services, including food, clothing, healthcare, education, and sanitation. And

(h)  The right to a healthy environment—that is, an environment in which one can live and/or work without sacrificing one’s wellbeing, or the wellbeing of future generations.

More­over, it is essential for local and national govern­ments to enact strict product liability laws designed to place a legal obliga­tion on suppliers of products to com­pensate buyers of their prod­ucts who may suffer damages and/or injuries occasioned by such factors as poor design and inadequate or misleading information about the opera­tion or uses of the products involved.

Besides, there is an urgent need for govern­ments worldwide—par­ticularly in the developing world—to pass legislation designed to prevent teenage smoking, beer-drinking, and the like. Such legislation should include prohibition of violence and immorality—as well as adver­tisements of beer, ciga­rettes, and other related products—in the mass media and places which are easily accessible to minors.

This may, of course, sound overzealous, but as developed nations like the United States have found out, such legislation is essential in the initial stages of a country’s socioeconomic development to cir­cumvent the excessive cost of rehabilitating a society besieged by unprecedented moral decay, as well as ailments associated with alco­holism, drug abuse, and tobacco addiction.

With respect to tobacco products, for example, the following stringent measures taken in the late 1990s by the United States govern­ment to stem teenage smoking, among other health hazards, underscore the need for the kind of legislation being advocated in this regard (L. Gay, 1996:2A):

(a)  Those who are under 27 years of age need to prove their age with a photo ID when buyi­ng tobacco prod­ucts. It is illegal in all states to sell cigarettes to people who are under 18 years of age.

(b)  Vending-machine sales and self-service di­splays of cigarettes are permit­ted only in adult facilities where children are not al­lowed.

(c)  Ban on free samples and the sale of single ciga­rettes and packages with fewer than 20 ci­ga­rettes.

(d)  Prohibition of billboards within a radius of 1,000 feet of schools and play-grounds. Other ad­vertising re­stricted to black-and-white text only, includ­ing billboards, sign­boards, and in-store adver­tising. Adver­tising inside adult-only facili­ties may in­clude color and imagery.

(e)  Black-and-white, text-only adver­tising per­mitted in publica­tions read by 2 million teens or whose reader­ship is 15% youth.

(f)  Prohibition of sale and give-aways of pro­ducts such as caps and gym bags that carry brand names or logos of cigarettes or smoke­less tobacco prod­ucts. And

(g)  Prohibition of sponsorship of sporting or enter­tain­ment events by tobacco compa­nies un­less such sponsor­ships are under cor­porate names.

In the United Kingdom, government authorities, as A. Woods (1997:28A) has noted, pledged to ban cigarette advertising and bar the sponsorship of sporting activities by tobacco companies. Prime Minister Tony Blair’s Labor govern­ment (which was ushered into office in May 1997) has found it necessary to protect citizens from the potential harmful effects of tobacco products and is, therefore, committed to the repression of tobacco companies’ marketing efforts designed to promote the sales of their products.

The problem currently facing China in this regard should provide the impetus for similar kinds of governmental effort in developing nations—and all countries worldwide as a matter of fact—to forestall the devastating effects of smoking on the health of their citizens (E. Rosenthal and L. K. Altman, 1998:1A):

“Scientists have calculated the devastating toll of cigarette smoking in China and declared the country to be on the verge of a calamitous epidemic of smoking-related deaths that may kill one in three Chinese men. In a country where 70 percent of men smoke, there are now 2,000 smoking-related deaths a day … [and the] number will increase to 8,000 a day by the middle of the next century unless public-health measures are taken.”

At this juncture, it is perhaps also important to highlight the unique dangers of cigarette-smoking on women. A report by the former United States Surgeon General, Mr. David Satcher, in March 2001 has revealed star­tling statistics con­cerning death rates for lung cancer (in compari­son to death rates for breast cancer) among women who smoke ciga­rettes in the United States (L. Neergaard, 2001:2A & 44A):

“One woman dies from smoking every 3½ minutes. Yet women may not fully realize the threat: lung cancer caused by smoking is now the top female cancer kill­er, claiming 27,000 more women’s lives each year than breast cancer.”

According to the report, women who smoke face many other un­usual health risks, which include the following: menstrual irregulari­ties, ear­ly menopause, infertility, bone-thinning osteoporosis, arthritis, cer­vical cancer, and dangerous blood clots if they use birth control pills. For pregnant women, additional smoking-related dangers include low birth weight, stillbirths, miscarriages, and sudden infant death syndrome.

In the United Kingdom, researchers at St. John’s Institute of Der­matology in London have apparently established “why smokers’ faces are prematurely lined.” In a report published in The Lancet medical journal, the researchers have found evidence suggesting that smoking switches on a gene involved in destroying collagen—the stru­ctural protein that gives the skin its elasticity.

According to the Asso­ciated Press (2001:6A) the link between smoking and wrinkles had been known for years, but scientists had initially not established exactly how cigarettes aged the skin.

In passing, let us consider the appearance of what are referred to as e-cigarettes in the marketplace. The emergence of such products on the Chinese market in 2004 brought with it a new set of challenges for governments worldwide. In the United States, for example, Federal and State health authorities were prompted to start an investigation of the effects of the new forms or versions of smoking in September 2019 after an outbreak of a severe lung disease suspected to have been associated with such products.

To date, the safety and long-term effects of e-cigarettes and/or other vaping products on the health of consumers are still unknown. E-cigarettes—alternately referred to as “electronic cigarettes,” “e-cigs,” “vaporizer cigarettes,” “vape pens,” or “electronic nicotine delivery systems”—are battery-operated devices that emit doses of either vaporized nicotine or non-nicotine vapors or aerosols for users to inhale, the purpose of which is to provide a sensation similar to inhaling tobacco smoke but without the smoke, and which do not burn like regular cigarettes.

4.6   Protection of Employ­ees:

Employees, too, need keen and sustained protection by local and national governments. This calls for stringent pieces of legislation designed to compel employer-organizations to create a work environment that is free from unfair discrimina­tion, avoid­able occupational hazards, and, among other things, unneces­sary intrusion into the personal lives of employees.

In other words, the protection of employees from the vagaries of the work place should include prohibition of unfair employ­ment policies and practices, such as those which may be based on such factors as race, color, gender, reli­gious affilia­tion, and ethnic ex­trac­tion.

And, among other things, protection of employees also needs to include occupational safety and health regulations requiring employ­ers to tend to the following issues, among others:

(a)  Furnish employees with information regarding potential health hazards in the work place;

(b)  Pro­vide employees with safety proce­dures for handling and stor­ing hazardous materials and/or equipment;

(c)  Provide protective clothing and/or equip­ment to employees whose jobs expose them to potentially hazardous situations; and

(d)  Provide train­ing to employees regarding their obliga­tions, the obliga­tions of the employer, and any other important matters and guidelines concer­ning occupa­tional safety and health.

Besides, it is important to safeguard each and every employee’s right to privacy, particu­larly with respect to medi­cal records, income, and any other sensitive and personal matters which individuals would naturally expect employer-organizations to keep with strict confi­denti­ality.

5.   Concluding Notes

To reiterate, small and medium-sized business entities, like their large business counterparts, are operated in environ­ments in which govern­ments have a significant influence on the nature and scope of market, political, and social freedom. As such, no amount of ingenuity or business acumen among business operators can yield any better than marginal results unless the objec­tives, policies and activities of both national and local govern­ments provide an enabling environ­ment in which entrepreneurs can deliver social and economic values to society at reason­able costs and prices.

Failure by any given country’s municipal and national govern­ments to provide adequately for the conspicuous and potential needs of business enterprises can significantly undermine the ability of economic units to contrib­ute meaningful­ly to the process of socioeconomic develop­ment in the country.

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Disclaimer:   Much of the content of this article is excerpted and adapted from Kyambalesa, Henry, Entrepreneurship and Small Business Management in the 21st Century (LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, 2020), Sections 1.1, 1.3 and 1.7.

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Leadership legitimacy, democratic integrity in Africa: A critical reflection on Tanzania’s presidency

The recent statements by former Botswana President Ian Khama have thrown a stark spotlight on a troubling trend in African leadership: the erosion of democratic principles through questionable elections, repression of opposition, and the manipulation of power structures. Khama’s pointed critique of Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan as “illegitimate” resonates deeply with ongoing concerns about governance and legitimacy in the continent.

This critique is not merely an isolated opinion but reflects a broader crisis that demands urgent attention from regional bodies such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU), both of which have, regrettably, legitimized questionable leadership transitions that undermine Africa’s democratic aspirations.

Khama’s condemnation of Tanzania’s leadership is grounded in tangible realities.

The October 29 elections in Tanzania were marred by widespread allegations of rigging, suppression of dissent, and the arrest of opposition contenders who posed a genuine challenge to the ruling party.

These actions fundamentally violate the principles of free and fair elections, which are the cornerstone of democratic governance.

Yet, despite these glaring irregularities, SADC and the AU moved swiftly to recognize Samia Suluhu Hassan as Tanzania’s legitimately elected president.

This recognition is not only premature but also profoundly damaging to the credibility of these regional institutions, which are expected to champion democratic norms and protect the political rights of African citizens.

The circumstances surrounding Suluhu’s ascension to power further cast doubt on the legitimacy of her presidency.

Her inauguration, which took place in a military barracks rather than a public, ceremonial venue, is a stark departure from the democratic tradition of transparent and celebratory leadership transitions. Inaugurations are meant to be moments of national unity and public joy, symbolizing the people’s endorsement of their leader.

The absence of such a public celebration in Tanzania speaks volumes about the nature of the power transfer—one that smacks more of a coup d’état than a democratic election.

The choice of venue, coupled with the heavy-handed suppression of political opposition, paints a picture of a leader who has seized power through force and intimidation rather than winning the genuine mandate of the people.

Contrasting this with other African democracies highlights the troubling anomaly that Tanzania represents. Malawi’s recent presidential inauguration offers a compelling example of democratic process done right.

President Peter Mutharika’s swearing-in ceremony was held publicly at Kamuzu Stadium, attended by a massive crowd of citizens and notable figures, including former presidents, Bakili Muluzi and Joyce Banda.

The event was marked by both jubilation and respect, even as the crowd jeered the incumbent, underscoring a vibrant political culture where opposition voices are heard and acknowledged rather than silenced.

This atmosphere of political openness and mutual respect is what genuine democracy looks like in practice—leaders are held accountable, and the will of the people is visibly celebrated.

The contrast between Tanzania and Malawi underscores a critical point: the recognition of leadership legitimacy must go beyond mere procedural formalities to include the broader context of political freedom, transparency, and public endorsement.

By endorsing Suluhu’s presidency despite the evident irregularities and suppression, SADC and the AU risk becoming complicit in legitimizing authoritarian tendencies that threaten to derail Africa’s democratic progress.

Their role should be to uphold the integrity of electoral processes, not to rubber-stamp outcomes that emerge from questionable circumstances.

Furthermore, the issue is not confined to Tanzania alone. Khama’s critique extends to other leaders, such as Cameroon’s President Paul Biya, who recently extended his rule at the age of 92.

The pattern is clear: a disturbing number of African leaders cling to power well beyond their mandate, often through repressive means.

This entrenched leadership stifles political renewal, breeds corruption, and alienates citizens who yearn for genuine representation.

The consequence is a continent where governance is increasingly divorced from the will of the people, undermining development and stability.

It is imperative for regional bodies like SADC and the AU to take a firmer stance against these undemocratic practices.

Their credibility hinges on their ability to act as impartial arbiters of democracy and human rights.

Recognizing leaders who come to power through dubious means diminishes their authority and emboldens those who would circumvent democratic norms.

Instead, these organizations should demand transparency, ensure that opposition voices are protected, and support electoral reforms that foster genuine competition and citizen participation.

In supporting Ian Khama’s position, it is crucial to acknowledge the courage it takes for leaders and citizens alike to speak out against entrenched power structures.

African democracy is still a work in progress, but its foundation depends on the insistence that leadership must be earned through the consent of the governed, not seized through coercion or manipulation.

The people’s joy and participation during leadership transitions are not mere ceremonial niceties—they are the lifeblood of democracy.

Tanzania’s current political climate, characterized by suppressed opposition, a militarized inauguration, and a leadership recognized despite these undemocratic traits, exemplifies a worrying deviation from democratic ideals.

It is a distressing development that must be challenged openly and constructively by all stakeholders committed to Africa’s democratic future.

Ian Khama’s critique serves as a necessary wake-up call.

The recognition of Samia Suluhu Hassan by SADC and the AU as Tanzania’s president, given the context of her rise to power, represents a failure to uphold democratic principles.

The contrast with Malawi’s transparent and celebrated presidential inauguration highlights what true democratic practice can and should look like in Africa.

For the continent to move forward, regional bodies must recommit to their roles as guardians of democracy, refusing to endorse leaders who undermine the political freedoms and rights of their citizens.

Only then can Africa ensure that its leadership genuinely reflects the will and aspirations of its people.

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Ngwangwa bus catches fire on Thabwa-Fatima route near Blantyre

….Passengers escape safely as bus is engulfed in flames within minutes

BLANTYRE-(MaraviPost)-A Ngwangwa bus operating on the Thabwa-Fatima route via Blantyre caught fire on Monday, just 30 minutes after departure.

Eyewitnesses reported seeing smoke and flames rapidly engulfing the vehicle, causing panic among passengers.

Fortunately, all passengers on board were able to evacuate safely and no injuries have been reported so far.

The cause of the fire is not yet known, and authorities are expected to investigate whether it was due to a mechanical fault or other factors.

Local residents rushed to the scene to assist in ensuring that everyone got out of the burning bus unharmed.

The incident caused temporary disruption on the route as emergency responders and traffic authorities attended to the scene.

Ngwangwa Bus Services has not yet issued an official statement regarding the incident or potential compensation for affected passengers.

Passengers who witnessed the fire expressed shock but thanked the quick evacuation for preventing casualties.

Authorities have advised travelers to remain vigilant and follow safety protocols while boarding public transport.

Investigations are ongoing to determine the exact cause of the blaze and to prevent similar incidents in the future.

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Win A 2-Night Stay for Two At Radisson Collection Hotel, Waterfront Cape Town

Stand a chance to win a two-night stay for two at the Radisson Collection Hotel, Waterfront Cape Town, in a Junior Suite, including breakfast. 

Experience the exceptional at this five-star hotel, uniquely situated on the water’s edge, and close to the city centre and iconic attractions such as Table Mountain, Robben Island, and the Victoria & Alfred Waterfront. 

This five-star haven effortlessly blends art, design, and gastronomy. 

To enter, follow @lovecapetown and @radissoncollectionwaterfront, then complete and submit the online entry form below. Entries close at 5pm on Sunday, 30 November 2025. The winner will be announced on Monday, 1 December 2025, at 9 am. 

Terms and Conditions 

  • The prize includes accommodation in a Junior Suite for two people for two nights, including breakfast only.  All other meals and expenses are for your own account. 
  • Accommodation is subject to hotel availability, and the hotel reserves the right to suggest alternative date options in the event of high occupancy levels or peak demand periods. 
  • The prize is valid until October 2026. 
  • The prize is not transferable or exchangeable for cash. 

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