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The Ghana Education Service (GES) has issued a warning to teachers applying for promotion to disregard the demand for GHS210 from individuals claiming to be facilitators of the applications.

In a notice posted on Facebook, the GES stressed that the teacher promotion process is fair, transparent and entirely free of charge.

The Service said it has received reports that some individuals are requesting for money from promotion applicants under the pretence of helping them secure approval.

The GES, therefore, urged applicants not to make payments to individuals who claim they can facilitate or influence the outcome of the process.

‘Applicants are, therefore, advised to ignore any demands and refrain from making payments to individuals who claim they can facilitate or influence the promotion process,’ the Service stated.

It further directed teachers to follow only the official procedures and guidelines communicated by the Service in pursuing their promotion applications.

The Service’s advisory is intended to protect applicants from potential financial exploitation and reinforce the integrity of the promotion process.

Teachers have been urged to remain vigilant and avoid unofficial payment arrangements since no fee is required for promotion application.

STRATEGIC MARKETING and communications professional, Dennis Gawuga, has urged creatives in Kumasi to treat their craft as a business and position themselves to attract corporate support.

Speaking at the Kumasi Rising forum themed ‘Positioning The Creative Economy: Shaping Kumasi’s Future’ held at the KNUST Great Hall on Wednesday, October 21, 2026, Mr. Gawuga said brands invest in creatives based on value and alignment, not just talent.

‘It is business. It’s not just about being a creative,’ he said. Responding to a question on when businesses decide to support a creative enterprise, Mr. Gawuga explained that companies look at numbers, brand fit and return on investment.

He cited Shatta Wale’s recent concert, which was supported by MTN MoMo, as an example of a brand leveraging a creative platform that aligns with its objectives. ‘What value does the artiste bring to the business? Does it align with the business’s brand? Does it align with their business objectives? Those are things they would look at, even if it is under Corporate Social Responsibility,’ he added.

Touching on branding, he praised rapper Sarkodie’s submission at the forum, describing it as ‘very loaded’ and called for authenticity and consistency among Ghanaian creatives. ‘Beyond the talent, you need to be authentic to yourself. Sarkodie mentioned that Nigerians love their own; they love what they have and stick to it consistently. That’s one of the facets of branding – being consistent and true to yourself,’ he said.

He also lauded the Rapperholic concept and the broader Kumasi Rising initiative, saying such events drive the creative ecosystem and stimulate the local economy. Mr. Gawuga proposed the need for a unified brand identity for Kumasi that captures its creative potential.

‘How do we situate all of that into a unified brand that says one thing about Kumasi? Just like Malaysia says ‘Truly Asia’, what is it that makes Kumasi unique? That’s where all the other facets come together into a unifying statement,’ he added.

The Office of the Attorney General (AG) has filed an appeal at the Supreme Court (SC) challenging the decision of the Court of Appeal to temporarily halt the trial of former Chief Executive Officer of National Food Buffer Stock Company Limited (NAFCO), Hanan Abdul-Wahab Aludiba, and his wife, Faiza Seidu Wuni, pending the determination of an appeal against the trial court refusing to strike out the charges.

The Notice of Appeal signed by Deputy Attorney General, Dr. Justice Srem-Sai, says the Office is challenging the entire decision of the Court of Appeal delivered on October 19, 2026.

It is asking the apex court to overturn the decision of the Court of Appeal and order the trial court to proceed with the trial.

‘Take notice that the Prosecution/Respondent/Respondent/Appellat, being dissatisfied with a ruling of the Court of Appeal (Coram: J. Noble- Nkrumah, l. O. Marfo, and G. Buadi, JJ.A.), Accra, dated October 19, 2026, granting an interlocutory application for stay of proceedings pending appeal, hereby appeals to the Supreme Court on the grounds set out below and for the reliefs stated hereunder,’ the notice partly read.

The Notice of Appeal contends that the Court of Appeal erred in holding that the mere challenge against a charge sheet constitutes an exceptional ground upon which to stay proceedings in a criminal trial.

It also contends that the ruling of the Court of Appeal cannot be supported having regard to the record.

The AG further pointed out that additional grounds for appeal may be filed upon receipt of the certified ruling of the Court of Appeal.

Trial

Mr. Aludiba is standing trial with his wife, Faiza Seidu Wuni, for allegedly stealing and causing financial loss to the state totalling GHS62.6 million.

The Court of Appeal, on October 19, temporarily halted the trial of the couple pending the determination of an interlocutory appeal against the charges that initiated the trial.

This was after a three-member panel of the court granted an application for stay of proceedings filed by Godfred Yeboah Dame, lead counsel for Mr. Aludiba, challenging the decision of the High Court to dismiss a challenge against the charges.

Mr. Dame had challenged the charges filed by the Office of the Attorney General, contending that they are vague, ambiguous, duplicitous and renders a fair trial impossible, as well as violate his fundamental human rights as an accused person under the constitution.

The court, on July 23, dismissed Mr. Aludiba’s request to strike out the charge sheet for being ‘fatally defective.’

According to the court, apart from count 9 and 14 which it has directed the prosecution to amend, all the other 18 counts on the charge sheet provide enough details to inform the accused of the charges levelled against them.

On the issue of the prosecution charging the accused with the offence of stealing and defrauding by false pretences in respect of the same transaction, Justice Achibonga said there was nothing legally wrong with preferring both offences in distinct counts.

The court, however, acknowledged that there cannot be a conviction for the offences of defrauding by false pretences and stealing if they arise from the same facts.

Interlocutory Appeal

Mr. Dame subsequently filed an interlocutory appeal challenging the High Court’s decision and followed it up with an application for stay of proceedings pending appeal.

That application was dismissed by the trial court, thereby opening the door for the defence lawyer to file a repeat application at the Court of Appeal. The Office of the Attorney General opposed the application.

Moving the motion before the Court of Appeal last Monday, Mr. Dame argued that the issues raised are fundamental and hinge on the accused’s right to a fair trial, such that allowing the trial to continue will occasion substantial miscarriage of justice.

He further contended that a charge sheet invokes the court’s jurisdiction and must be prepared in accordance with the law.

‘We contend further that any defect which inhibits an accused person from knowing the particulars of the offence with which the accused is charged, and withholds material information about the offence, does not invoke the jurisdiction of the court,’ Mr. Dame, a former Attorney General, argued.

Again, he argued that it is unfair for the accused to be subjected to a trial for stealing over payments spread across such a broad period.

‘The facts say 86 transactions. Even if the Court considered this, there are more fundamental issues. There are no specificities. It is unfair for an accused to be subjected to such a trial,’ he added.

The three-member panel, Justices Noble Nkrumah (Presiding), Lydia Osei Marfo, and George Boadi, in a ruling, said the charge sheet carries the superstructure of the trial and a challenge to that must be dealt with.

‘We find the matters raised by the applicant to be exceptional and to warrant the grant of a stay. The application is granted,’ the court held.

The Ghana Mineworkers’ Union (GMWU) has accused the Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources of making false claims that it had extensively consulted the Union over government’s new directives on contract mining.

The Union says no consultation has taken place despite two months of appeals for dialogue.

In a statement issued on Wednesday and signed by the leadership of the GMWU of TUC-Ghana, the Union said it had sighted a press release from the Ministry dated October 21, 2026, captioned ‘Government Issues Further Policy Directive on Contract Mining,’ in which the Ministry claimed to have undertaken extensive consultation with the leadership of the Union.

‘The GMWU wishes to state, unequivocally, that this claim by the Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources in its press release of October 21, 2026 is factually inaccurate,’ the statement said.

According to the Union, it petitioned the Ministry on August 20, 2026 after publicly expressing disagreement with aspects of the Local Content Policy, particularly on contract mining, citing exploitation, abuse, casualisation of labour and erosion of worker protections.

The petition called on government to suspend the directive and initiate a ‘genuinely inclusive, transparent, and good-faith stakeholder engagement process that places workers at the centre.’

The Union said over two months on, and despite repeated reminders, no practical steps had been taken to meet with it.

‘It is therefore both misleading and unfortunate for the Ministry to suggest that extensive consultations have taken place when no such consultations had occurred as of the date of its press release. The Union consequently rejects this assertion and calls on the Ministry to correct the record,’ it stated.

The GMWU, which represents over 15,000 mineworkers, stressed that it is not opposed to responsible participation of Ghanaian businesses in the mining sector, but is opposed to any policy that ‘transfers wealth from workers to contractors, weakens social protection, undermines decent work and violates workers’ rights.’

‘Local content must create decent and sustainable jobs and provide opportunities for all Ghanaians. It cannot become a vehicle for exploitation to enrich a few contractors at the expense of the workers who risk and sweat day and night in the bowels of the earth to produce the wealth,’ the statement added.

The Union also raised concerns about recent media engagements involving the Minerals Commission and government on contract mining and conditions of service, reminding the Commission that worker-related issues fall within the framework of collective bargaining regulated by the Labour Act 2003 (Act 651).

‘The Ghana Mineworkers’ Union remains committed to working with other stakeholders to develop the industry and protect the interest of all stakeholders, including workers. Local content must promote national development while safeguarding workers’ rights, dignity, and livelihoods,’ the Union concluded.

Ghana has placed 92nd out of 133 countries in the 2026 Chandler Good Government Index (CGGI) and ninth in Africa.

In the 2024 CGGI, Ghana ranked 93 out of a total of 113 countries evaluated worldwide and 86 out of 89 countries in 2025.

The Chandler Good Government Index (CGGI) used seven foundational pillars, supported by more than 60 public global data sources for the index.

Which include Leadership and Foresight, Robust Laws and Policies, Strong Institutions, Financial, Attractive Marketplace, Global Influence and Reputation and Helping People Rise, Ghana’s results were supported by stronger performance in Financial Stewardship and Helping People Rise pillars.

This improvement comes against a backdrop of wider progress across Africa, which was the second-best-performing region for governance improvement in 2026.

These gains were large enough to lift Ghana’s overall score this year, even as Leadership and Foresight and Attractive Marketplace declined both this year and since 2021.

Across the continent, 71% of the African countries assessed in both 2025 and 2026 achieved higher overall scores. However, Africa remains the lowest-scoring region overall, highlighting the continued challenge of translating improvements in government capabilities into better outcomes for citizens.

Dinesh Naidu, Director (Knowledge) at Chandler Governance Group (CGG), on his part, said this year, Africa’s strongest gains came in Financial Stewardship, followed by Helping People Rise, the CGGI’s outcomes pillar.

‘This signals that stronger government capabilities are beginning to translate into tangible improvements in people’s lives, from access to quality education and healthcare to the public finances that fund them. The task now is to sustain that progress over the coming years,’ he said.

Now in its sixth edition, the CGGI assesses government capabilities and effectiveness across 133 countries, representing 94% of the world’s population, up from 120 countries in 2025. It measures 35 equally weighted indicators across seven pillars, providing governments a practical framework to benchmark performance, identify gaps, track progress over time and learn from peers facing similar constraints.

Globally, 61% of the 120 countries assessed in both 2025 and 2026 recorded higher scores, representing the highest annual share of countries improving since the Index launched in 2021. However, longer-term progress has been less consistent, with only 43% of the 104 countries tracked since 2021 recording an overall improvement.

Across Africa, average scores improved in six of the seven CGGI pillars over the past year. Despite these gains, the scale of the challenge remains clear. Africa’s regional average is still below its 2021 level, 23 of the 35 African countries in the 2026 Index rank outside the global top 100, and none ranks among the top 50. Seven African countries joined the Index this year: Chad, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Gambia, Guinea, Lesotho, Liberia and Togo.

Dinesh Naidu indicated that rankings provide a useful starting point, but the broader value of the CGGI lies in helping governments understand where they are making progress and where further work is needed.

‘Every country faces its own governance challenges and has different priorities. Governments that are willing to take stock of the evidence and learn from peers to strengthen their institutions are well placed to achieve real improvements,’ he added.

Ghana’s total petroleum revenue increased by 52% to $561.41 million in the first half of 2026, up from US$370.34 million recorded in the same period in 2025 as a result of higher achieved crude oil prices during the period and a corresponding 37% increase in Corporate Income Tax collections.

Highlights of the 2026 Semi-Annual Report of the Public Interest and Accountability Committee (PIAC) indicates that the increase in revenue was accompanied by an 11.73 per cent rise in crude oil production to 20.58 million barrels, from 18.42 million barrels in the first half of 2025, driven mainly by increased output from the Jubilee and SGN fields.

‘Total petroleum receipts for the period increased by 52 percent, from US$370,343,681.17 in H1 2025 to US$561,408,307.36 in H1 2026, driven mainly by significantly higher achieved crude oil prices during the period and a corresponding 37 percent increase in Corporate Income Tax collections,’ he said.

‘For period-by-period comparison, crude oil production increased by 11.73 percent, from 18,415,410.74 bbls in H1 2025 to 20,575,376.56 bbls in H1 2026, primarily due to increased output in the Jubilee and SGN fields,’ it stated.

PIAC cautioned that the increase in petroleum receipts was driven largely by higher crude oil prices rather than significant growth in production, urging the government to treat the additional revenue as volatile.

Speaking at the pre-launch media briefing on the 2026 Semi-Annual Report on the management and use of the country’s petroleum revenues, PIAC Chair, Richard Ellimah stated that the rise in receipts was attributable mainly to higher achieved crude oil prices during the period, alongside a 37% increase in Corporate Income Tax collections.

The committee further recommended that any petroleum revenue exceeding the benchmark revenue should continue to be transferred promptly to the Ghana Petroleum Funds in accordance with the Petroleum Revenue Management Act, 2011 (Act 815).

The report also said despite improvement in crude oil production, government should strengthen efforts to attract investment into existing producing fields and explore new petroleum basins though it acknowledged government’s efforts to attract investors, including recent memorandum of understanding with Shell and Chevron.

The 15th Semi-Annual Report and 30th statutory report by PIAC urged the government, through the Petroleum Commission, to develop measures to boost investment in existing producing fields, particularly the Tweneboa-Enyenra-Ntomme (TEN) field, where production has underperformed initial projections.

The report also highlighted persistent challenges in the recovery of surface rental payments owed by petroleum operators stating that surface rental arrears stood at approximately US$2.41 million at the end of the first half of 2026.

There are moments when a country must pause and ask itself difficult questions. Not because the answers are comfortable, but because refusing to ask them may expose something deeply troubling about our values, our institutions and the people entrusted with public leadership.

The allegations involving the headmaster of Obuasi Senior High Technical School in the Ashanti Region present one such moment.

Reports of alleged sexual abuse involving female students have raised disturbing questions about the safety of children in our schools, the responsiveness of our institutions and the relationship between political influence and public accountability. The investigative documentary by JoyNews and journalist Manasseh Azure Awuni has brought the matter into national focus, reporting allegations involving multiple students and raising questions about complaints said to have been made long before the recent public outcry.

The allegations are grave. But what troubles me almost as much as the allegations themselves is the reported delay in responding to concerns, the apparent difficulty some complainants faced in securing action, and the political controversy that followed when the accused sought a higher position within his party.

Let me state clearly: the headmaster is entitled to the presumption of innocence. Allegations are not convictions, and no individual should be declared guilty merely because a media investigation has generated public anger. He must have the opportunity to answer the allegations, and the police and courts must follow due process.

But the presumption of innocence must not become an excuse for institutional inaction. There is a fundamental difference between declaring a person guilty before trial and taking reasonable steps to protect potentially vulnerable students while credible allegations are investigated.

Fairness to the accused and protection for the complainants are not competing principles. A responsible system must deliver both.

The Question Is Not Only What Happened, but Who Knew?

One of the most important questions emerging from this case is straightforward: who knew what, when, and what did they do about it?

According to JoyNews’ investigation, complaints and petitions from students, parents and teachers had reportedly reached school management, education officials and other authorities before the matter received widespread public attention. The reports raise serious questions about whether those concerns were adequately escalated and investigated

If these accounts are substantiated, we must ask why the system did not respond with the urgency that the protection of children demands.

Why should students and their families have to wait for a journalist to investigate and publicise their concerns before the relevant institutions demonstrate visible urgency?

Why should teachers who reportedly raised concerns find themselves facing questions about their own treatment and professional circumstances, rather than receiving clear assurances that their complaints would be investigated fairly? The National Association of Graduate Teachers has alleged that 38 teachers were asked to leave the school after speaking against the headmaster. That allegation also requires independent examination.

And why did the matter become a national controversy before the public could see a clear, coordinated response from the institutions responsible for education, policing and child protection?

These are not questions that should be dismissed as political attacks. They are questions of institutional responsibility.

When an allegation of serious misconduct is reported, the first duty of the relevant authorities is not to protect an institution’s reputation, preserve political convenience or avoid embarrassment. It is to establish the facts, protect those potentially at risk, preserve evidence and ensure that the process is not compromised.

An institution that waits for public outrage before acting has a serious problem, even if its eventual response is appropriate.

When Political Loyalty Becomes a Moral Blindfold

The headmaster has been reported to hold a constituency executive position within the governing National Democratic Congress (NDC) and to have sought a higher party office. The party initially decided to allow him to remain in the contest, citing considerations including the presumption of innocence, before reversing its position amid growing public concern.

This sequence raises a broader question about political leadership: when does loyalty to a political organisation begin to compete with loyalty to the values that organisation claims to represent?

Political parties are important institutions in a democracy. They organise citizens, develop policies, recruit leaders and provide platforms for public participation. But a political party is not a moral authority whose decisions automatically determine what is right or wrong.

Unfortunately, partisan loyalty can distort judgement. When the person at the centre of a controversy belongs to our party, we may demand patience, insist on context, question the motives of those raising concerns and emphasise the individual’s rights. When the same allegations involve someone from an opposing party, we may be quicker to condemn, demand arrests and pronounce judgement.

The facts may be similar, but our standards change with the colours we wear.

This is not political loyalty. It is moral inconsistency.

The real test of a political party’s commitment to justice is not how it treats an opponent accused of wrongdoing. It is how it responds when the person facing allegations is one of its own: a financier, organiser, constituency executive, ministerial ally or someone whose political future matters to influential members.

A party that speaks passionately about accountability when in opposition but becomes cautious when accountability threatens its own interests has not demonstrated principled leadership. It has demonstrated the limits of its principles.

The NDC’s eventual reversal was an important development. But the public is entitled to ask why the initial decision was made and what changed. Was there a clear and consistently applied standard? Did the party adequately consider the seriousness of the allegations and the need to protect confidence in its own leadership? Or did it take public pressure to make the implications impossible to ignore?

Those questions deserve honest answers, not partisan defensiveness.

Presumption of Innocence Is Not Presumption of Inaction

I am particularly concerned about the tendency to invoke the presumption of innocence as though it settles every question arising from a serious allegation.

It does not.

The presumption of innocence protects an accused person from being treated as guilty without proof. It does not prevent the police from investigating a complaint, education authorities from initiating an administrative inquiry, or an employer from taking proportionate precautionary measures where necessary to protect students and preserve the integrity of an investigation.

Indeed, the Education Minister eventually directed the headmaster’s suspension and referred the matter to the Criminal Investigations Department. The Ghana Education Service also interdicted him, while the police pursued the criminal investigation. These steps are important, but they raise an uncomfortable question: why did decisive institutional action become so visible only after the matter received substantial public attention

The accused must be treated fairly. The students must also be treated fairly. They should not have to prove a criminal case themselves before their concerns are taken seriously enough to warrant investigation and appropriate protection.

A functioning institution does not have to choose between protecting a complainant and respecting the rights of an accused person. It establishes procedures that do both.

Veteran musician and Rastafari activist, Trevor Hall aka Elder Jabulani Tafari, has called on African governments to view Africans in the diaspora as returnees and not as immigrants who have to go through all the rigours of immigration.

Elder Jabulani made the call at the 6th Rastafari Continental Summit and 7th All Africa Rastafari Gathering held in Lagos, Nigeria, from October 13 to 17, which was under the theme, ‘African Unity: Myth or Reality? How to Build a Truly United Africa.’

He noted that the current posture of African governments treating them like immigrants instead of returnees to the motherland is a contradiction to the call by President John Dramani for reparations for the ills of the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

A keynote speaker at the summit, A.J Dagatola, who is an educationist and activist, traced the earliest attempts at African Unity to centuries before colonialism and referred to the various attempts that preceded the Pan African Conference of 1947, which is perceived as the precursor of African Unity.

In their presentations, both Ras Amiola Gaa, the representative of the United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and veteran reggae musician, King Brownman, both asserted that African Unity is a reality which, however, required a lot of work to give it meaning.

The acting General Secretary and Spokesman of the RCC, Myke Pam, on his part, stressed that African Unity is a living reality and the occurrence of the summit is an indication of African Unity. He also indicated that the Livity Awards is to celebrate persons who have contributed to the development of Rastafari and reggae in Nigeria.

The Chairman of the RCC, Ahuma Bosco Ocansey, applauded the organisers for hosting the event despite seemingly unsurmountable obstacles, and added his voice to the assertion that African Unity is a reality, citing the event as evidence of the unity.

The summit and gathering brought together Rastafari brethren for five days during which various speakers presented papers. As part of activities marking the event, a trade bazaar and the recording of special musical anthems took place.

Justice has been delayed for the girl who, in the company of her father, lodged a complaint at the Obuasi Police Station about a sexual assault by her headmaster.

It has been three months since the incident occurred and same reported to the police for the necessary action.

It is instructive that telltale evidences were presented at the time of the complaint to the police.

A statement now in the public domain alludes to the fact that a docket on the subject matter has been deposited with the Attorney General’s (AG) Department for advice.

The advice has been long in coming, and we wonder when it would.

We would rather this matter is disposed of quickly to obviate the embarrassing developments which continue to pop up with each passing day.

The emerging discrepancies are not convincing and make it look like out of desperation somebody or a group of people are intent on insulting our intelligence.

While the Interior Minister’s claim is that the suspect has been arrested in tandem with procedure, a statement from Obuasi stated otherwise. Under the circumstances, we are left befuddled and left with no option than to speculate or even draw our individual conclusions on the matter.

This situation would have been avoided had things followed their normal acceptable paths without tendentious manoeuvres.

The abused girls demand justice and now, because the more this is delayed, the further we depart from getting a fair adjudication.

Our hearts bleed for the abused and perhaps defiled girls who, in the quest for education, found themselves in the situation they did.

It would be almost impossible to get all the affected girls to come forward and assist law enforcement personnel in their investigations. We have learnt that most of the girls could possibly turn down police invitations, fearing for their images or even lives.

If a holistic investigation is to be undertaken in the subject on our plates, the previous schools where the suspect served must be included.

Before then, whatever happened to the already concluded one awaiting the AG’s advice?

Nobody is asking that the suspect be guillotined even before investigations are undertaken, the narrative some are putting out on the public domain seeming to suggest.

Procedural blemishes and undue delay when they occur, as in the case under review, prompt speculations which are anything but positive.

Were the girls abused or not? Were petitions presented? There are sufficient evidence to prove so, and so what is needed now is action. Although justice has been delayed since the occurrences, especially the one aforementioned, we cannot fold our arms as a society as the abused girls are denied justice.

It is not about the Interior Minister vouching for somebody’s quality, but ensuring that the right things are done.

The Alamein Quadrilateral Consultative Summit

The Joint Alamein Declaration was issued following the quadrilateral summit held among Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea, and Somalia in the New Alamein City on October 4, 2026.

The summit was attended by Egyptian President, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Eritrean President, Isaias Afwerki, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and Sudan’s Chairman of the Transitional Sovereignty Council, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan.

The declaration addressed issues relating to national sovereignty, the war in Sudan, Somalia’s unity, Red Sea security, the dispute over Nile waters, and the enhancement of economic cooperation and regional coordination.

Executive Summary of the Main Provisions of the Alamein Declaration:

The Alamein Declaration establishes a common political framework among the four countries around three interconnected issues: protecting national states from fragmentation and external interference, affirming the role of littoral states in managing Red Sea security, and coordinating positions on Nile waters.

National Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity: Emphasizing respect for the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of regional states; rejecting interference in their internal affairs; supporting national institutions; and encouraging political and peaceful solutions to conflicts.

Sudan: Supporting Sudan’s unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national institutions; rejecting the establishment of parallel entities; encouraging the resumption of a political process under Sudanese ownership and leadership; and categorically rejecting any support for mercenaries.

Somalia: Affirming the unity and sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia; rejecting any interference that undermines its territorial integrity; rejecting recognition of, or support for, the entity known as ‘Somaliland’; and supporting efforts to combat terrorism and strengthen Somali state institutions.

4. The Red Sea and Maritime Corridors: Emphasising freedom of navigation and affirming that governance of the Red Sea is the exclusive responsibility of the states bordering it, while highlighting the importance of maritime security in the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

5. Nile Waters and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD): Emphasising respect for international law governing transboundary rivers, the principle of no significant harm, prior notification, consultation, and consensus, while rejecting unilateral measures that harm the existing water uses of the downstream countries, Egypt and Sudan.

6. Cooperation and Follow-up Mechanisms: Strengthening political, commercial, economic, and cultural relations; developing regional connectivity in infrastructure, energy, and trade; and establishing a mechanism to follow up on the summit’s outcomes through regular meetings and additional meetings as needed.

The Full Alamein Declaration

The Joint Alamein Declaration, issued following the quadrilateral summit bringing together Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea, and Somalia, represents an important milestone in regional coordination on the political and security challenges facing the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

The declaration reaffirmed a set of fundamental principles, foremost among them respect for state sovereignty and territorial integrity, rejection of interference in internal affairs, support for national institutions, and recourse to political and peaceful solutions in addressing conflicts.

The significance of the declaration lies in both its timing and its substance, as the region faces increasing interconnections between internal crises and regional competition over ports, maritime corridors, and strategic resources. In this context, the quadrilateral consensus reflects a shared recognition that regional stability requires respect for state sovereignty, stronger cooperation among neighboring countries, and avoidance of measures that could exacerbate conflicts or undermine mutual trust.

Sudan and the Unity of the State

The declaration is particularly significant for Sudan, as it reaffirms support for the country’s unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national institutions, rejects the establishment of parallel entities, and categorically rejects any support for mercenaries.

It also emphasises the need to resume a political process under Sudanese ownership and leadership, underscoring that resolving the Sudanese crisis should be based on respect for national will and the preservation of state institutions, while supporting political and peaceful efforts aimed at ending the conflict.

This common position represents a diplomatic asset for Sudan, strengthening prospects for broader regional understanding on the need to preserve the nation-state.

It also underscores that achieving sustainable peace is linked to ending external interference, cutting off support to armed insurgents, and supporting solutions that take into account the specific circumstances of the Sudanese situation.

Somalia and State Sovereignty

Regarding Somalia, the declaration reaffirmed support for the unity and sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia and rejected any recognition of or support for the entity known as ‘Somaliland’ that would undermine Somalia’s territorial integrity. It also called for support for counterterrorism efforts and the strengthening of Somali national institutions.

This position reflects the four countries’ commitment to the principle of territorial integrity and highlights the need to address issues related to ports and access to the sea through arrangements that respect state sovereignty and international law.

The Red Sea and Nile Waters

On maritime affairs, the declaration emphasised freedom of navigation and affirmed that governance of the Red Sea is the exclusive responsibility of the states bordering it.

This underscores the importance of strengthening consultations among these countries on maritime security and the protection of shared interests, while taking into account the international rules governing navigation and trade.

Regarding Nile waters, the leaders emphasised respect for international law governing Transboundary Rivers, the principle of no harm, prior notification, consultation, and consensus, while rejecting unilateral measures that harm the existing water uses of Egypt and Sudan. This highlights the importance of cooperation and mutual understanding in managing water resources, as fundamental pillars of water security and regional stability.

From Political Consensus to Joint Action

The true value of the Alamein Declaration lies not only in the positions it articulates but also in the ability to translate them into practical mechanisms for coordination and cooperation.

In this regard, the proposed establishment of a mechanism to follow up on the summit’s outcomes is particularly important, alongside efforts to strengthen cooperation in trade, energy, infrastructure, and regional connectivity.

Ultimately, the Alamein Declaration provides a political foundation for enhancing consultations among the four countries on issues of sovereignty, security, and development. It also creates opportunities for a more coordinated regional approach to shared challenges.

The success of this initiative, however, will depend on sustained dialogue, adherence to the declared principles, and the transformation of political consensus into practical initiatives that support regional stability and safeguard the interests of the region’s peoples.

Challenges Facing the Alamein Declaration

Despite the positive aspects highlighted in the declaration, the Alamein Summit faces several challenges. These include the difficulty of translating political consensus into concrete diplomatic action, continued regional competition and disagreements over ports, as well as divergent interests and the involvement of multiple regional and international actors.

Disagreements over the rules governing the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) also represent a challenge to achieving regional consensus. Another key concern is ensuring sustained follow-up and the implementation of the summit’s outcomes.

Accordingly, the summit’s strategic effectiveness will depend on the four countries’ ability to move beyond a declaration of principles toward specific action programmes, establish cooperation priorities, and strengthen regular consultations on regional crises. These efforts are essential to transforming political understandings into practical, implementable measures.